Alex Easton
North Down · Independent · Northern Ireland
“I, too, want to raise the issue of Bright Sparks Preschool, which is a feeder preschool for Crawfordsburn Primary School. Last Wednesday, the Education Minister visited Bright Sparks to hear about its excellent work and see all the pupils in the preschool.”
“<BR /> <BR />My annoyance is that I have met the Education Authority with Bright Sparks many times over the past several years, and there has been a lack of effort by the Education Authority to find a solution for a building that it owns.”
“The map shown in the consultation included the entire Newry, Mourne and Down District Council area, which has nothing to do with the South Eastern Trust area. <BR /> <BR />We therefore know that the consultation and the equality impact assessment were a farce and a foregone conclusion.”
“<BR /> <BR />The South Eastern Trust proceeded to say what its plans were. Closure, with the announcement of a new minor injury unit at the Ulster Hospital site, was the only option.”
“How accurate my prediction was: the Bangor minor injury unit never reopened its doors. It was stripped of its equipment even before the consultation was finished.”
“I quote two Alliance councillors, who said that the units had not been "of any use". If they were of no use, why did 22,000 people use the two minor injury units at their height? <BR /> <BR />Over 20,000 people signed a public petition opposed to the closure of the units.”
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“Therefore, I am glad to see that this provision will require landlords of tenancies that have also been granted to retrospectively fit those detectors before a deadline that the Department will set in the future. The retrospective fitting of those alarms and the requirement for all new private rented homes to have those alarms are necessary to reduce the risk of harm to tenants and increase confidence in the safety of private rented accommodation. Proposed new article 11B, which will require such detectors to be kept in working order, is another common-sense inclusion in the Bill. Importantly, the Department has the power to assess the adequacy of those safety provisions. Landlords who are found not to be complying with the new regulations will be guilty of an offence.”
“Clause 11 seeks to protect tenants further, specifically regarding notices to quit, by ensuring that a reasonable time period is given, depending on how long the tenant has been renting the property, naturally increasing in length for longer tenancies. Similar protections have also been put in place for when tenants are giving notice to their landlords that they intend to move out. Those are longer notice periods than were previously required. <BR /> <BR />Clause 8 concerns fire, smoke and carbon monoxide detection. It goes without saying that this is a very important inclusion in the Bill. I know that the tragedy that occurred at Grenfell Tower will come to mind for many of us.”
“The Bill seeks to provide tenants with certainty by requiring landlords to give notice of rental increases no less than two months before the changes take effect. The clause contains a provision for the Department to change the duration of the period in which rent is not allowed to increase, up to a maximum of two years. I am glad to see that the Bill ensures that, if such a change is proposed by the Department, landlords and tenants' representatives will be properly consulted.”
“This will particularly impact students, who often have year-long tenancy agreements, ensuring that there will be no increase in their rent for the duration of their tenancy. By removing that provision, clause 7 also provides protection for landlords who seek to improve their rental properties through renovation and extension.”
“<BR /> <BR />Clause 4 sets the limit of a paid or retained deposit to no more than the value of one month's rent. The Bill sensibly sets out the meaning of one month's rent in cases where rent is not paid monthly. It also protects tenants who are overcharged by creating an offence for landlords with a fixed penalty notice attached, and by creating provision to allow the tenant to be repaid the amount that they were overcharged. <BR /> <BR />We know that the average cost of renting a home is increasing ahead of current wage levels. This Bill seeks to protect tenants from such short notice increases in their rent. The Bill states that rent cannot be increased within a year of the tenancy being granted or within a year of a previous increase in rent.”
“The review that took place several years ago was a necessary acknowledgement of the need for changes to make the privately rented sector more attractive, safe and secure for those who use it. <BR /> <BR />Clause 3 provides protection for tenants and landlords regarding receipts for rent payments made in cash. Many of the provisions appear to contain some common sense, such as the details that are required on the receipt and the fact that the receipt must be provided within a reasonable period. Tenants who do not receive a receipt, or who receive a receipt with incorrect information on it, are also protected, with guilty landlords subject to a conviction or a fixed penalty notice. Likewise, the Bill ensures that landlords are able to provide a reasonable defence against those charges.”
“This is a timely Bill to address a range of issues in the private rented sector in Northern Ireland. As we are all aware, privately renting homes in Northern Ireland is increasingly popular. There are a number of reasons for that: some are down to choice and affordability; others are due to issues with our social housing provision. <BR /> <BR />The demographic of those utilising the private rented sector has also changed. A higher number of families, older people and disabled people are now in that type of accommodation. We have all heard cases of poor quality private rental homes or tenants who have been treated unfairly. We also know that many, particularly younger people, can struggle to afford privately rented homes and may live insecurely from month to month.”
“Minister, when will somebody hold the Housing Executive to account for its lack of willingness to engage on this issue, its lack of willingness to admit problems and its lack of willingness to fix problems? Do not make me have to come back to hold you and the Housing Executive to account on this issue. I ask the Assembly to support the motion.”
“<BR /> <BR />I ask the Assembly to call on the Minister for Communities to ensure that funding is available now for the Housing Executive to address the issues of cold, damp homes caused by poor ventilation and insulation and that the affordable warmth scheme focuses on those issues. The Minister for the Economy must take these things into account when finalising the energy strategy for residential buildings and, if possible, accelerate the proposed retrofit programme. <BR /> <BR />I do not want to hear more excuses from the Minister today — I know that she has not been involved in previous discussions in the Chamber about this — because I have heard them all before. I do not want to hear of yet another report or review being announced. We all know the problems, and so does the Housing Executive.”
“Introducing a scheme for the public while ignoring social housing properties makes little sense. <BR /> <BR />Last week, Lord Deben, the chairman of the Committee on Climate Change, said in his report to the Government that Northern Ireland was further behind the curve than it needed to be with immediate action on climate change. It is nearly 10 years since the insulation industry highlighted the historical problems with cavity wall insulation and the difficulties that that would create. All the political parties from across the board have met the industry, so they know the issues. We will never eradicate fuel poverty, meet our climate change ambitions and provide the poorest in society with warm, healthy homes unless we begin to address the problem now.”
“<BR /> <BR />Many of us are digesting the energy strategy consultation, which was recently issued by the Department for the Economy, and we will be preparing a response. The document is an extensive piece of work that reflects a very complex problem and asks more questions than it provides answers, as it acknowledges that more work is required. However, one of its proposals is for the introduction of a retrofit scheme in 2022. It does not provide any details of the scheme, but surely the focus must be on a fabric-first approach, as we still do not have the answers to the problems of replacing fossil fuels. A fabric-first approach ensures a focus on insulation, and, if we are ensuring a just transition, surely Housing Executive stock must be dealt with in a similar fashion.”
“A Climate Change Bill is progressing through the Assembly, with the likelihood of a similar Bill being introduced by the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs in the coming months. Those Bills will bind us to targets for energy efficiency and will require us to better insulate our homes. There will be much reference to a just transition and not leaving the poor behind. I suggest that the greatest need exists in our social housing and private rented stock, where people are now being placed because we do not possess enough social housing to accommodate them all. Surely our biggest landlord should lead the way on energy efficiency, insulating our homes better and, consequently, reducing fuel bills and carbon emissions.”
“We are all aware of the financial difficulties that are facing the Housing Executive and the increasing state of disrepair of its stock. To be fair to the Minister, she has highlighted that several times and is planning to bring forward proposals that may change in future. In the meantime, due to COVID-19 and procurement problems that arose a few years ago, the Housing Executive has built up a surplus of nearly £200 million in its landlord reserve account. Why can some of that funding not be used to begin to address the problems of cold and damp in our houses? <BR /> <BR />Since the resumption of the Assembly, we have heard many speeches about climate change.”
“That was pretty much the same conclusion that was reached and recommended on in an earlier report by the South Eastern Regional College (SERC) in 2014. Five years later, at an additional cost of £400,000, we got told what we already knew. Really, Members, how many surveys and reports need to be done on the issue? It is a scandal, and we are allowing it to happen. <BR /> <BR />Two years have passed since the report's publication, and those recommendations have still not been implemented. The Housing Executive will tell us that it issued a consultation on its proposed actions in March this year and that it is now finalising an action plan. Its proposal, however, while acknowledging that there is a serious problem, is to do nothing until its financial situation is stabilised in future.”
“Our new First Minister was the Minister for Communities at the time, and he participated in the debate, promising the Assembly that a further survey of 1,000 houses would be carried out in order to assess the problem and to produce an action plan. A smaller survey of 236 houses had been previously carried out. What has happened since that motion was debated? <BR /> <BR />The survey was carried out, and a specialist organisation called the British Board of Agrément (BBA) was appointed that summer. It completed the surveys in 2018 and produced a report in 2019, which identified that almost two thirds of Housing Executive properties did not have cavity wall insulation up to current standards. The report made a series of recommendations.”
“If the Housing Executive is going to eradicate cold and damp issues in its properties, it needs to begin to address the problems in those houses that have old and ineffective insulation. This is not the first time the topic has been brought before the Assembly. In 2017, on virtually the last day before the Assembly crashed, there was a debate on the subject. From memory, I believe it was debated twice before that. It is truly shocking and a damning indictment of the Assembly and the Department for Communities that here we are again debating the issue and nobody is holding the Housing Executive to account — nobody. <BR /> <BR />You all may remember that a motion was passed calling on the Housing Executive to be held to account for its failure to address the problems of cavity wall insulation in its housing stock.”
“Very few of those houses have had their insulation inspected to ensure that it is still effective, and even fewer have had it upgraded.”
“The material that was used in most of those homes and houses is mineral wool, which has been discontinued in Northern Ireland for nearly 20 years due to the fact that it retains water and thus is likely to cause cold spots and subsequent damp.”
“If any of the 182,000 people who have asthma in Northern Ireland live in a damp house, there is a high chance that it will trigger an asthma attack, which will likely result in a trip to hospital and, in a small number of cases, can even lead to death. <BR /> <BR />In the 1980s, the Housing Executive carried out an extensive programme of wall insulation on its properties. At that time, the right to buy was in its infancy. The number of properties likely to have been insulated was around 150,000. Many of those properties are still in Housing Executive ownership, but even more have now been sold into private hands. The insulation in the walls is now nearly 40 years old.”
“Recent studies have shown that landlords need to do more to tackle the problem, emphasising the health problems that cold, damp and mould cause. Nearly one in five people in Northern Ireland are affected by lung conditions. Traditionally, lung disease has a long profile in the public mind and in healthcare, even though nearly twice as many people per day are diagnosed with respiratory disease as with non-respiratory cancers. Lung disease is costing £250 million a year in Northern Ireland. Prior to the pandemic, nearly 2,000 people died every year from respiratory disease in Northern Ireland. Damp and mould are key triggers for asthma attacks and can also lead to rare lung conditions.”
“<BR /> <BR />Many of the householders have told me that, when they report the problems, they are told to open their windows or stop drying clothes on the radiators, and that that is the extent of the response that they receive. If they persist, they may get an extractor fan in their bathroom or kitchen, but that does not address the problems. I know that many of you will have similar stories to tell. A few quick trawls through social media will highlight plenty of similar cases. Occasionally, the issue appears in the media, with the latest example being the recent article in the 'Newtownabbey Times' that highlighted problems in Ballycraigy and Three Mile Water. The problems that we see here in Northern Ireland are also prevalent in the rest of the UK.”
“Over the past decade, I have received numerous pleas for help from my constituents regarding cold, damp homes where, in the worst cases, mould was also present. It was affecting their health and well-being, with many feeling totally frustrated and depressed, unable or embarrassed to invite friends and family to their homes. I know from talking to many of you that you have experienced it in your own constituencies. The majority of these homes are rented from landlords — in particular, the Housing Executive — but those are not the only instances. A few years ago, I asked the Minister for Communities, in a question for written answer, how many cases of damp had been reported to the Housing Executive over the past four years. The total was 25,150, which is absolutely massive.”
“<BR /> <BR />On top of that, as Mr Allister mentioned, we will traumatise the victims of the Troubles, because we are going to give the contract for victims' pensions to Capita. It will be in charge and will create a mess of that as well. I have no doubt that it will create a mess. We have a responsibility to ensure that that does not happen. I call on the Justice Minister to pull back from giving Capita that contract before it is too late and we cause more problems for the victims of the Troubles.”
“The Department set the criteria and the guidelines, so it has a big responsibility for what happened. People who should have had their PIP are being denied it. Those people are being traumatised, and that is the fault of all of us in here — all of us — because we are allowing it to happen. Even without COVID on top of it, we have backlogs of appeals on mandatory reconsiderations and actual oral appeals that are costing hundreds of thousands of pounds. I will have to table an Assembly question to find out what the exact figure is. I fear for the future, because the Department for Communities under the Minister has allowed the contract to go on for another two years. As a result, in those two years, we will traumatise more people. The Minister really needs to look at that very quickly.”
“Nobody should be surprised by the ombudsman's report on PIP and the outcomes of it. Every one of us in the House has known about this for years. What did we do about it? Some of us may have raised questions at the Communities Committee, but we let it happen, even though we knew that it was going on, day in and day out. It is a collective failure of the Assembly. We should all hang our heads in shame. It is our fault. <BR /> <BR />Partly, the problem with Capita is also a problem with the Department for Communities, because, at the end of the day, the Department put Capita in charge.”
“Given the struggle that the tourism industry has faced during the pandemic and the ongoing uncertainty surrounding the return of international travel, it is of great importance that we do all that we can to support the sector. <BR /> <BR />Finally, I agree with the Committee's view that those with taproom licences should have restrictions placed on their access to occasional licences. As a result, I support amendment No 33 and consequential amendment Nos 34 and 61.”
“It will enable local producers to take advantage of operational taprooms for up to 104 days in a year during the limited hours of 4.00 pm to 10.00 pm. The Bill seeks to provide further balance on that issue by limiting the alcohol that is available for consumption to that which is produced by the brewery in question. I understand the hospitality industry's concerns regarding competition, but that must be balanced with the benefits of those changes to the tourism sector. The evidence that the Committee examined showed that there is a boost to the local economy where taprooms exist and that visits to those breweries are popular with tourists.”
“I have been supportive of the majority view of the Committee regarding those issues, and I will support amendment No 9, which allows for breweries to showcase more of their products to those on tours. That amendment will increase the number of samples permitted from one to four, and also provides the power to alter that number through secondary legislation, if necessary. <BR /> <BR />I am also supportive of the consequential amendments, including amendment No 15, which contains the definition of "a tour" when it comes to local producers. Of course, the Bill balances out that development by restricting the time during which samples can be provided to between the hours of 10.00 am and 7.00 pm. The Committee was divided on new clause 8A but, as I said, that is an amendment that I support.”
“<BR /> <BR />On amendment No 9, the Committee Chair has already outlined the extensive deliberations carried out by the Committee in relation to taprooms and local producers, so I will not repeat at length the depth of work that has gone into those issues. I will only say that it is an area that has needed attention for a number of years and that it would have been preferable to have had more research available on the topic when it was being considered by Committee. I therefore echo the comments of the Committee Chair and welcome the commitment from the Department for Communities to make up a report on taprooms, if that proves to be necessary.”
“There would be obvious implications for families, children, teenagers and those who simply wish to have an alcohol-free experience at the cinema. We also have to consider the implications for cinema staff. In light of those concerns, and having great respect for those who are opposed to this development, I welcome the Minister's commitment to a consultation on the topic over the summer. I support the Committee's ultimate decision to withhold support for amendment No 7 until that public consultation has been completed and we have a greater understanding of the impact of that change. I say to Ms Sugden that it is not that I am not open-minded; I am, but I really need the Minister to make sure that the consultation happens. Whether or not I will be more open-minded depends on what that consultation says. I hope that that explains that.”
“I intend to speak on amendment Nos 7, 9, 15, 33, 34 and 61. The second group of amendments deals with two main ideas: cinemas and local producers. I will deal briefly with cinemas before moving on to the issue of taprooms. <BR /> <BR />I was unable to support the idea, in amendment No 7, of cinemas being classified as "places of public entertainment" so that they could become licensed, without a prior public consultation. It is my view that Northern Ireland does not have a great deal of entertainment options for those who do not like to drink alcohol or do not like to be in the presence of those who do. Therefore, there are a significant number of questions surrounding the sale of alcohol in cinemas, such as whether it would be available to purchase only after a certain time or only in certain screenings.”
“That is against the spirit of such one-day memberships and is not their intended purpose, so I am pleased that a clarification amendment has been proposed. <BR /> <BR />I intend to oppose amendment Nos 1, 2 and 5.”
“Amendment No 6 is another sensible inclusion. The number of late nights will increase by over 80 annually, so it is only right that residents are made aware of local businesses that will take advantage of the changes. I am also pleased that the Minister has tabled an amendment that will allow members of the public to complain about late-night authorisations, should they cause undue inconvenience. That means that a court will have the power to revoke authorisations, make them subject to terms and conditions or alter the hours permitted. <BR /> <BR />I also support the departmental amendment that will close the one-day membership loophole that was used to access bar facilities or clubs rather than sporting facilities.”
“That is a significant alteration to the current law, so any problems that may arise can be dealt with quickly after its implementation.”
“Obviously, not every business will use the additional nights or has to use them. However, I hope that it will help out some of those that struggle at the moment. <BR /> <BR />Amendment No 2 proposes nearly doubling the number of late nights permitted to over 200 annually. Neither the written nor the oral evidence that we took as a Committee called for that number of late-night openings, nor did the evidence given compel the Committee to explore the option of increasing the number of late nights beyond 104. I therefore support the decision, alongside my Committee colleagues, to reject the amendment; indeed, I will oppose all the amendments that seek to increase the number of late-night authorisations beyond 104 annually. Incorporating the power to change the number via regulations is a sensible inclusion in the Bill.”
“I intend to speak on amendment Nos 2, 4, 6 and 47. The first issue that I want to touch on is the number of late-night openings permitted. In particular, I welcome amendment No 4. We all know that the hospitality industry continues to suffer greatly from the pandemic. It is, therefore, only right that we do all that we can to support its recovery. The amendment is, consequently, very timely. It brings small pubs into line with clubs with regard to the number of late-night openings permitted annually, bringing the number to 104 nights in total for clubs and pubs every year. Despite reopening, the hospitality sector is still operating with reduced capacity. Hopefully, the additional late nights permitted for small pubs in the Bill would go some way to assisting their recovery.”
“I thank the deputy First Minister for her answer. Does she agree that listening to businesses, stability and working together are vital for any COVID recovery plan to work for Northern Ireland?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. What processes are in place to ensure that your Department spends its budget to the best of its ability and offers the best value?”
“One must question the motives of the amendment. By not supporting the motion, they are sending out the wrong message. I call on the Assembly to support the motion.”
“That would allow us to have a greater understanding of antisemitism in Northern Ireland. <BR /> <BR />I cannot accept the amendment. While it uses the right words, it leaves out the endorsement of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's working definition of antisemitism and, because of that, I was surprised that the amendment was allowed.”
“We are the only part of the UK that has not adopted the IHRA definition. <BR /> <BR />Antisemitism incidents have risen to an all-time high. Of particular concern is how mainstream antisemitism seems to have become, in our politics, in our universities and on our online platforms. Such views are being unacceptably legitimised, and I am deeply concerned about the lack of action being taken to tackle this growing problem. The IHRA definition of antisemitism and its examples have been adopted by many countries and organisations across the world. We remain the only devolved nation of the UK not to adopt them. Adopting the definition would clarify the meaning of antisemitism and what constitutes antisemitism; it would provide us with guidelines to assist in the recording these incidents.”
“It has also been adopted by the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Parliament. The Welsh Government have also taken further action to tackle antisemitism. They arranged training on the topic for government officials, which was delivered by a local leader from the Jewish community, with a focus on the IHRA's definition. They also invited a Holocaust survivor to speak to officials. <BR /> <BR />In Scotland, Jews remain 30 times more likely than others to be targeted for their religious beliefs. The UK is far from alone in holding this stance on antisemitism. There are too many countries to list them all, but some of those that have adopted the definition include France, Germany, Canada, Spain, Italy and the United States. The definition also received support from the United Nations, the European Union and the Council of Europe.”
“A list of examples of what antisemitism involves can be found on its website, at holocaustremembrance.com. The definition came about based on a simple premise: if antisemitism is to be tackled, we must know what it is. The IHRA committee on antisemitism and Holocaust denial then worked to build the definition to which the motion refers. It was formally adopted by the IHRA in 2016. The purpose of the definition is to set an example of what is reasonable conduct at an international level. It gives guidance to countries on what is acceptable and what is unacceptable. It is also useful as an educational tool. Importantly, it can also help relevant authorities in the collection of data on the prevalence of antisemitism in society. <BR /> <BR />The UK adopted the definition of antisemitism at a national level. It has been in place since 2016.”
“When the issue of the Labour Party and antisemitism peaked in the news, there was a peak in the number of incidents related to the Labour Party. Around Holocaust Memorial Day, there is a peak in the incidence of Holocaust denial and in comments that link Nazism to Jews and Israel. News cycles are heavily linked to the type of antisemitic abuse that is experienced by the Jewish community. <BR /> <BR />The real substance of the motion is to call on the Assembly to endorse the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's working definition of antisemitism, which is as follows:”
“<BR /> <BR />There are therefore two key takeaways on antisemitism that should concern us as we move forward. The first is the ingenuity of those who are determined to spread their hate and make comments about antisemitic attacks. The targeting of online meetings between local Jewish communities and relevant supportive institutions demonstrates the ability of those offenders to adapt quickly to changing circumstances. Secondly, more awareness is needed of how the incidents reported often relate to our news cycles. The hatred of Jews can be worked into stories with no links to Jewish people. The very beginning of the pandemic saw a high number of incidents linking Jews in some form or other to COVID-19. That follows a pattern.”
“The chairman of the Belfast Jewish Community (BJC) expressed his concern over the current state of the Labour Party, agreeing that comments made by the chief rabbi regarding antisemitism taking root in the party were reflective of how the local Jewish community feels. The Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) found the party to be in breach of the Equality Act 2010. Closer to home, in the Republic of Ireland, a Sinn Féin TD was recently condemned for tweets that she put out. The tweets linked Nazism and Israel and called staff at the Israeli embassy "monkeys". At that point, the Jewish Representative Council of Ireland (JRCI) called on the party to adopt the definition in the motion. It is notable that the TD did not face a suspension or any other disciplinary hearing.”
“It is better to engage with those with whom we disagree in a constructive way, perhaps through the well-known scheme in the Lessons from Auschwitz project that takes sixth-form students from different schools on trips to Auschwitz and includes several seminars. Students are also able to hear testimonies from Holocaust survivors. Having been to Auschwitz, I say this: go and visit, because it will change your life. <BR /> <BR />The increase in the prevalence of antisemitism in politics is also alarming. One has only to look at the Labour Party to see how commonplace and mainstream antisemitism is.”
“Several years ago, we saw the students' union at Queen's University oppose the visit of the then Israeli ambassador to the UK, Mark Regev, calling for his invitation to speak to be cancelled. The ensuing protests during his visit saw a participant having to be restrained from following the ambassador's car. Of course, people are entitled to protest. The IHRA is clear that criticism of Israel that is similar to that which is levelled at any other country is not antisemitic. Discussions, however, about Israel in a way that targets Jews as a collective, and the rhetoric surrounding discussions about Israel, can easily stray into antisemitic rhetoric. Universities should be places of open debate and discussion.”
“The CST has found that antisemitic incidents have increased substantially on campuses over the past several years, recording a very concerning 40 incidents in a year in which most students were not even at university. It should be noted that reporting mechanisms are not always adequate, so it is likely that such incidents are under-reported to universities. The CST report recommended that universities adopt the working definition of antisemitism. Perhaps this debate will encourage them to do so.”
“<BR /> <BR />When Mr Tenenbom finished his visit to Northern Ireland, he estimated that he had found antisemitic views in 70% to 80% of people whom he interviewed. He said that he had never seen such antisemitism as he had in Northern Ireland and that it was frightening. He claimed that that one incident was representative of his wider experiences here. That those individuals felt so comfortable expressing those views on camera is deeply troubling and should be a concern to us all. It shows us that those people do not fear any repercussions or feel any shame. <BR /> <BR />It is particularly alarming that that hatred, as old as time, is becoming increasingly apparent on our university campuses.”