Nelson McCausland
North Belfast · Democratic Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“Such an attack on a garage forecourt, where people are milling around — young people, elderly folk, people out and about their business, as well as the intended target — means that anyone could have been cut down and killed on the spot last night. It is reminiscent of the 1970s and 1980s in Belfast.”
“The event that took place on the Crumlin Road in north Belfast last night was an appalling attempt to murder a police officer or police officers. It is a chilling and terrible reminder of those dark days — some of the darkest days — when such attacks were a regular occurrence in Belfast.”
“I thank the Minister for his answer and also for his answer to the earlier question regarding uncertainties with youth funding issues. I thank him for his clarification. What is his assessment of the value and benefits that flow from the work of those whom we are speaking about?”
“Fortunately, on the previous occasion of an attack on the Crumlin Road not so long ago, the intended victims were not killed. It is a stark reminder of the responsibility of all of us to make sure that those who are responsible for such attacks are brought before the courts.”
“On a point of order, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. May I ask that the Speaker review Question Time today in Hansard? Some Members were permitted to preface and contextualise their question with a couple of sentences without interruption, some Members managed it with interruption and some of us were interrupted in the first sentence.”
“Some might argue that the Gaels were Planters as well. Would the Minister undertake to work with the relevant folk in the Department for Communities and the Minister there, who have responsibility for the Ulster-Scots Agency, to see if additional resources could be afforded to enable it to work up additional work in that context because o…”
The complete record
Every one of 417 lines we hold for Nelson McCausland, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 7 of 9.
“The abuse that took place at Kincora and at a number of other homes in the Province is, I believe, a stain and shame on our society. Yesterday, the news focused on what happened at Rubane House, the De La Salle boys' home in Kircubbin. Today, in the Chamber, the focus is on Kincora. <BR /> <BR />All those examples of abuse are equally vile, but the story of Kincora is somewhat different, in that there are more dimensions and layers to it. That was very clear even back in 1980 when the story was first exposed in the 'Irish Independent'.”
“People are conning themselves if they think that they are going to do any better. When people from elsewhere in the United Kingdom comment on it, their general view is that we in Northern Ireland have done a really good job and that the Department for Social Development, in its negotiations, has brought back for Northern Ireland something that people should be pleased with because it is a compassionate package that cares for the vulnerable.”
“Steven Agnew talked about sanctions. In fact, the package includes that very issue. The package that we have brought forward says that there would be reduced sanctions here in Northern Ireland. It will be done differently from in GB. As regards the overall situation — he was right in this regard and made the point well — the fact is that this is about Sinn Féin sacrificing the people of Northern Ireland for its ambition of a united Ireland. It really is as simple, cold and crass as that. <BR /> <BR />Let me finish by saying that, over the past year and a half, we have completed our negotiations with Westminster and the negotiations here in Northern Ireland to get the local changes and mitigations that I wanted. The package that was agreed with Sinn Féin a year ago is actually a very good package.”
“The fact is that, in Scotland, a decision was taken about the bedroom tax; that is correct. However, the package of measures that we have proposed here in Northern Ireland, and which was agreed with Sinn Féin, far surpasses anything anywhere else in the British Isles. Mrs Kelly will have heard about it in the Committee, and although it goes against her mind and heart to acknowledge it, it is a fact that it is by far the best package anywhere in the British Isles; that needs to be recognised.”
“There will be plenty of opportunity for the Member to put it in writing and to circulate it to all of us. There is a bit of a love-in over there between the really green nationalists and the wannabe green nationalists. <BR /> <BR />Fearghal McKinney talked about the Scottish experience. The fact is that this is not a devolved matter in Scotland.”
“That, of course, introduced the reassessment of the 83,000 people previously receiving incapacity benefit, which has now been completed with the significant majority — nearly 60,000 — moving on to ESA. It is my understanding from officials that all regulations have been implemented. Whilst conscious of the code of practice for officials sharing information on previous Ministers, I would be happy if Mr Attwood would like to provide the Assembly with further information. I am sure that he will put that in writing to all of us. <BR /> <BR />In the last two minutes, I will pick up quickly on what Fearghal McKinney said about the Scottish experience.”
“I have commissioned and published research that clearly sets out the impacts of such changes. They are readily available on my Department's website and in the Assembly Library. I encourage Members to read them. That is why I referred to the difference between the £630 million and the £750 million. The £120 million is the real figure. <BR /> <BR />Michael Copeland talked about the limited progress on universal credit IT, but he misses the importance of the policy intent of getting people into work. I thought that he would agree with me that that was a good thing that we want to support. <BR /> <BR />Alex Attwood made reference to how he authorised breaches of parity and measures he had taken to mitigate the impact of welfare reform in 2010.”
“— is based on a deep ideological commitment to the existing social security system and that it should never change. The SDLP changed it. <BR /> <BR />What we are really talking about is how best to change the social security system, rather than refusing to reform it. I understand that parties in the Chamber have concerns, as I have, but to simply say no is nonsensical in this case. Unless we can agree a way forward, we will only see reductions in services for the people in Northern Ireland. There is clear evidence that the current system is not working, that we need changes and that the package of measures that I have negotiated provides the best way forward. <BR /> <BR />For brevity, let me finish with some points that Members have raised. Alex Maskey talked about figures.”
“You can go away and check that some other time, Alex, and help your memory. <BR /> <BR />Let everyone in the Chamber be honest and stop pretending that their opposition to the Welfare Reform Bill —”
“Bear in mind also the 2010 Welfare Reform Bill. Earlier, Alex beat his chest like some Sinn Féiner on steroids or something, as though there was nothing outstanding. The fact is that, when he left the Department, there was not one breach of parity. When he went out the door and I arrived, it had all been done. There was no breach of parity and not one issue outstanding. He can try to portray it differently, macho man that he is, but the fact is that there was no breach of parity.”
“<BR /> <BR />The social security system is complex, large and bureaucratic. There is a need to reform, and, every week, the Assembly approves small changes to the system. I want to say this, particularly to the SDLP Members: over the past six years, the Assembly has voted through two pieces of primary legislation — one in 2007 and one in 2010 — that brought about significant change to the social welfare system in Northern Ireland. All the parties in the Assembly have therefore been part of the process of changing the welfare system over the years. <BR /> <BR />In 2007, the Welfare Reform Bill brought in the employment and support allowance (ESA) by accelerated passage, and in 2010 we introduced incapacity benefit reassessments. In fact, the hated Atos was signed off by none other than Alex Attwood.”
“No. <BR /> <BR />These include changes to the tax system for which the Assembly has no responsibility or control. The report also takes no account of the positive financial impact of universal credit and enhanced childcare provision. I encourage Members to go home, get their calculator out, go through the figures, read what we said and get the real figures rather than those that were concocted at the time by, I think, Goretti Horgan from the SWP, who wrote the report. <BR /> <BR />Let us get the scare tactics off the table and have a genuine debate. That is the real strength of the amendment, which I am supporting, because it calls for the Chamber to support the implementation of a revised and improved package for Northern Ireland and therefore avoid the financial cuts from not passing the legislation.”
“If people actually took the time and trouble to look at the facts and figures, they would discover that, instead of the £750 million that they throw about as being the impact of what is proposed, it is actually around £120 million.”
“That figure comes from a NICVA-commissioned report. At the time of its publication, I was heavily critical of the authors — I expressed that directly to NICVA — for the inaccuracies in the report and the negative impact it could have on people claiming benefits. Let me repeat what I said previously: the NICVA report is wrong. The costs of £750 million that have been quoted do not reflect the cost of implementing the Welfare Reform Bill in Northern Ireland. The £750 million figure listed in the report includes costs of nearly £630 million arising from changes that have already taken place in the social security system and that parties in the Assembly supported. They also include changes to the tax system that relate to HMRC and the Treasury for which the Assembly has no responsibility and over which it has no control.”
“Spending on social security has risen from over £4·5 billion in 2009-2010 to £5·2 billion in 2013-14, and it is projected to rise, even when we implement welfare reform measures suitable for Northern Ireland, to over £6 billion by 2018-19. These figures represent real and increasing levels of resource being spent on helping those who need help, including the most vulnerable. The only cuts that are happening here and now are those that impact on the people of Northern Ireland as a consequence of parties refusing to pass the Bill, including the Northern Ireland-specific package to deal, where possible, with the unpalatable elements of GB reform. <BR /> <BR />Once again, the figure of £750 million has been quoted by some people as the cost of implementing the Welfare Reform Bill in Northern Ireland.”
“As a locally elected Minister, I have successfully negotiated a good package of measures in the best interests of the people of Northern Ireland, but I cannot deliver such a package for locally inflicted cuts, which are already impacting on public services and vulnerable people. What is disappointing, however, is that the proposers of the motion have sought to hijack the debate about the protection of the most vulnerable, and, refusing to face up to facts and reality, they are pressurised to back up a political mantra in another country with the rehearsal of their catch-all chant about welfare cuts. <BR /> <BR />Let us look at the real position on spending on welfare over the past five years and through to 2018-19.”
“No, I will not. I have no extra time, and I need all the time I have. <BR /> <BR />Let me now turn to the second part of the motion and the amendment, which relates to the changes in the welfare system. As I said at the outset, I welcome the debate about the type of society we want and where the protection of the most vulnerable should sit in regard to priorities. Let me be clear: I recognise that there are elements of the Westminster welfare reform package that are cuts and are unpalatable, such as severed disability premiums and the bedroom tax. Indeed, I have stated that in the House before.”
“<BR /> <BR />When the Assembly votes on the motion, Members need to be clear that, if they support it, they are saying that the Executive should prioritise spending on welfare, which supports the most vulnerable, over the provision of our health care system and the education of our young people, over justice and the protection of people across Northern Ireland. That is the reality.”
“Not everyone can be the highest priority, and, at Executive level, Ministers have to decide what the priorities are and make decisions on where resources in Northern Ireland are best spent. Like families have to do every day, at ministerial level there is a fixed budget and we have to make difficult decisions. That is what being in government is all about: assessing need, weighing up the different priorities and making decisions — often difficult, real-life decisions. It is not about dated rhetoric or rants spelled out on billboards or on social media aimed at frightening the most vulnerable rather than supporting and informing them.”
“<BR /> <BR />That is clear evidence of how my Department delivers real and practical support to ensure the protection of the most vulnerable. I want to assure Members that those services remain at the top of our agenda, even as we deal with cuts that are being forced on us by the refusal of some parties to pass a suitable Northern Ireland Welfare Reform Bill. <BR /> <BR />As Minister for Social Development, I have a responsibility in the Executive to argue that tackling poverty and supporting vulnerable people should be the highest priority for the Executive. However, I also recognise that Executive colleagues have equally valid arguments when they say that the health service, education or justice should be the number one priority for the Executive.”
“Those payments are made to disabled people regardless of whether they are in work or unemployed. Over £212 million was paid to people who are unemployed as part of the support available to help them back into work, and £224 million was paid to the families on a low income and not in employment. To add to this, over the past year DSD has provided funding in excess of £800,000 to support the provision of approximately 88,000 two-hour free childcare places for parents in the margins of employment. This funding enables those parents to improve their opportunities to gain employment through participation in training. We also paid over £27 million last year through child maintenance payments, which is money that keeps children warm, fed and clothed.”
“In the past year alone, my Department invested over £8 million in neighbourhood renewal to support the delivery of capital regeneration projects and a further £20 million to support service delivery, all in the most disadvantaged areas. By way of an example, that funding was instrumental in establishing 20 new nurture units and 11 social enterprise hubs. Members will be aware that Delivering Social Change is a key Executive priority, and my officials play a key role in the different elements of that programme. <BR /> <BR />In terms of direct financial support for the most vulnerable, my Department administers over £5·5 billion paid out in social security benefits. Last year, over £800 million in financial support was paid to the 190,000 disabled people claiming disability living allowance in Northern Ireland.”
“The annual Supporting People budget of £74 million funds a range of services, including those for homeless people. <BR /> <BR />At the same time, my Department provides funding and support — over £4·5 million in the last year alone — for voluntary and community organisations that provide good generalist advice services to the many hundreds of our most vulnerable people who seek help. We work with disadvantaged communities, helping them to improve the physical environment in which they live and to enhance the services available to the people living there. In doing so, my Department works in partnership with other Departments on key Executive policies such as the neighbourhood renewal strategy.”
“I want to see a society based on social justice where individuals have access to equality of opportunity and believe that they can maximise their potential but also accept the personal responsibility for themselves and their families and feel able to make a contribution to their community. In essence, my work and that of my Department is about helping people to improve their life for the better. <BR /> <BR />My Department carries out many functions that directly protect some of the most vulnerable people. Housing for homeless people and providing homes for people with a mental or physical disability are examples of how my Department daily provides services that protect the most vulnerable. The Supporting People programme provides assistance to 17,000 vulnerable people, helping them to live independently.”
“I welcome the opportunity to make a contribution to the debate on the motion and the amendment. Let me say at the outset that I welcome the opportunity that we have had today to debate the policy around welfare reform and the spending priorities as regards that. Sometimes, some of the contributions have contained more heat than light, and I hope to shed a little bit more light on some of the measures as I proceed. <BR /> <BR />As Minister for Social Development, I believe that tackling disadvantage and building strong communities should be a key priority for the Executive.”
“Well, I did say that the Housing Executive, which is one of my Department's bodies, does have a role. I did say that.”
“If the issue is, for example, one of racial tension between groups or individuals and people are being targeted because of their ethnic background, that is not an issue that can be solely my responsibility. In fact, OFMDFM has responsibility for racial equality, so there are a number of different Departments. It is not just a matter of simply asking what DSD is doing. We work through the Housing Executive on the housing aspect of the issue, but there are wider issues there. Maybe that matter needs to be looked at. It is a bit like the question from another member of the SDLP. It is important that the question be directed to the appropriate person, Minister and Department.”
“However, there is a limit to what the Housing Executive can do; it is simply one player in this. The fact is, of course, that others are involved. If there are issues of intimidation, the police have a role to play to ensure that the perpetrators are brought before the courts and dealt with appropriately. The community will very often give their support to those who are the targets of intimidation. It is very difficult to come up with a single answer and say that A, B, C, D or E are the five things that need to happen. It will depend on the circumstances. However, I assure the Member that the Housing Executive keeps this very much in mind, as I am sure he would expect. I think that its community-cohesion unit also does good work in trying to create more cohesive communities where that sort of thing does not happen.”
“First, I personally do not know the details of that particular family in Moneymore. Of course, what I would say is that in this or in any other situation where people are being intimidated because of their religion, race or whatever, that should not happen. It is wrong. It hardly needs to be said, but it is right to say it. It is something that everybody should sign up to — that it is wrong — even without saying it. I am putting on record today that it is wrong. It should not happen. It is something that happens in a number of areas. The reasons are different in different cases. In some cases, they are communal; in others, they are individual. There is a whole range of circumstances. <BR /> <BR />The Housing Executive has a good record in trying to help people in those circumstances.”
“<BR /> <BR />The key thing with this is that we have around the table all the relevant players — the relevant Departments, agencies, local people and local elected representatives. Everybody there is saying, "We know this area. We either live or work in it. These are the things that will make a difference." What the outcome will be in terms of a programme in each area will be different, but the end result has to be vibrant communities and places where people want to live, work and socialise.”
“Building Successful Communities is an attempt to address the difficulties and needs in areas where the regeneration programmes that have been in place for a number of years — in fact, for the past decade — have not really made the impact that is required. In the pilot areas, a range of initiatives will be brought forward, but, at the end of the day, what will be the evidence of success? A regenerated community. That is what the people in those areas want to see. They do not want to see dereliction, they do not want to see derelict properties, and they do not want to see blight. They feel a sense of despair. Therefore, this is something that gives them an opportunity for hope and progress.”
“<BR /> <BR />Each forum includes representatives from the local community who will consider the redevelopment plans for the area, as well as representatives from statutory bodies and elected representatives. Work is ongoing to appoint the consultants who will work with the forums, and I hope that the individual action plans will be in place in the new year, with action plans to follow during 2015. <BR /> <BR />We are having a seminar on 17 September, which I will open. It will feature keynote addresses from people who have experiences in the field, including those from the Northern Ireland Housing Executive, urban regeneration and the Wheatley Group in Glasgow, and it will be attended by forum members from all six areas.”
“I am glad to say that all the Building Successful Communities regeneration forums have now been established in the six pilot areas across Northern Ireland. Those are Doury Road in Ballymena; and, in Belfast, lower Falls; Lenadoon and Glencolin; Tigers Bay and Mountcollyer; lower Shankill and Brown Square; and lower Oldpark and Hillview. Doury Road, Lenadoon and Glencolin, and lower Falls were established in April and May. Tigers Bay and Mountcollyer, lower Shankill and Brown Square, and lower Oldpark and Hillview have all had their first meetings within the past four weeks. All the meetings to date have been positive and constructive, and that is an encouraging start. Each forum's membership has embraced the challenges ahead in attempting to use housing as a spearhead for physical, social and economic regeneration.”
“I certainly would not want to dodge Mr McCann. The fact is that this Assembly, as does any legislature anywhere in the British Isles, functions best when you have all the different elements working together. That is why I emphasised yesterday, and again this afternoon, the important role that the Committee has in addressing, considering and bringing forward ideas and recommendations on the sort of issues that really matter to the people of Northern Ireland. Those are the things that I already listed. So, I encourage the Committee to consider those and to reflect on them. They are key areas of work. I will take a simple example. We had some proposals on antisocial behaviour. The Committee had contrary views on them, but when I actually asked, "What do you think would be the best way to tackle it?", there was nothing forthcoming.”
“I want to ensure that the Committee does its job properly. Primarily, that is, of course, the role of the Chair of the Committee. I think that it was perfectly right and proper to say that a flawed process produced a flawed product. I also encourage the Committee, as I did yesterday, to address the big issues that face us at present. I listed a number of those yesterday, and they include fuel poverty, the standard of maintenance in social housing properties owned by the House Executive, and all the other areas that we are working in, such as energy efficiency, the boiler replacement scheme and antisocial behaviour. I would like to see more product from the Committee in that regard, but, sadly, so much of its time is being taken up on what is, I think, a pointless diversion.”
“I think that the Member is aware of the rules for dealing with personnel matters. Personnel issues are not handled in the same way as certain other things. I am sure that the Member will bear that in mind when asking such questions.”
“I did not hear the news item this morning. I was preparing for this morning's Executive Committee meeting and today's questions for oral answer. That and other matters took my attention, so I cannot comment.”
“It would be disrespectful to the Committee, in so far as I have received a letter from the Chair of the Committee and I will give that information to the Committee within the 10 days. The response is being prepared and drafted. I think it important that I, having received the letter from the Chair, respect the Committee. <BR /> <BR />The other matter is outside the remit of the question that the Member originally raised. He moved on to something else, but I will say this about it: it is a personnel issue, which will have to influence our dealings with it and the way in which it is handled. I am sure that the Member is aware that there are rules, regulations and procedures that have to be in place when dealing with personnel issues. As I said, the matter will be with the Committee within the next number of days.”
“I thank the Member for his question. I assume that he is, as a member of the Social Development Committee, aware that just the other day, on 8 September, the Chair of the Committee wrote to me about that very issue and asked for a reply within 10 days. Within the next 10 days, the Member and other members of the Committee will receive a fulsome answer.”
“If the Member has information, I encourage him to bring it to my attention, and I am sure that he will also want to bring it to the attention of the police to have the matter properly investigated. Whatever information he has, I will certainly be interested to hear about it.”
“I encourage the Member to ensure that in future, when those issues are being debated at Westminster, the Members from his party, instead of running of away from the issue, are in their seats in Westminster, doing their job and representing the people of Northern Ireland. Then he might have something to talk about and be in a position to comment on others.”
“<BR /> <BR />By the end of this year, we will also be in a much better position regarding the energy efficiency of the thousands of Housing Executive no-fines homes: that is, stock that has no cavity wall and no cavity wall insulation. That issue has been around for several decades. Over the past decade, there has been a lot of denial, but we are actually dealing with the issue now, which will make a difference.”
“Fuel poverty has those three factors: income, fuel cost and energy efficiency. The major focus of my Department's fuel poverty strategy is to remove energy inefficiency as a cause of fuel poverty, because that is the one contributor to fuel poverty that we can do something about. <BR /> <BR />We can talk about tackling the price of fuel, which is important, as is the introduction of gas to a wider area, and we can talk about improving household incomes, but we really can do something about improving energy efficiency. In the social housing stock, we have done a tremendous amount of work on that, and by the end of this financial year all Housing Executive properties will be double-glazed.”
“The academic whom we are working with, Professor Christine Liddell, is at the forefront on that and is leading the way in the British Isles in that regard.”
“I made the point at the start that there were three main contributors to fuel poverty. The first is a really big issue in Northern Ireland: our heavy dependence on domestic heating oil. That is so different from the situation in GB, which is why the work being taken forward by my DETI colleague, Arlene Foster, to expand the gas network to the west is so important. The more people who can access gas, the better, because it is a cheaper fuel. That sort of thing will have the biggest impact. The other thing we do, which I did not really mention, concerns income. Our benefit uptake campaigns have a significant impact on people's ability to pay for fuel. Income level is the third factor in fuel poverty. The work that we are doing at the moment — the targeted approach — is particularly innovative.”
“It will find and target the most vulnerable homes — those where people live in severe fuel poverty — and offer energy efficiency assistance to them. <BR /> <BR />There is no doubt that more work could be done in tackling fuel poverty. However, I am restricted to the work that can be done within allocated budgets. I can assure the Member that I am committed to working in a collaborative and inclusive way, and I am always keen to explore all options and new initiatives to provide assistance to the most vulnerable households. <BR /> <BR />I chair the cross-sectoral fuel poverty partnership and work closely with my colleague in DETI, Arlene Foster. The partnership includes not simply the Departments that are relevant to this but a range of stakeholders who work in the area of fuel poverty.”
“<BR /> <BR />Whilst the proportion of households in fuel poverty has reduced slightly, without the measures delivered by my Department the rates of fuel poverty would be significantly higher. That underlines my commitment to assisting the most vulnerable households in Northern Ireland by providing measures to reduce their energy costs and maximise the energy efficiency of their homes. <BR /> <BR />There are 120,000 homes that have had energy efficiency measures installed under the current warm homes scheme, investing over £150 million. Over 14,500 old, inefficient boilers have been replaced in the boiler replacement scheme. I will shortly launch a new energy efficiency scheme that will be a targeted, area-based approach.”
“I thank the Member for the question and for raising what is an important issue in regard to fuel poverty. Fuel poverty in Northern Ireland has three core contributors: income, energy prices and the energy efficiency of homes. Unlike other regions of the UK, a primary reason for high levels of expenditure in Northern Ireland is the prominence of oil as a source of domestic heating fuel. <BR /> <BR />In 2009, it was estimated that 44% of households were experiencing fuel poverty. According to the 2011 house condition survey, that figure is currently 42%. That is based on households needing to spend 10% or more of their income on household fuel costs. Research has also highlighted 33,000 households across Northern Ireland that need to spend 25% or more of their income to adequately heat their home.”
“The Member should have a conversation with his own Minister. There is a role for the Department of the Environment as the lead Department in the reform of local government, so I suggest that, if he has concerns — he obviously has — he take them up with the member of his party. It is not a thing for me to deal with. If the Member does not even understand that, we are in a bad and sorry state. Clearly, it is something that his own Minister should be dealing with. He should talk to him. If they do not talk to each other, I cannot help that.”
“If the legislation does not go through, nothing will transfer.”