Pearse Doherty
Donegal · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“I move amendment No. 1 to Seanad recommendation No. 2: To delete from the row dated "1 September 2026" down to and including the row dated "1 May 2030" and substitute the following: " 15 July 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.00 €210.45 €172.14 €167.25 €79.17 €11.48 14 October 2026 €502.88 €502.88 €371.85 €371.85 €371.85 €0.…”
“Next week, this House will rise, the doors of Leinster House will be locked and Ministers will head off on their summer holidays. Their parting gift to ordinary Irish people across the State will be to have locked in fuel price increases that will hit them in their pockets.”
“That is not acceptable and it is why we in Sinn Féin have tabled this amendment to say that these price increases should not be going ahead and that prices should be properly monitored at the appropriate time.”
“This is tied to the latter amendment and I will speak further at length on that. Recommendation No. 1 deals with the diesel rebate scheme, which operates within a window that closes on 1 October.”
“Hope is what we rely on when we have no control. It is not a substitute for prudent economic planning. There is zero certainty here. There are no guarantees that the Strait of Hormuz will remain open or that global supply lines will not be choked tomorrow morning.”
“As if that were not good enough, the Government is not just hitting people with increases on petrol and diesel. On top of that, it is going to hit them with an increase in the cost of home heating oil, natural gas and a basic bag of coal.”
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“Ireland is facing another energy shock because of another unjustified attack on a sovereign country. Last time, it was Russia invading Ukraine and this time it has started with the US and Israel attacking Iran. We have to remember the horror of what war means, with 170 people killed, most of them children, when a US bomb hit an elementary school. War crimes have to be called out, whether it is Russia, Israel or the US. Even in the face of this, our job is to protect people here from another economic blow. We are two weeks into this crisis, when workers and families are getting absolutely hammered by skyrocketing prices of petrol, diesel and home heating oil. The price of diesel is now well above €2 per litre and the price of home heating oil has almost doubled.”
“Táimid i ngéarchéim le coicís anois, coicís ina bhfuil oibrithe agus teaghlaigh ag fulaingt mar gheall ar phraghsanna atá ag ardú go mór ar pheitril, ar díosail agus ar ola theasa tí. Tá daoine thíos leis anois. Is é sin an fáth ar chur mé an reachtaíocht i láthair inniu chun praghas ar an phumpa peitril agus costas ola theasa tí a laghdú. Agus ní féidir le daoine fanacht. Ní mór dúinn gníomhú go tapa seachas a bheith ag smaoineamh go bhfuil an Rialtas chun súil a choinneáil ar chúrsaí. Tá daoine ar buile. Ní chiallaíonn sé tada do dhuine atá gan ola inniu. Níl chiallaíonn sé a dhath do sheandaoine atá i dteach fuar agus iad ag fanacht ar an chinneadh ón Rialtas. Ní féidir leo fanacht. Tá siad ag amharc ar an Rialtas le gníomh a dhéanamh agus le seasamh suas ar a son.”
“I move: That Dáil Éireann: recognises that: — workers and families have been hit by an unrelenting cost-of-living crisis; — the Government have failed to act to end this rip-off, and get prices under control; — the turmoil in international energy markets, as a result of the unjustified attacks on Iran, is compounding an existing cost-of-living crisis, and risks causing severe hardship for many people; — inflation was running far above the Government's projections, even before the most recent shock in energy markets; — record levels of people were already unable to pay their electricity bills, with 319,459 in arrears, and one in four people unable to pay their gas bills, with many more struggling to keep from falling behind; — the number of people at risk of poverty increased in 2025; and — the Government got it badly wrong when they decided to withdraw cost of living supports; notes with concern that: — in this context, the rapid rise in the price of petrol, diesel and home heating oil has placed more pressure on workers and families; and — the Government has legislated to increase the price of home heating oil in a matter of weeks; and calls on the Government to: — scrap plans to increase taxes on home heating oil on May 1st; and — immediately reduce the cost of petrol, diesel and home heating oil, by implementing Sinn Féin's Mineral Oil Tax (Emergency Cost of Living Reduction) Bill 2026.”
“It is not lost on people that up to 65% of the cost of filling the tank with petrol or diesel goes into the pocket of the Government. The Government has taken in far more tax in recent weeks because of these sky-high fuel costs. Now is decision time. Now is the time for action and the time to implement this emergency legislation and give some relief to hard-pressed people who are absolutely burdened by a cost-of-living crisis and are suffering under immense pressure because of fuel prices that are out of control.”
“This is what Sinn Féin is providing, leadership and action, in this emergency legislation. This legislation can be passed today if the Government were willing. It would reduce the cost of diesel and petrol and slash the cost of home heating oil. This is the choice that every TD will have today. They will have a question they will have to answer to themselves on whether they will stand up for their constituents and the ordinary people of Ireland who are hard pressed because of these fuel costs, or will they continue to turn their backs on them as the Government has done over the past number of weeks. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael cannot continue to sit on their hands. We call on them to implement this legislation and take action.”
“They were already working every hour God gave them just to get by. Now, these same people see energy prices skyrocket all over again. Diesel is way up at more than €2 a litre. Home heating oil is almost double the price it was just two weeks ago. People are really afraid. Older people tell me they are sitting in cold homes afraid to turn on the heating. This is the reality of the situation, whether the Government likes it or not. It talks about waiting, reviewing things and monitoring and that maybe by the end of the month it might do something. People are demanding action right here and right now. They are demanding leadership. They are looking for solutions. They are looking for a sign that the Government gets where they are at and what they are going through.”
“It would make sure the Government's plan to increase the cost of home heating oil by placing more taxes on it, as it plans to do in the next number of weeks, would not go ahead. Workers and families are already being hammered by a cost-of living crisis. The price of groceries are up, rents are up, bills are up, insurance is up, college fees are up and childcare is up. This is the reality that so many people face day in, day out throughout the State. After doing nothing to end this rip-off and get prices under control, the Government took away the cost-of-living support that so many people were depending on. It brought forward a budget that left workers worse off. It is no wonder we have a situation now whereby 320,000 people cannot pay their energy bills. People were already at breaking point.”
“Has the Government not seen the fact we are now being charged more than €2 per litre for diesel at many stations? Has it not heard the people who are telling it very clearly that they cannot afford to refill their heating oil? People tell us they have to go into one room because it is too costly to heat the whole house. Elderly people tell us they are afraid to turn on the heat because the tank is running dry and the cost of refilling is simply an arm and leg. All the time, the Government delays and dithers. Is the Government deaf to the people pleading for it to help? The decision time is now and there are no more hiding places for the Government. This emergency legislation would immediately reduce the cost of diesel, petrol and home heating oil.”
“Trí ghlacadh leis an reachtaíocht seo, is féidir leis an Rialtas phraghsanna díosail, peitril agus ola theasa tí a laghdú. Is féidir leis é sin a dhéanamh anocht trí ghlacadh leis an reachtaíocht seo. Tá an plean anseo. Tá an reachtaíocht foilsithe againn. Is é an rogha atá os comhair achan Teachta Dála, agus os comhair an Rialtais trí chéile, ná seasamh suas do thoghthóirí agus ghnáthdhaoine na tíre seo nó droim láimhe a thabhairt daoibh arís, mar atá déanta ag an Rialtas le coicís anuas. I am introducing the Mineral Oil Tax (Emergency Cost of Living Reduction) Bill 2026. This legislation is a demand for emergency action and for the Government to stop dithering and delaying, and to cut the taxes on petrol, diesel and home heating oil.”
“Reachtaíocht éigeandála atá sa Bhille seo chun costas díosail, peitril agus ola theasa tí a laghdú anois díreach agus chun a chinntiú nach gcuirfear plean an Rialtais i bhfeidhm chun an cháin ar ola theasa tí a ardú taobh istigh de chúpla seachtain, mar atá beartaithe aige. Bhí oibrithe agus teaghlaigh buailte cheana féin ag an ghéarchéim costais maireachtála. I ndiaidh don Rialtas rud ar bith a dhéanamh chun deireadh a chur leis seo agus praghsanna a chur faoi smacht, scrios sé na tacaíochtaí costais maireachtála a bhí ann cheana féin agus d’aontaigh sé cáinaisnéis a rinne rudaí níos measa d’oibrithe. In áit chuidithe, rinne sé dochar. Tá níos mó teaghlach ná riamh nach bhfuil ábalta a gcuid billí fuinnimh a íoc tar éis an creidmheas fuinnimh a tharraingt uathu.”
“I move: That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to provide emergency powers for the temporary reduction of mineral oil tax on certain fuels including home heating oil (kerosene used other than as a propellent), petrol and auto-diesel (heavy oil used as a propellent) and green diesel (marked gas oil) for the purpose of alleviating cost of living pressures; to provide for the extension of such reductions by order of the Minister for Finance; and to provide for related matters. Cuirim an Bille um Cháin Ola Mianra (Laghdú Éigeandála ar an gCostas Maireachtála), 2026 chun tosaigh inniu sa Dáil.”
“Catch yourself on, man. The only thing the Tánaiste is missing is a red nose because this is the kind of thing you would hear from a clown. He says he is on the side of renters when the biggest landlord in the State is talking about jacking up rents.”
“That is the reality. It is in black and white. The Government has been found out. What the Tánaiste needs to do now is reverse it or defend why he thinks it is appropriate that rents would go up that high.”
“We can jack up rents by 25% and we see one in seven of our tenants leave every single year, so we will start to see these returns in year one."”
“Does the Tánaiste not know that, from Monday on, every single new renter will be hit by these increases? He stands there and justifies it and his backbenchers applaud it. That is exactly what the Government has done. I have made the point clearly that this is just one landlord – the largest landlord in the State with 3,600 properties – but other big landlords can do the same. Some 60,000 new tenancies are created every single year. The Tánaiste accepts, does he not, that every single one of those new tenancies can now see their rents jacked up? That is the reality. This is the first fund which came out and said in black and white to its investors, "Happy days, lads, the Government has just put millions of euro into our pockets.”
“The Tánaiste has been found out. It is as simple as that. He has been found out. His only defence here is that not every renter will be hit on day one. If you are looking today or moving on Monday, you will be hit by these rent hikes. The fund was very clear, in black and white, to its investors on its conference call that there will be 25% increases. Yes, it said, it will take a while for that to flow through.”
“How can the Tánaiste stand over that? How can he look renters in the face knowing the pressures they are under and say that he stands over that?”
“In the last sitting of this Dáil before these rules take effect, I am going to ask the Tánaiste directly, faced with clear evidence and with everything we know of who benefits and who pays, is the Government even at this late stage going to reverse course and stop these rent hikes before they inflict serious hardship on tens of thousands of renters across the State? How can the Tánaiste stand up, which I have no doubt he is going to do in the next few minutes, and justify a company - the biggest landlord in the State - in some cases renting a two-bedroom apartment not far from here for an eye-watering €3,200? How can he justify the biggest landlord in the State saying very clearly to the Government and its investors that the Government's legislation now allows it to increase rents by about 25% on average for new tenancies?”
“Behind each of those numbers and each of those statistics are real households who were forced to move maybe because of work, the sale of a property, family breakdown or landlords' decisions. Many of them are already stretched to their limits. The Tánaiste knows that 60,000 renters on average every year move into a new tenancy. Under the Government's rules, the landlord is going to be free to set the rent at whatever the market rate is even if that means a jump of 25% compared to what was paid before.”
“He talked about it leading to "enhanced returns for the company and our shareholders". The company has projected a staggering, eye watering 25% increase in rents with minimal additional costs as a direct result of the Government's policy. This is not a mere Opposition claim. This is the largest landlord in the State explaining plainly, in black and white, that the Government's rent hike Bill will allow it to raise rents and boost shareholder returns. At the same time, the Residential Tenancies Board figures show that rents are already at record highs under this Government, and that tens of thousands of renters had to start new leases last year. Who are these people? They are ordinary people right across the State who, under the Government’s rules, would face rents being reset to full market levels.”
“In a matter of days, landlords are going to be handed the power to increase rents to full market levels for new tenancies. Exactly as Sinn Féin warned, corporate landlords are preparing to cash in, and they are not hiding it. They are telling their shareholders that increased profits are coming because of decisions taken by the Tánaiste and the Government. Yesterday in the House, Teachta Mary Lou McDonald revealed that IRES REIT, the largest private landlord in the State, is openly outlining how the Government's legislation will allow it to significantly jack up rents. In comments reported on thejournal.ie , its chief executive stated, "Under these rules, every unit in our portfolio with the lease commencing after the 1st of March 2026 can be re-let at prevailing market rents once vacant." He described it as a "substantial" opportunity.”
“Is é seo an suí deireanach den Dáil sula dtagann rialacha an Rialtais i bhfeidhm chun an cíos a ardú Dé Domhnaigh. I gceann cúpla lá, beidh cumhacht ag na tiarnaí talún móra an cíos a ardú go leibhéal an mhargaidh do thionóntaí nua. Díreach mar a dúirt Sinn Féin, tá na creach-chistí ag dul thart. Sa Teach seo inné, thug an Teachta McDonald le fios go raibh IRES REIT, an tiarna talún príobháideach is mó sa Stát, ag maíomh go hoscailte ina thuarascáil bhliantúil go ligfidh an dlí úr a thug an Rialtas isteach dó a chuid cíosanna a ardú suas le 25% ar léasanna nua. Tá an Rialtas anois ag brú tríd an ardú is mó cíosa atá feicthe againn riamh. This is the final sitting of the Dáil before the Government's rent hike Bill rules come into force on Sunday.”
“It should not fear carrying out an assessment in relation to any type of centre that is being located and whether this is the best place or maybe it is within boundaries of countries that there is another place that is more suitable.”
“It is about fixing a process that has been broken for many years. People who have applied here for international protection are not given the decision that they are entitled to protection in time and then supported and integrated into our community. They have to wait and wait and wait. There are others, which is unfortunately the majority of cases according to the statistics, who were never entitled to protection here anyway, but it has taken two and a half years for a decision to be made in relation to the initial application and the appeal that they may lodge. That goes to the core of what is there. I commend the amendment. It is sensible. The Government should not fear the voice of the public. It should not fear engaging with communities.”
“It is the amendment. IPAS accommodation in the numbers that are required would not be required if processing happened. The vast majority of people who have applied based on past experience are not entitled to protection here. Therefore, if processing time was quickened up, then they would not need the accommodation that is here. The Government does not need a European pact to get its act together in relation to this. There was nothing stopping the Government in the past year to fix the processing time. The evidence is now that it is 14 months from initial application and 12 and a half months for appeal. It is 26 and a half months from initial application to the end of an appeal which is longer than it was in 2024. The Government is going backwards in relation to this. This is at the very core of it.”
“No harm to the Minister, the one thing about him is that he has been on the media talking about this quite a lot, but the fact unfortunately is that processing times have got worse in the past year. From application time to appeal, it is now longer than it was last year. What is it now?”
“Even though we were telling the Government that social cohesion and these issues were causing strains, it did not matter. This amendment is sensible. It is the appropriate thing to do. We are dealing with this amendment in relation to centres of international protection. It is not Ukrainians, but I used the argument of Ukrainians to talk about the actual additional pressure that has placed in relation to regions. We could talk about other regions as well, but Donegal is probably the one that is the most acute. At the heart of all of this is the issue of the failure of the Government. That cannot be taken be away from this. Why is there an accommodation crisis in relation to international protection in this State? It is because the Government still has not done its job. It still has not got a handle in relation to processing times.”
“But by God I will tell you there are plenty of people, and we know their names, who were unscrupulous and who were just talking about making millions on the back of the misery that has happened. They did not care in relation to the impact of local communities, or indeed, the places, the conditions and some of the treatment of those people within the centres that they facilitated. I use Donegal as an example of how the worst planning has happened in the last while. I spoke to the previous Minister in relation to this many times. In my community in Donegal and in Gweedore, we had a centre for decades. There were no issues whatsoever. There were no issues for a long time. It kept on going and more and more pressure was put on individuals, services and areas.”
“They speak Gaeilge to their friends. English is the third language, which is beautiful to see. That is the same with some of the Ukrainians who are here as well. These are things that should be captured in relation to any assessment. Why under God would we not carry out an assessment? If the Government says that it will not carry out this assessment, then it is reverting to this chaotic situation where it was just left to those speculators and people who wanted to make millions overnight. Some people went in and provided accommodation. Let us be clear, they provided accommodation because people were seeking refuge and people needed to be housed. I take that on 100%. I am not tarring everyone with the same brush.”
“That is one of arm of government saying that for those people who have a housing need, and there are people in the Gaeltacht who cannot speak Irish and have a housing need who also need to be accommodated, the policy, which this Government supports, is that there are criteria there. Why are there criteria? It is because there are so many studies telling us that the Gaeltacht is dying and will not survive and one thing we need to do is to protect the Gaeltacht in terms of a hub where Irish is spoken as much as possible on a daily basis. How do we dilute that? It is more people coming into the area who cannot speak the language or are not willing to speak the language. I met with the Polish ambassador earlier on. I said that many of my young son's friends are Polish who have gone to his school. They speak Polish at home.”
“In my county of Donegal, I live in a region that is linguistically rich in terms of the Irish language. The Gaeltacht is tobar na Gaeilge. We will not have an Irish language in this country if we do not have Gaeltacht communities and places that speak Irish on a daily basis. That does not mean to say that people cannot come in and live in relation to Gaeltacht areas. I am not saying that, but that would be part of an assessment that would be carried out regarding this. If we look at it now, we have social housing development in the Gaeltacht. In every single social development in the Gaeltacht in Donegal, 80% of the houses have to be given to Irish speakers who are fluent in Irish and can reach a certain standard in terms of Irish.”
“From a planning point of view, it is as if the Government was to sit down and just say it has an issue of where to locate people and that it will put most of them in the most deprived county in the country; in the county that does not have rail, does not have motorway and that has so many different challenges. It made no sense from a planning point of view. There are other issues there, which should have been taken into account in relation to any assessment that would be carried out here. An assessment is not a block. An assessment is just about looking at what is on the ground, what is there already, the numbers that are there and the services that are there, whether they already under pressure and if maybe a bit too much has been done there and so on.”
“The Department, the Minister and the Government were fixated on one thing, namely, which person who wants to become a millionaire overnight is offering a property. That was it. No other questions were asked. Community engagement was a nonsense. They phoned up, told you there was a contract signed for a centre and no matter what, even if you thought it was not the right place, it did not matter. That is how the Government handled where individuals who came from Ukraine are to be located. The same thing happened again with IPAS. Donegal, out of all the counties, has the highest number of people applying for international protection. Of all those who have come here, 7% have gone to Donegal. This is nuts from a planning point of view.”
“It was not the case that Donegal, even though it was the most deprived county, would take what could be argued is its fair share. One in 12 people who came here from Ukraine under temporary protection ended up in Donegal, the most deprived county in Ireland. If the same statistics were applied to Dublin, there would be 110,000 Ukrainians. To have 8% or one in 12 makes no sense. Even if you look at a more granular level, some of those were concentrated in certain parts of the county. It makes no sense because there was no planning and no recognition that it is a locality that might be under serious pressure or, with the numbers already there, that additional numbers would put pressure on services, places in schools or, indeed, social cohesion. There was no reference to that.”
“What the Government is talking about doing makes no sense. When one looks at what has happened heretofore, it is just a complete and utter mess. I come from County Donegal. The facts unfortunately tell us that Donegal is the most deprived county in the Twenty-six Counties. It has the highest rate of unemployment and deprivation, the highest concentration of medical cards and the worst infrastructure in the State. You will not find a kilometre of motorway, dual carriageway, gas pipeline or train line because they do not exist. We are a county under serious pressure and the most deprived county in the State. What did the Government decide to do to deal with an influx of people who came from Ukraine seeking refuge, and need support and refuge, and those applying for international protection?”
“That does not mean there is a block on a centre; it just means an assessment has to be carried out. There are places in the State that are under more pressure than others and places where services are more plentiful than in others. There are also places that have issues, perhaps with the number of people already there seeking international protection or temporary protection, as applies to Ukrainians. The Government seems to be talking about rejecting that sensible proposal. I do not understand why. By rejecting it, the Government is basically saying it rejects the idea that we should consult with communities, listen to them, have any notion of services or the impact a new centre would have on services, the impact of the level of deprivation that exists in an area and the impact a centre may or may not have on that level of deprivation.”
“I raised the issue of the committee not being able to scrutinise the Bill in the detail it wanted to. This has left us in a position where we will not be able to scrutinise all of the amendments to or all sections of the legislation because the Government is playing to the tune of Europe, having signed up to a pact which was never in the interest of this State, or at least not in its entirety. It is now caught by the timeframes and we have legislation we cannot properly scrutinise. Outside of that, if we forget about the timeframes and the lack of scrutiny, the key issue in this amendment makes perfect sense. It is about ensuring that new accommodation centres will only be established in the State after a community impact assessment has been done.”
“Má amharcann muid ar IPAS agus ar na daoine atá ag teacht ag cuardach cosanta, caithfidh siad dul trí phróiseas. Tá a fhios againn nach bhfuil cead fanacht sa tír ag an mhórchuid de dhaoine a théann tríd an phróiseas. Arís, is é an cinneadh a rinne an Rialtas seo ná an líon is mó daoine in aon chontae ar bith taobh amuigh de Bhaile Átha Cliath a chur isteach i nDún na nGall. Ní dhéanann sé sin ciall. Is é sin an rud faoina bhfuil an leasú seo ag caint. Tá sé ag caint faoi phleanáil cheart agus faoi ghuth an phobail agus comhairle an phobail a bheith lárnach in aon pholasaí atá ag an Rialtas ó thaobh ionad nua a lonnú i gceantar ar bith. This amendment is sensible. I commend Deputy Carthy on tabling it and the other amendments he tabled on behalf of Sinn Féin. The only pity is how the Government has dealt with this legislation.”
“Is é Dún na nGall an contae nach bhfaighidh tú ciliméadar de dhébhealach, mótarbhealach, iarnród ná líne gháis ann. Níl a leithéid againn sa chontae mar go bhfuil infreastruchtúr an chontae iontach olc. Is é Dún na nGall an contae a dhéanann suas 3% de dhaonra an Stát ach, nuair a tháinig slua mór daoine ón Úcráin agus ó thíortha eile ag cuardach cosaint ón tír seo, rinne an Rialtas cinneadh níos mó daoine a chur isteach i nDún na nGall ná i gcontae ar bith eile. Cén réasún atá leis an pholasaí sin? Cuireadh duine as gach aon dosaen a tháinig ón Úcráin isteach i nDún na nGall. Dá ndéanfaí an rud céanna i mBaile Átha Cliath, bheadh thart ar 110,000 duine as an Úcráin sa chontae. Ní sin an rud atá ag tarlú. Ní hamháin daoine ón Úcráin atá i gceist.”
“Muna nglacann an Rialtas leis seo, tá sé ag rá gur cuma leis cad iad na fadhbanna sa cheantar, gur cuma leis muna bhfuil spásanna scoile ann do na páistí a bheadh lonnaithe san ionad agus gur cuma leis faoin bhrú a bheadh á chur ar sheirbhísí dochtúra agus a leithéid. Tá go leor brú ar na seirbhísí sin cheana. Nílim ag cur locht ar dhaoine atá ag cuardach cosaint ón tír seo ach caithfear é sin a chur san áireamh. Má tá tú ag iarraidh amharc ar shampla maith den dóigh ina dhearna an Rialtas brachán de seo, ba chóir amharc ar Dhún na nGall. Is é Dún na nGall an contae is mó atá faoi mhíbhuntáiste sa tír. Is é Dún na nGall an contae is mó sa tír a bhfuil ioncam íseal ag a dhaonra. Is é Dún na nGall an contae is mó a bhfuil cártaí leighis ag daoine. Léiríonn sé sin arís an ráta míbhuntáiste.”
“Ba chóir labhairt leis an phobal óna thaobh seo. Lena chois sin, ba chóir go mbeidh measúnú ag an Roinn ar an leibhéal de mhíbhuntáiste sa cheantar. Mar atá a fhios againn, níl achan pháirt den tír mar an gcéanna. Tá codanna den tír buailte níos troime. Tá níos mó míbhuntáiste i roinnt ceantar ná mar atá i gceantair eile. Tá cinneadh le déanamh ag an Stát. Ar chóir na hionaid seo a bheith lonnaithe i gceantair a bhfuil fadhbanna míbhuntáiste acu? Is é ár dtuairim nár chóir. Sula mbeadh aon mholadh á chur chun tosaigh ó thaobh ionad mar seo a lonnú i gceantar, ba chóir go mbeadh an measúnú seo foilsithe agus próiseas comhairliúcháin ann leis an phobal. Níor chóir go mbeadh aon ionad nua oscailte sula mbeadh an próiseas comhairliúcháin sin thart agus an tuairim sin foilsithe. Mar a dúirt mé, is leasú réasúnta agus polasaí réasúnta é seo.”
“B'fhéidir gur lonnaíodh iad i gcorráiteanna nach raibh na fadhbanna sin, ach an rud atá a fhios againn ná ní raibh a fhios ag an Aire ná an Rialtas dóigh amháin nó dóigh eile mar ní raibh sé sin mar pháirt de na coinníollacha fá choinne na hionaid seo a lonnú mar ní raibh scrúdú ar bith á dhéanamh ar na ceantair sin. An rud atá á rá ag mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Carthy, ná sula mbeidh aon ionad úr oscailte ar fud an Stáit go mbeidh measúnú déanta ar an impleacht ar na pobail ina bhfuil siad lonnaithe. Mar pháirt de sin, ba chóir go mbeimis ag amharc ar cé mhéad duine a bheadh san ionad seo agus cad iad na seirbhísí áitiúla atá ar fáil. Dá mbeadh impleachtaí ann do na seirbhísí áitiúla sin, ba chóir go mbeadh plean ann le dul i ngleic leis an phobal agus a chomhairle agus a thuairimí a fháil.”
“Díreoidh mé isteach ar an bpríomhleasú atá curtha chun tosaigh agus atáimid ag plé anseo, leasú Uimh. 14. I ndáiríre, is é an rud atá á lorg anseo ná giota beag réasúin agus giota beag céille, agus go mbeidh pleanáil mar is ceart déanta ó thaobh cén áit a mbeidh ionadaithe cosanta idirnáisiúnta á lonnú sa Stát. Tá sé soiléir go dtí seo nach raibh aon phleanáil fá dtaobh de seo mar go raibh na haonaid seo oscailte cibé áit a raibh siad ar fáil, gan aon díriú isteach ar an deacracht a bheadh ann ó thaobh na gceantar sin. B'fhéidir, mar a chuala muid, gurb é an teach ósta deireanach a bhí sa bhaile. B'fhéidir go raibh fadhb ann ó thaobh ganntanas áiteanna sna scoileanna ná ó thaobh dochtúirí agus a leithéid sin.”
“Gabhaim buíochas as an deis labhartha ar an ábhar agus ar an reachtaíocht seo atá os comhair na Dála anocht agus muid ag plé le Céim an Choiste. Is mór an trua é, mar atá ráite ag mo chomhghleacaithe, go bhfuil seo á bhrú chun tosaigh agus nach bhfuil deis ag an gcoiste dlí agus cirt féin mionscrúdú a dhéanamh ar seo. Mar a dúirt daoine eile an tseachtain seo caite, tá sé soiléir nach mbeidh go leor ama againn dul tríd na moltaí agus leasuithe uile atá curtha chun tosaigh ag mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Carthy, agus ag daoine eile sa Fhreasúra mar níl go leor ama á leagan amach fá choinne seo. Léiríonn sé sin an cinneadh contráilte atá déanta ag an Rialtas seo gan cead a thabhairt don choiste dlí agus cirt mionscrúdú a dhéanamh ar an reachtaíocht seo.”
“This is why we need a comprehensive response that takes cuts off the table and ensures that every child with additional needs has the support of an SNA, whether this year, next year or the year after.”
“This is where SNAs play a key role. Nowhere in all this debacle and crisis that the Government created was the children's voices heard. As Teachta Ní Raghallaigh mentioned, we have seen 1,100 SNAs, educators and parents come together pouring out their hearts story after story about the hurt, anger and frustration at what the Government has done. It is has rightly done a U-turn on this issue but it has still left a serious question mark over what comes next. What parents and schools are asking for is the most basic of respect. Pausing these cuts until September, when there will be another review, is not enough. The Ministers still left this threat hanging over schools. No parent, child, SNA or teacher knows what is coming next. If the review is still to be based on primary medical needs, we will be back at square one.”
“This Government's treatment of SNAs has caused huge anger because the SNAs are already working hard day in, day out, alongside teachers to plaster over the cracks of a school system under pressure. SNAs are crucial, not just to the children with additional needs but to all the children in the classroom. What these workers, school communities, children and families have been put through is utterly and absolutely disgraceful. My colleagues are absolutely right that an apology is demanded and deserved. All children, especially children with special needs, require routine and structure. They need predictability. With this Government's mistreatment of these children, it has ripped away that consistency, routine, structure and predictability. The greatest predictor of success in later life is independence with the activities of daily living.”
“Third, we need a strategic plan to secure Ireland's fair share of fish in our waters under the CFP. Fishing supports families who have worked Irish waters for generations, it sustains rural communities where alternative employment is limited and it contributes significantly to exports and food security. Our fishing industry does not want special treatment; it wants fair treatment. It wants the safeguards that were designed to protect it to be properly used. It wants a Government that approaches fisheries negotiation with the same determination that other states display. There is still time to mitigate the worst impacts of this deal but what it requires is decisiveness, transparency and, most of all, political will. This Government needs to stop abandoning the fishing industry and stand up and show a bit of a backbone.”
“It is long past time that the Government stood up for the fishing industry and showed a bit of a backbone. The Government knew that other member states would defend their interests robustly. When the time came, Ireland did not secure the protections that exist precisely to prevent disproportionate harm. It is only right now to ask whether we are building alliances, preparing strategies or using every available lever to defend our national interests. There needs to be a three-pronged approach of attack. First, the Government must clearly set out what legal and diplomatic avenues remain open regarding the non-application of the Hague preferences. Second, there must be an immediate targeted financial support package for fishermen and seafood producers.”
“We now face a situation where factories such as those in Killybegs, which operated three to five months of the year, could see their activity reduced to as little as ten or 12 days. The knock-on effect of that in terms of factories and jobs will be significant. It is not sustainable for workers, families, the community or local businesses. Similarly, vessels that should be at sea for extended fishing seasons may find themselves fishing for less than ten or 12 days before being tied up and parked in Killybegs for even longer than they already are. Our fishing industry is resilient. It has adapted to regulatory changes over and over again. Those in the industry have invested in modern vessels and processing capacity against all the odds.”