Pearse Doherty
Donegal · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1 to Seanad recommendation No. 2: To delete from the row dated "1 September 2026" down to and including the row dated "1 May 2030" and substitute the following: " 15 July 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.00 €210.45 €172.14 €167.25 €79.17 €11.48 14 October 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.…”
“Next week, this House will rise, the doors of Leinster House will be locked and Ministers will head off on their summer holidays. Their parting gift to ordinary Irish people across the State will be to have locked in fuel price increases that will hit them in their pockets.”
“That is not acceptable and it is why we in Sinn Féin have tabled this amendment to say that these price increases should not be going ahead and that prices should be properly monitored at the appropriate time.”
“This is tied to the latter amendment and I will speak further at length on that. Recommendation No. 1 deals with the diesel rebate scheme, which operates within a window that closes on 1 October.”
“Hope is what we rely on when we have no control. It is not a substitute for prudent economic planning. There is zero certainty here. There are no guarantees that the Strait of Hormuz will remain open or that global supply lines will not be choked tomorrow morning.”
“As if that were not good enough, the Government is not just hitting people with increases on petrol and diesel. On top of that, it is going to hit them with an increase in the cost of home heating oil, natural gas and a basic bag of coal.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,554 lines we hold for Pearse Doherty, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 1 of 32.
“I am saying this very clearly because I would not be able to go back to my constituency in Donegal, hold my head up, talk to people who elected me to have their backs, be their voice and stand up for them and say that I voted to increase the price of diesel by 34 cent. It will not happen in Sinn Féin's name. I will press the amendment because there is an alternative and I ask Deputies across the House to support the amendment and, more important, to support hard-working people across the State.”
“There was also a fear among the Government of the risen people and of people taking to the streets again and saying, "We are having none of it, because this is a Government that doesn't understand the pressure we're under." The Government was trying to put into law, in black and white, an increase of 34 cent. The Government actually passed that in this House, with the support, unfortunately, of some of the Opposition parties. That does not take away, however, from what is in this Bill, because all the Government has done is kick the can down the road. Thirty-four cent is still going to go onto the price of diesel. It will just happen in different stages and it will be fully on the price of diesel by 1 December.”
“I will press the amendment. To be clear, because the Minister of State would like us to forget what happened, this is the Bill coming back from the Seanad. In case people do not know what has happened here, this Bill has already passed through the Dáil. It is very unusual when a Bill has to come back into the Dáil after it has been passed. The reason is that the Government has had to change what it was trying to put into law, which was the 34 cent increase in August. It had to change that because of the pressure we in Sinn Féin applied. The Minister of State can shake his head all he wants.”
“I have told them I will bring their voice into the Dáil. If they had the chance to stand here, they would be saying that they have faced serious pressure over the past number of years and they need support at this time. They do not need the Government deciding to put up the price of diesel by 34 cent between now and 1 December. It is scandalous, to tell the God's honest truth, and it should be stopped.”
“That is not acceptable and it is why we in Sinn Féin have tabled this amendment to say that these price increases should not be going ahead and that prices should be properly monitored at the appropriate time. We must release the pressure on ordinary families throughout the State, not, as provided for in this legislation, increase the price of diesel on 1 September, 1 October, 14 October, 1 November and again on 1 December. That is a wallop to people right across the State who are asking the Government to lift the pressure and burden on them on so many fronts. What they do not need is increase after increase but that is exactly what is set out in the Bill. I urge Members to support the Sinn Féin amendment because it represents what ordinary people throughout the country have been telling me they need.”
“I urge the Minister of State, even at this late stage, to talk to his colleagues and reconsider their approach of increasing fuel costs. We cannot control what happens in the Gulf or in the United States but we can control what we do right here and now in this Chamber. We can control the level of taxation we place on petrol and diesel. The Minister of State can do the right thing here. He can use the levers of taxation to release the pressure and burden on ordinary people across the State. People are stressed out and under serious pressure. Let there be no doubt that under the current prices, and remembering that the barrel is now getting dearer, we will see people being forced to pay well over €2 for a litre of diesel.”
“As if that were not good enough, the Government is not just hitting people with increases on petrol and diesel. On top of that, it is going to hit them with an increase in the cost of home heating oil, natural gas and a basic bag of coal. That increase will kick in in October, right when the days are getting shorter and the nights colder and right when families are forced to turn back on the heating. As I have said in the House numerous times, the carbon tax is regressive. In 2022, the Economic and Social Research Institute, ESRI, stated that it is well know that the tax is regressive. Research by the University of Galway found that carbon taxes are "regressive in all countries", with the only question being how regressive they are.”
“Next week, this House will rise, the doors of Leinster House will be locked and Ministers will head off on their summer holidays. Their parting gift to ordinary Irish people across the State will be to have locked in fuel price increases that will hit them in their pockets. By Christmas, they will see the price of diesel increase by 34 cent and the price of petrol increase by a staggering 29 cent. That is what the Government is asking us to vote for today. We need to think about what it actually means for people in real life, including people in my constituency of Donegal, people in Mayo and people in rural communities right across the State who have no access to public transport and no alternative but to get in their car to go to work, drop their kids to school or visit a neighbour or elderly relative.”
“Instead, the Government has taken the reckless decision to lock in price increases that will kick in automatically when the Dáil is not even sitting. I simply do not understand or comprehend how the Government thinks it is appropriate or fair to legislate for a hike in the price of petrol and diesel that will come into effect on 1 September. The Minister has tried to comfort us in the past by stressing that everything will be kept under review. We need to cut through that spin. The reality is that this legislation, in effect, commits the State to price increases without a single shred of visibility as to where fuel prices will be in the future. Let us look at the timeline because the optics and the reality is damning.”
“Hope is what we rely on when we have no control. It is not a substitute for prudent economic planning. There is zero certainty here. There are no guarantees that the Strait of Hormuz will remain open or that global supply lines will not be choked tomorrow morning. That constant looming threat of conflict is a direct risk in terms of energy prices rising again. The price of a barrel of oil has risen sharply only in the past few hours. That is precisely why Sinn Féin has consistently and repeatedly called for the excise duty on petrol and diesel to be kept exactly where it is. It needs to be held at the current level until it can be properly reviewed as part of the normal budget process in October. That is the only prudent and sensible thing to do.”
“I move amendment No. 1 to Seanad recommendation No. 2: To delete from the row dated "1 September 2026" down to and including the row dated "1 May 2030" and substitute the following: " 15 July 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.00 €210.45 €172.14 €167.25 €79.17 €11.48 14 October 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.00 €210.45 €172.14 €167.25 €79.17 €11.48 " If we needed a reminder of just how volatile, fragile and utterly unpredictable the situation in the Gulf remains, we were handed that stark reminder today with the news that Donald Trump has declared the ceasefire deal with Iran over and has launched fresh attacks. Everyone in this Chamber and everyone across the country hopes against hope that some semblance of a ceasefire can be maintained but we must be honest with ourselves. Hope is not a strategy.”
“2, the excise duty that will be placed on petrol and diesel and whether that would be appropriate, given the pressures the Government's decision would put on ordinary workers and families across the State.”
“This is tied to the latter amendment and I will speak further at length on that. Recommendation No. 1 deals with the diesel rebate scheme, which operates within a window that closes on 1 October. That is the wrong decision and it should be extended beyond the budget to allow for a proper review of the cost of fuel during budget time in order to identify the appropriate window for the operation of the scheme. To decide to close it on 1 October is the wrong decision. The amendment seeks to remove the date of 1 October which leaves the scheme open ended, with the intention that it would be reviewed at the time of the budget, which is the following week, with a decision taken broadly not just on the diesel rebate scheme but also, as we will see in recommendation No.”
“I move amendment No. 1 to Recommendation No. 1: To delete the text of subsection (2) and substitute the following: “(2) Section 99A of the Finance Act 1999 is further amended, with effect as on and from 1 July 2026, by the substitution of the following subsection for subsection (3): “(3) Where— (a) gas oil has been purchased on or after 1 January 2020 and before 1 January 2026, subject to a maximum repayment rate of €75.00 per 1,000 litres, the amount to be repaid per 1,000 litres of gas oil under subsection (2) is determined— (i) when P is less than or equal to €1,070, by the formula— A = (P - 1,000) x 0.3, or (ii) when P is greater than €1,070, by the formula— A = 21 + [(P - 1,070) x 0.6], or (b) gas oil has been purchased on or after 1 January 2026, subject to a maximum repayment rate of €120.00 per 1,000 litres, the amount to be repaid per 1,000 litres of gas oil under subsection (2) is determined— (i) when P is less than or equal to €1,070, by the formula— A = (P - 1,000) x 0.3, (ii) when P is greater than €1,070 and less than or equal to €1,150, by the formula— A = 21 + [(P - 1,070) x 0.675], or (iii) when P is greater than €1,150, by the formula— A is the amount to be repaid per 1,000 litres, and P is an estimate of the average price (exclusive of value-added tax) in euro per 1,000 litres of gas oil purchased by qualifying road transport operators during the repayment period, as determined in accordance with subsection (4).”.”.”
“This is about building the future of our country; a future better than the past, a future founded on unity, reconciliation, equality and respect. It would be a future that embraces our unionist fellow countrymen and women because a united Ireland belongs to everyone who shares this island. History, a chairde, has brought us to this point. The future now calls on us to lead. Others may choose to stand still; we choose to prepare with confidence, ambition and hope. Let us begin together the work of building a truly equal, free and united Ireland - a real republic worthy of its name - because it is up to us in this House to finish the job.”
“For generations, countless Irish men and Irish women dedicated their lives to the cause of Irish freedom and unity. Many endured prison, hardship and loss. Many made the ultimate sacrifice. The responsibility entrusted on this generation is different. We are not being asked to win the opportunity to shape Ireland's future. That opportunity has already been secured through the Good Friday Agreement. Our duty is to prepare for it with wisdom, confidence and respect. What an opportunity lies before us; an Ireland where every identity is respected, every citizen is valued equally and every community has its place. It would be an Ireland that unlocks the full potential of our economy, our people and our shared future.”
“There are moments in the life of every nation when history presents a choice. Ours is the Irish generation that is living through one of those moments. For the first time in a century, the prospect of Irish unity is no longer a distant aspiration. It is a real, democratic possibility. The question before us today is not whether that day will come but it is whether we will prepare for it. Planning is the duty of every government - to plan and to explore the opportunities unity brings in areas such as healthcare, education, public services, the economy and much more. A failure to plan is a failure of leadership. Sinn Féin's Bill calls on us to prepare, to begin that work now and to ensure that when the moment comes and people go to cast their votes in a unity referendum, they will do so with confidence, knowledge and hope.”
“As the Minister of State with responsibility for this area, I ask the Minister of State to look beyond the sheets of paper that were written for him and do not allow the post office in Anagaire in his constituency to close down. There is a solution. It means making sure a small proportion of this additional funding can be provided in core support to make sure rural and Gaeltacht post offices are viable into the future.”
“The challenge is that when somebody looks at the books in a rural, Gaeltacht community to see if it is a viable opportunity, in many cases, unfortunately, the answer they come up with is "No". We have seen this script rolled out time and again. We have seen the post offices in Bun na Leaca, Mín Lárach, Gortahork, Dún Lúiche and An Bun Beg close in recent years. We cannot allow the same thing to happen in Anagaire. Over 200 transactions go through that post office every single day and 60 businesses depend on its services. If the Minister of State is to put substance behind the words he has delivered in the Dáil today, he needs to intervene and make sure there is appropriate support to allow for rural and Gaeltacht post offices to continue and thrive in the future and to adapt to the changes that are happening all around us.”
“While we welcome the Bill, many people in my community and the Minister of State's constituency in Donegal will hear his words and say they ring hollow. He talked about how this investment will sustain the post office network across the State and, in particular, support rural and Gaeltacht post offices. At the same time, however, as he knows, in the community of Anagaire locals have come together to fight to try to save their local post office. As the Minister of State speaks in this House about securing the future, that post office is about to close down within days as the postmistress will retire on 31 July with nobody to take her position. At the core of this, as Deputy Byrne made clear, is that postmasters and postmistresses are being paid per transaction and are not being paid a salary.”
“For months, the Government has tried to present abolishing the triple lock as a reasonable and necessary change. Yesterday, however, the Taoiseach made the implications of that decision crystal clear. He argued that Ireland must be free to participate in EU military missions without a United Nations mandate. That marks a profound shift in Irish defence and foreign policy. It weakens one of the key safeguards underpinning Ireland’s military neutrality. As the Government today rolls out the red carpet for Ursula von der Leyen amid the EU’s increasing militarisation, those safeguards matter now more than ever. Why is the Government so determined to remove one of the fundamental protections of Irish neutrality? Why should the Irish people accept that abandoning the UN safeguard is in Ireland’s national interest?”
“The NTA was very clear that there will be no new bus services, no new rail services and no new rural services this year and, yes, the €50 million could have funded some of that. The NTA representatives were very clear about that yesterday at the committee. I will again ask the Tánaiste some specific questions. Why is the taxpayer on the hook for €100,000 every week for a project that is not going anywhere? Does he accept that Irish Rail has asked the Government to end the contract? When will the Government ensure that this type of wasting of public money will no longer happen? Crucially, as everybody asks me, who will be held accountable for this? It is not good enough for the Tánaiste to come in, shrug his shoulders and just brush off €50 million of taxpayers' money being wasted, along with another €100,000 every single week.”
“This project is not just delayed. Does the Tánaiste not know what is going on here? A sum of €50 million has been written down in the accounts. Irish Rail has formally recommended ending the contract. It has been saying that since last year. It has no confidence that the project can be delivered. This is not just a project that will be delivered in a couple of months' time. The problem is that along with the €50 million that has been written down in terms of the accounts, €100,000 is being paid out on a weekly basis because a decision still has not been taken to end this contract. The NTA is telling us it will take months of engagement between it and the Department to make a recommendation. I say to the Tánaiste very clearly that this is taxpayers' money.”
“I will again ask the question again on behalf of the people who are frustrated about the continuation of waste. Fifty million euro is not a small amount of money. It has been completely written off. We are now told that €100,000 is being paid every week, with no indication as to when this will end. That is the definition of public waste. Who is going to be held responsible for this latest fiasco? Why are taxpayers still being forced to pay €100,000 every week while this drags on? What immediate steps is the Government going to take to stop further public money being poured into a project that has already become one of the most expensive failures in the history of our public transport system?”
“Surely the Minister should have been doing his job and should have intervened to try to find out what was going on. The Government has allowed this to continue. A year after Iarnród Eireann's request that the contract be terminated, over €50 million has been written off and taxpayers are still losing €100,000 every single week, and there is no end in sight. This is not simply about one failed contract. It is also about a culture of waste that is tolerated and an absence of accountability. Nobody in government ever appears to carry responsibility for the millions in public money that are squandered. I have lost count of the number of times I have stood here and asked what the Government is going to do to end the constant waste of public money.”
“While tens of millions of euros have been squandered on this failed project, commuters are being told that there is no funding to deliver new bus, rail or rural transport services this year. That is the cost of the Government's waste. Every euro squandered on failed projects is a euro that cannot be invested in better buses, better rail services and better public transport for people who rely on it every single day. We know from Iarnród Éireann's briefing papers that it asked for the contract relating to this project to be terminated a year ago. The company warned that it had lost confidence in the contractor's ability to deliver the project and recommended that the contract be terminated. The Department was told last October that there were risks relating to this project and that red flags had been raised.”
“The latest revelations surrounding the failed Irish Rail traffic management system are absolutely staggering. More than €50 million has already been blown and written off on a project that has failed safety testing, is more than two years behind schedule and, by any reasonable measure, has been a complete and utter failure. Incredibly, the waste does not end there. We now learn that taxpayers are footing a bill of €100,000 every single week while a decision is made on whether the contract relating to the project should be terminated. In addition, the Government is spending a further €200,000 simply to find out how this debacle happened in the first place. Members of the public are rightly asking when the waste of public money under the Government will stop.”
“Tá níos mó ná €50 milliún curtha amú cheana féin ar chóras bainistíochta tráchta Iarnród Éireann, córas a theip ar na tástálacha sábhála agus tá níos mó ná dhá bhliain taobh thiar de sceideal. Gan dabht, is teip iomlán é. Anois, tá sé foghlamtha againn go bhfuil na cáiníocóirí ag íoc suas le €100,000 i gcaitheamh le seachtain mar nach bhfuil cinneadh glactha ag an Rialtas ná an NTA ar cheart deireadh a chur leis an choradh seo ar fad. Anois air sin, tá an Rialtas ag caitheamh €200,000 eile le fiosrú cén dóigh a tharla an tubaiste seo ar an chéad dul síos. Beidh, agus tá, an pobal ag fiosrú cén uair a gcuirfear deireadh leis an chur amú ama agus cur amú airgead poiblí seo. Once again, the public is asking who is taking responsibility for the extraordinary waste of taxpayers' money that has become the hallmark of the Government.”
“It is absolutely reckless and bound by this notion that if we increase the price of diesel and petrol, if we make it so hard and so expensive for people just to get into their cars and drive up that road, they might all go and buy an electric car. People in my constituency do not have the €40,000 or €50,000 to buy new electric cars. The Government needs to get real here. This cannot go ahead.”
“A Government's responsibility at a time of pressure on its citizens is to lift the burden off them, not do what was decided yesterday at Cabinet, namely to place more burden on the shoulders of ordinary Irish people over the next four months when it will get away with it. It is simply wrong. The Government is kicking the can down the road but the end result is the same. The end result we are being asked to support here is a 34 cent increase in diesel, pushing the price of diesel well beyond €2 and the price of petrol up another 29 cent. The Government is not even finished at that because it plans to increase it again next year and in the years after that.”
“That is why Sinn Féin has tabled an amendment to the amendment to demand that the Government does not proceed with these increases at the scale and timeframe it has proposed. We do not have to be like this. Ireland does not have to be the country that has got the highest taxes on petrol and diesel across the European Union. Ireland does not have to be the country that charges the highest electricity costs across the European Union. Ireland does not need to be the country where we charge some of the highest rents in the European Union. A different type of Ireland is possible. It requires a Government that listens, understand and takes action to meet the needs of ordinary people.”
“Are they not talking to people in their own constituencies? Do they not hear the concerns of people who cannot pay their electricity bills and the concerns of those who work every hour that God sends them yet still find it tough to make ends meet at the end of the week? Do they not hear people talking about how the shopping trolley has got more expensive? How under God can they sit at a Cabinet table and decide to bring forward a proposal that will increase the price of diesel by 34 cent between now and Christmas? It is simply outrageous. It should not happen. It is absolutely tone deaf to the concerns, frustration and worries of the Irish people right across the State.”
“Every single person who now buys a product from outside the European Union will be hit by a €3 charge as of today, another ridiculous situation and disastrous policy introduced by the Commission, which our Government has refused to stand up against despite them now taking on the prestigious position of the EU Presidency. Today is the day the Government has come forward with its amendment and asked us that we pat it on the back for the job it thinks it is doing. More importantly, the amendment asks us to support the idea that it would increase the price of diesel by 34 cent between now and Christmas and the price of petrol by 29 cent between now and Christmas. Are the Minister of State and the Cabinet Ministers who sat around the table yesterday morning and decided this was a good idea not listening to people? I ask that genuinely.”
“This has been a continuous situation for the past number of years with costs rising, whether in our supermarkets, for rents, for insurance or the costs of the basics, just to get by. Today is a dark day for people because over a million households will see their electricity rise. I heard the Minister of State say that his Minister sat down with the electricity companies and energy generators. What was the response? It was double-digit increases in gas and electricity, kicking in today. That is going to really hurt people. Today is the day the European Commission decided that the Irish people should pay more tax.”
“Tá an Rialtas ag iarraidh orainn tacaíocht a thabhairt don mhéid atá curtha chun tosaigh aige, is é sin, go n-ardófar praghas an díosail 34 cent agus praghas an pheitril 29 cent idir seo agus an Nollaig. Tá sé dodhéanta. Nil glacadh ag gnáthdhaoine na tíre leis seo mar tá a fhios acu go bhfuil brú millteanach orthu. Ba chóir don Rialtas faoiseamh a thabhairt do dhaoine atá ag streachailt amuigh ansin, in áit a bheith ag cur níos brú agus ualaigh ar a gcuid guaillí. Is é sin an rud atá ag tarlú inniu. Seasann Sinn Féin go huile is go hiomlán ina éadan sin. Níor chóir go mbeadh praghas an pheitril agus díosail ag ardú le linn an tsamhraidh agus níor chóir go mbeadh sé ag dul suas an méid is atá an Rialtas ag iarraidh. Today households across the State are hit with blow after blow.”
“I move amendment No. 1 to amendment No. 1: To insert the following after "expenditure sustainably, and in accordance with this allocation": "; and calls on the Government to: — recognise that increasing diesel by 34 cents and petrol by 29 cents a litre before the end of the year will put unjustifiable pressure on workers and families already struggling with the cost-of-living crisis; — rule out any increase in excise duty prior to budget day and conditional on a review of the market conditions at that time; and — introduce energy credits of €400 per household in direct response to the record number of households unable to pay their energy bills.". Cuirim fáilte roimh an rún seo ar an chostas maireachtála. Tá leasú curtha síos ag Sinn Féin ar an méid atá curtha chun tosaigh ag an Rialtas.”
“The Government, in response to the outrage in relation to the cost of excise on petrol and diesel has decided to kick the can down the road. In doing that, it has made the decision that before the end of the year, it will increase the price of diesel by 34 cent. Everybody knows what they have been paying at the pumps. This will push the price of diesel well above €2. It is simply unacceptable at a time when so many people are feeling the pinch. This cannot go ahead. I ask that there is a full debate in relation to this and that Government sees sense and recognises the pressures people are under at the pumps at this point.”
“As the largest shareholder, we also need to know whether staff of the Department of Finance listened in to that investor call in September or reviewed the transcripts when they were published. I have those transcripts in front of me. We need to know what action they took when they heard the CEO deny that there had been any interest. When he was asked whether there was any interest, communication or offer, the CEO, on three occasions, told investor after investor there was none. It appears that is not true. We need to get to the point of who knew what when. How could the CEO of a bank that is selling €1.6 billion of assets mislead, it appears, investors in that call? It appears the Government has not really done anything to follow up on it.”
“With respect, it is more than just an issue for the CEO of PTSB. We are the majority shareholder of the bank and the Tánaiste is the person who holds the share on behalf of the Irish people. There is a genuine question here. Regardless of whether we believe that this has been sold on the cheap, it is a deal worth €1.6 billion. It is not a small amount of money. We have a situation where the State, as the largest shareholder, knew there had been an offer. The bank knew there had been an offer. There was an investor call in which investors asked whether there was interest or an offer. We are being told that the executive management of the bank knew about the offer but the CEO did not. That needs to be investigated.”
“How is it possible that the CEO could not have been aware that the private equity firm Centerbridge Partners made offers, and that those offers were communicated to the bank? At what level was this communication from the Government to the bank? Has the Government resolved the issue of how the CEO was not informed of that, or that he informed investors this did not happen?”
“Maybe the Tánaiste will clarify that Centerbridge Partners only made one offer. I think he suggested it was on 5 September last year. The public and other shareholders of PTSB are looking at this sale and wondering why we are selling off a public asset on the cheap. When something looks like a bad deal, there is extra scrutiny on the process, and that scrutiny has led to journalists and shareholders looking back. The CEO of PTSB, on an investor call last September, denied three times that there had been any approach, interest or conversations with potential buyers. He insisted three times that there had been no interest. It appears, however, that the Tánaiste has confirmed there has been interest in the case.”
“We have seen a number of media reports – I am sure the Tánaiste has read them – about when the Government was approached with offers in relation to PTSB, and when that was communicated to the executive management of the bank. Will the Tánaiste provide clarity to the Dáil and clear this issue up? How many offers were made for PTSB prior to the launch of the formal sale process? Will the Tánaiste outline the engagement with the executive management of PTSB regarding those offers, as well as the timeline?”
“Do not tell me what I can and cannot do. I represent people who are pushed to the pin of their collar because of the Government's decisions and broken promises. Does the Tánaiste want me to remind him of them? One was that the Government would deliver a tax package every year for workers. It broke that promise. Remember the time the Tánaiste and Fine Gael paraded around with placards saying, "We will abolish the USC". Remember the pictures of that. That is another broken promise. I could list all that out, but what this question is about is delivering a fair tax package for workers-----”
“That is the debate we are having. The reality is that some people win out more than others. That is also the reality. Let us not pretend that does not exist. What I am saying is the best way to deal with it is through the USC. The people who earn €60,000 or €70,000 would benefit along with the people who earn €30,000 or €40,000, rather than if the Government overly focuses on the bands. I am not saying it should dismiss doing anything with the bands, but every time it has brought forward a package, it has been in that regard. That is why we need a fair budget. I could stand here and remind the Tánaiste of his campaigning. I campaign for an emergency budget, but not a different budget every day. People need a cost-of-living intervention right now. They cannot wait until 1 January for tax adjustments to happen. That is legitimate.”
“The fairest way to do that is to make sure the Government does not spend a large portion of what is available for tax reductions just on the workers who earn more than €44,000. USC is the best way to make sure there is an impact for all people. We have said clearly in our policy-----”
“I am not dismissing anything. What I am saying is that the Government has consistently brought forward tax packages that are two-tier. For example, the Tánaiste talked about the entry point to the higher rate. If that is focused on instead of USC or tax credits, there will be winners and losers. The winners will be the half of the population who earn more than €44,000 and the losers will be those who earn less than €44,000. What is the better way? When I talk to constituents who earn €60,000 and would benefit from an increase to the entry point to the higher band, they do not really care whether it is the entry point to the band, or USC or tax credits. All they care about and know is that they are paying too much tax for what they are getting back. They want more money in their pockets at the end of the week, better services and all that.”
“The packages the Government has brought forward have been unfair in the past, in that the half of the workforce that earns less than that level of €44,000-----”
“When Fine Gael has brought forward tax packages, they have always been two-tier tax packages, which means those on the higher end benefit more than those on the lower end. About half of the workforce benefits far more than the other half. A worker on €50,000 gets a tax cut multiple times larger than a worker on €40,000. I understand the challenges in adjusting tax bands and adjusting for inflation. It is not simple, but there are ways in which it is possible. For example, more focus on the USC and tax credits would make a far better impact for those on lower and middle incomes than simply dealing with the bands. Will the Tánaiste ensure that the half of workers who earn €44,000 or less get a fair tax package compared with people who earn €50,000, €90,000 or €300,000?”
“The Tánaiste has made it public that he plans to bring forward tax cuts in this year's budget after leaving workers worse off in last year's budget. That is according not only to Sinn Féin but also to the Economic and Social Research Institute, ESRI. In the election campaign, the Government parties promised to bring forward tax cuts every year and broke that promise to workers and families. The fact that workers were left worse off last year is why it is even more important that any tax package for workers is fair and works for all workers. Does the Tánaiste accept we need a fair tax package? How does he see that being achieved?”
“I am now asking the Tánaiste to commit that we will not see price increases in the middle of the summer, not knowing where the geopolitical issue will be, whether the Strait of Hormuz will be open or whether retail prices will be €1.80. €1.60 or €1.50. We will have no idea. Will the Tánaiste give some clarity in that regard?”