← LEADERSHIP TERMINAL

UK PARLIAMENT · FORMER

Michelle O'Neill

Mid Ulster · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland

IN THEIR OWN WORDS

We are shocked and deeply saddened for both the victim of the horrific incident in north Belfast and the people who have been impacted on by the disorder that we have witnessed since. There is absolutely no justification for racism, violence or intimidation.

OFFICIAL REPORT, 2026-06-22 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

It is the latest chapter in a political psychodrama. It has been playing out in Westminster for forever and a day but particularly over the past 10 years. Tomorrow is the 10th anniversary of Brexit, which inflicted so much damage to the wider economy. We are now on the verge of having a seventh British Prime Minister in 10 years.

OFFICIAL REPORT, 2026-06-22 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

We cannot look at things in isolation. Whether it is the refugee integration strategy, the framework or the legislation, all those things need to move together and at pace.

OFFICIAL REPORT, 2026-06-22 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

I agree with the Member about the ugly language that was used to describe some people in our community. Like the Member, I have met many people from the black and ethnic minority community in recent times. I do that on an ongoing basis, but I did so recently given what happened over the last number of weeks.

OFFICIAL REPORT, 2026-06-22 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

There is not just one answer to it, as the Member knows. We need to come at it from every angle. That could be a policing response initially, for which additional funding was secured. I agree that this is the third year in a row in which we have had that type of racist behaviour on our streets. Likewise, I would describe it as a pogrom.

OFFICIAL REPORT, 2026-06-22 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

Building on that progress, the Executive Office is contributing £3·3 million towards the Derry on the North Atlantic Museum, which is due to open in 2027 and will further enhance Ebrington’s role as a heritage and tourism destination. <BR /> <BR />Ebrington is also continuing to develop as a vibrant events space.

OFFICIAL REPORT, 2026-06-22 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

The complete record

Every one of 5,636 lines we hold for Michelle O'Neill, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 40 of 113.

  1. I want to say that nobody will be left behind and that we will do everything that we can to make sure that everybody is properly supported and has access to truth and justice. People had the same experience of trauma, whether that happened in an institution or in a home, and that needs to be acknowledged and rectified. We need to send a message to all victims and survivors that no stone will be left unturned by the Executive to support them. Whether it be clerical abuse, institutional abuse or abuse in the home — all those things — we have to make sure that we do the right thing for all those who, over many decades, have been hurt in such a horrible way.

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-15 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  2. Yes, and, again, I acknowledge the Member's work in the area. He has been consistent in raising the issue for many years. You are absolutely right, and it is necessary that the institutions that were involved in those heinous crimes against women and spent so many years trying to cover them up should pay for the redress. It is appropriate that we seek the right contribution from them, and I hope that they will comply willingly. If they do not, we will legislate to take that power. We want the victims and survivors to hear the strong message today that we will act and compel organisations that fail to do the right thing when it is asked of them.

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  3. Thank you for the question. I am conscious that you work closely with a lot of victims and survivors, so I absolutely take on board your point. I am particularly conscious of the fact that there are different needs, particularly among birth mothers and adopted children. It is a terrible indictment of society that, for many decades, so many mothers were burdened with that immeasurable shame and stigma, and that burden was placed on them by society and by those who sought to cover up what happened in institutions. It was the worst kind of abuse and trauma that anybody could experience. I hope that, today, our taking forward the recommendations goes some way towards lifting that burden from the women. The message that we should send strongly together today is that the stigma and shame must end now.

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  4. The consultative forum will be the key mechanism by which to allow victims and survivors to input to that. Then, let us speedily return with a full apology from us to the victims and survivors. I want to do that as quickly as possible. <BR /> <BR />I have set out some of the things that we can do more quickly and some that will take a bit longer. However, let us keep building on the momentum that we have at this point. Let us continue to make progress and to make sure that we send a strong message to the victims and survivors, many of whom are watching today's debate, that we will work together and do this together and that we will support them together as we work our way through all the things that we have taken on board from the recommendations.

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  5. I thank the Member for her questions. I look forward to working with the Chair of the Committee as we progress the recommendations. <BR /> <BR />My message to everybody today is, "Let's do this together". We have a huge opportunity to support victims and survivors who have been failed at every turn. I want to work with every Member to make sure we do right and start to lift some of the burden that was inflicted on those women and girls for far too long. I will work with the Member. <BR /> <BR />It is really important that we learn lessons from what happened here and what happened in other jurisdictions and do not fall foul of the things that have been identified elsewhere. For example, when it comes to the issue of an apology, it is important that we reflect what is requested by the victims and survivors.

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  6. I will finish by echoing the words of the report: let the truth be known and transparency achieved.

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  7. Our thoughts are very much with all the victims and survivors who were so grievously failed and have lived for many years with the unimaginable pain and trauma inflicted on them. Their needs are our absolute priority. It has been a long and arduous journey, but today they are one step closer to getting the truth that has been denied to them for decades. <BR /> <BR />Today, we stand united in support of all victims and survivors. We want to send a clear message that we will do everything in our power to ensure that you get the truth, justice and redress that you deserve. We will continue to keep Members updated as we make progress. All of us in the House will have a part to play in delivering on this crucial work. I commend to the House the report of the truth recovery design panel.

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  8. Earlier, the First Minister and I met a group of victims and survivors virtually. We are making arrangements to meet them in person in the coming weeks. This morning, we discussed with them the decisions of the Executive and outlined our next steps. They welcomed those decisions. They felt a sense of relief, they felt that they were being acknowledged and they felt that this was a momentous day. They also left us in no doubt that what they need to see now is concrete action and full delivery of the recommendations. Today, on behalf of the Executive, we make that commitment to them. <BR /> <BR />This is a watershed moment for the women and adult children of mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses. We must remember that this will be a difficult and emotional day for many.

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  9. One of our senior officials in TEO will take on the senior responsible owner role as the key decision maker. TEO will, therefore, have the overall responsibility for delivering the objectives of the programme. Other Departments will, of course, have significant involvement in the work as it progresses.

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  10. <BR /> <BR />It is clear that it will be complex and cross-cutting work. For example, the creation of an archive may appear straightforward, but the practicalities of it, including the use of the Public Record Office, are unclear. Any memorial will require careful thought and attention and must be progressed in a process of consultation and co-design with the victims and survivors. Citizenship is a reserved matter that falls to the Home Office and is, therefore, outside the Assembly's ambit. Those issues and others that arise will be considered in detail by the programme, which will be led by the Executive Office. To ensure strong coordination across all Departments, we have agreed that the Executive Office will lead on the programme, including on the inquiry and on redress.

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  11. Victims and survivors will be represented on the independent expert panel, and the consultative forum will be given a role in the appointments to the panel. <BR /> <BR />Although the legislation required to establish the public inquiry can be progressed only in the next mandate, we can and will initiate any required groundwork now. We will begin the work on financial redress right away, including discussions with HMRC and the Treasury. We will undertake the groundwork for the legislation that will be required to ensure that payments are not means-tested and that welfare benefits, for example, are not affected. The Department of Health is already considering including a duty to preserve and not destroy relevant records in the Adoption and Children Bill that is before the Assembly, and instructions to counsel have issued.

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  12. <BR /> <BR />As you can see, the recommendations are comprehensive and far-reaching. There is no doubt that their implementation will involve a significant work programme and a sizeable funding package. We are committed to engaging and to listening. As I have indicated, however, we do not have the luxury of time. It is crucial that we move rapidly on all the issues. Therefore, the Executive have agreed all the recommendations, and work will continue at pace to finalise details and take the next steps as quickly as possible; indeed, such is our determination to move forward at speed that we have agreed some actions that will be taken forward immediately. We will establish the consultative forum, in line with the accessibility principle in recommendation 1, and an expert panel within the next six months, as outlined in recommendation 3.

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  13. <BR /> <BR />Finally, recommendation 5 is concerned with the redress and reparation package, including the resourcing of services that have been identified by the Victims and Survivors Service (VSS) co-design exercise; financial assistance; a prominent memorial; citizenship for those who, due to their removal from the jurisdiction as a child, lost their entitlement; and a financial redress scheme for women and their adult children made up of an automatic standardised payment and the entitlement to a further, individually assessed payment. Victims and survivors should be consulted on the design of the package. It should not be means-tested, nor should it compromise existing social welfare benefit. There should be engagement with non-state institutions, organisations and agencies to establish a potential financial contribution.

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  14. The second element is the development of data protection guidance designed to advise data controllers of historical institutional and adoption records on the fulfilment of their obligations. The third element is the establishment of a dedicated, permanent, independent repository underpinned by legislation. It is likely that that will include all personal and administrative records relating to historical practices in a range of social care institutions and the adoption system.

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  15. <BR /> <BR />Recommendation 4, on access to records was, I understand, a matter of universal importance to victims and survivors, including the now-adult children who were taken from their mothers at birth. Full access to existing records is what is overwhelmingly wanted and needed to give a true picture of the past and to help victims and survivors to come to terms with the present and move forward with their lives. There are a number of elements to the recommendation. The first is the introduction of a statutory duty to compel the relevant institutions, adoption-related bodies and baby homes to preserve and not destroy relevant records. Therefore, material that is relevant to any future investigation is properly secured and readily available.

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  16. That dual approach means that we can press ahead with the expert independent panel virtually immediately. There is also a real opportunity for it to shape the public inquiry and its final terms of reference. It is hoped that the institutions will cooperate with the expert panel voluntarily, but, if they do not, the public inquiry can compel them. <BR /> <BR />The needs and wishes of victims and survivors will be front and centre. How each individual chooses to engage with the integrated truth investigation is totally at their discretion. They can participate publicly or privately in the panel and the inquiry or in one only, and they can change their mind at any time. Finally, the records that will be generated will, potentially, be the nucleus of a permanent archive.

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  17. As a result, for some women and their adult children, the full picture will be established and the absolute truth arrived at only when full access to information in both jurisdictions is secured. That places an onus on both the Irish Government and the Executive to work together on its delivery. <BR /> <BR />Recommendation 3 is unique. It proposes the establishment of an integrated truth investigation, made up of an expert independent panel and a public inquiry. They will both have an investigative role, gathering, assessing and analysing information from records and individuals to make evidence-based recommendations. They will differ, however, in that the expert panel is non-statutory, whereas the inquiry will be established in law by the passage of an appropriate Assembly Bill.

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  18. They include sufficient funding to support the implementation; the centrality of human rights; full information access; trauma-informed policies and practices; accessibility of future investigations to victims and survivors, particularly for those with disabilities; and the inclusion of victims, survivors and their relatives affected by cross-border practices and the wider diaspora, as well as the relatives of the deceased. <BR /> <BR />Recommendation 2 focuses on the responsibility for implementation and makes specific reference to securing funding and cooperation with the Irish Government. That is relevant, as we know that a strong all-island dimension was at play. Some women and children moved of their own accord, and many babies were moved across the jurisdictions, often without the consent or knowledge of their mothers.

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  19. Cherry-picking the report's recommendations was not an option. Unequivocal acceptance and full implementation of the panel's recommendations is the very least that we can do for victims and survivors. The age profile of the victims and survivors means that we cannot afford to delay progress for one day longer. Many are likely to be in their 70s and their adult children in their 50s. Sadly, some are no longer with us. They have all waited far too long, and we are not going to stand by and allow them to wait any longer. <BR /> <BR />Before I take Members through the implementation proposals, it is worth reflecting on the individual recommendations. Recommendation 1 sets out the six integrated principles designed to guide all of our future work and to reflect the priorities identified by victims and survivors.

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-15 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  20. It is also important that we recognise the contribution of a range of individuals and bodies, some of whom have maintained a long-term interest in the institutions and the fate of their residents. <BR /> <BR />The panel published and delivered its report on 5 October. Along with the First Minister, the Minister of Health, junior Minister Middleton and Judith Gillespie, I met the panel to discuss the report's findings and recommendations. The panel's report makes five core recommendations and explains the rationale, timing and interdependencies of each one. That means that, challenging as implementation will be, it is not a question of choosing one recommendation over another but, instead, delivering them as a package. In doing so, we cannot lose sight of the fact that we are trying to address past and present human rights violations.

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  21. In April, the Minister of Health took that forward and established a truth recovery design panel, which included experts Dr Maeve O'Rourke, Professor Phil Scraton and Deirdre Mahon. Ms Mahon served as the chair. I put on record my personal thanks and the entire Executive's thanks for the panel's delivery of a comprehensive report within a challenging six-month time frame. I also acknowledge the importance of the co-design and participatory nature of how the work was undertaken. I particularly thank the 186 victims and survivors, some from as far away as California, Australia and Canada, who worked alongside the panel tirelessly and were devoted to the pursuit of justice. I also thank Judith Gillespie, the independent chair of the interdepartmental working group that was responsible for overseeing that work.

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  22. They were punished because they were the victims of rape and incest. They were humiliated and subjected to forced labour. They were robbed of their babies and denied the truth. It was wrong on every level. <BR /> <BR />I am sure that Members share my deep outrage that any of that was allowed to happen. The shameful truth is that it did. It involved a cover-up by Church and state. Although the research was comprehensive, it left unanswered questions, particularly in relation to adoption and infant mortality. That prompted the Executive to undertake an independent investigation shaped by the views of victims and survivors of the institutions, including the now-adult children of women from mother-and-baby institutions.

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  23. <BR /> <BR />The fact that their children would also suffer the consequences of those practices, with some facing horrific abuse in children's homes and many others spending years of their life trying to find out who they are and being misled, is not acceptable. The fact that adopted people still cannot access their records that contain information about who they are or their family medical history is also not acceptable or tenable. <BR /> <BR />The research, which is there for us all to see, shows the stark reality that, when the women should have been shown love, sympathy and kindness, they were isolated and excluded. Suffering was compounded by suffering. Let us call it out for what it was: abuse and violation. Women and girls had done no wrong, and they were punished for becoming pregnant outside marriage.

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  24. It fills me, as a mother, with unfathomable sadness that anybody would have to go through that. <BR /> <BR />A further 3,500 women and girls entered industrial homes or Magdalene laundries. Some were transferred after their baby's birth from the mother-and-baby home in order to atone for their so-called sins. Some were admitted because they had learning disabilities, and others were admitted because they had mental health issues. In the Magdalene laundries, women and girls were forced to work without pay and were stripped of their identity. Some spent their whole life there, and, when they died, they were buried from there.

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  25. Over 10,500 women entered mother-and-baby institutions over a 68-year period between 1922 and 1990. The youngest was 12 years of age, the oldest was 44 and around a third of the girls were under 19. They came from across Ireland, and a smaller number came from Britain and elsewhere. Appallingly, a number were the victims of sexual crime, including rape and incest, and, shamefully, the majority were made to feel that they and not the perpetrator were to blame. Shamefully, around a quarter of the babies born in the institutions were placed for adoption, a further third were sent to baby homes and others were boarded out or, in today's terms, fostered. The outcome was that countless women and girls were separated from their babies at birth or soon after, often without their consent or an understanding of what was happening.

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-15 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  26. I am therefore pleased to inform Members that the Executive have agreed all the recommendations in the panel's report. I will outline the five recommendations and how the Executive propose to proceed. <BR /> <BR />As Members will be aware, in January this year, the former First Minister made a statement to the House in which she reflected the decision by the Executive to undertake an independent investigation of the institutions following the publication of research by Queen's University Belfast and the University of Ulster. That lifted the veil on the horrendous experiences of the women and girls and their children who were admitted to the institutions over many decades up to the late 1990s. The research uncovered some shocking and disturbing facts.

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-15 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  27. We wish to update Members on the Executive's decision following our consideration of the truth recovery design panel's report on mother-and-baby institutions, Magdalene laundries and workhouses. Let me say at the outset that, as is always the case when I speak about the issue, our thoughts are very much with the women and their children who were treated in the most barbaric, inhumane and disrespectful way in those institutions across the island. It can never be forgotten that what we are talking about in many cases is women who have had their babies taken from their arms and moved, without their consent, across and between jurisdictions. Those babies are now grown children who do not know their identity, their family or their medical history. The publication of the report represents a major step forward for victims and survivors.

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  28. — like you and many others. Those who have engaged in recent weeks and months and perhaps even longer, in the Brexit debate, in sabre-rattling and inciting young people on to the streets —

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-08 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  29. As I said in my earlier answer, I acknowledge the hurt and pain that has been caused across our society. We are all obliged to build a better future and to help to heal the wounds of the past. However, the Chamber is not the place for inflammatory language from supposed grown-ups —

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  30. I would like your party to join me in ensuring that we have the full implementation of the political agreement that was devised by all parties and the two Governments: the Stormont House Agreement. That was agreed back in 2014, but here we are today and it still has not been implemented. The only closure that the British Government are interested in is covering up their role in the conflict. It is incumbent on all of us to build a better future. I will play my part, but that is a collective responsibility.

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  31. I support all families in their quest for truth and justice. I want us to very much build on what has happened in the past. We have to help our society to heal if we are to be successful in moving to a better future. That includes all those who have lost a loved one. Our entire community suffered so much during the conflict. It is important that all of us, as political leaders, work together to build a better future. That includes getting closure for families and anyone who lost a loved one in the conflict.

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  32. It is not just about the citizens whom you represent but about all of our citizens. I encourage you to start looking towards the future instead of harking back to the past.

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  33. I repeat the words of my predecessor, Martin McGuinness: we have to govern by treating every citizen equally.

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  34. — and to look very much towards the future. I am future-focused. Society wants change. It wants to see progressive legislation tabled in this place. It wants to see an end to blockages. It wants to see us building a better society for everybody. The sentiment expressed by you and your party around "no nationalists need apply" does not wash. We are not going backwards. It is not 1969; it is 2021.

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  35. — trying to heal the wounds of the past, to build bridges that have been broken down —

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  36. He should be more interested in working with like-minded young people on these Benches to build a better future —

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  37. As I have said to the Member before, as such a young man, he should be more focused on the future than he is on the past —

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  38. Therein lies the problem. We do not have the ability to input into those schemes. The Finance Minister has taken that up directly with the Treasury on behalf of the Executive. He is working with his counterparts in Scotland and Wales, who face the scenarios that we face. We have to continue to challenge it. While, obviously, we always welcome funding, it has to be identified and spent on the priorities that we agree on collectively, not on things that somebody in Westminster decides on. We will remain focused on resolving that and finding a way to bring those things back under our decision-making powers.

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-08 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  39. Thank you for that question. I do. That fund is one of a cohort of funds that are now being delivered directly. For a start, it undermines devolution, and it is not being delivered in tandem with our Programme for Government, the work that we are doing around recovery or our strategies and plans. It is unfortunate, to say the least, that that is the way it is happening. For example, how can we deliver a more prosperous and enhanced economy if funding through the block grant is continually reduced to put money into side pots that do not reflect the priorities that we have identified or the plans that the parties in the Executive have collectively brought forward?

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  40. That approach is disgraceful and unacceptable. The DUP should not only condemn the violence but stop feeding the narrative that enflames and even encourages it. The unlawful boycotting of the NSMC is part of that, and so are the repeated threats to the institutions and the constant incitement in relation to the protocol. This is a time for responsible leadership and an end to reckless and damaging rhetoric, but it is also a time for calm and responsible leaders to step forward to reduce tensions and ensure that there is no escalation of violence on our streets.

    OFFICIAL REPORT, 2021-11-08 · READ THE OFFICIAL RECORD

  41. I thank the Member. All political leaders need to reflect carefully on the impact of their words and, indeed, their deeds. As I said, the burning of buses in Newtownards and Rathcoole and the threats made to the bus drivers were absolutely irresponsible and reckless. Some of the rhetoric that we have heard, particularly in relation to the protocol, is completely reckless. It is dangerous and often bears no resemblance to the reality that we all face. It is utterly appalling that we now see the dialling-up of the rhetoric and language translated into violence on our streets, where we have seen attacks on buses in the last number of weeks. <BR /> <BR />I am also conscious of the fact that there has been a deliberate strategy to bring those tensions into interface areas to heighten tensions even further.

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  42. Yes, I absolutely do. We have a way to travel to get to the other side of the pandemic, and we certainly have a huge task ahead of us in rebuilding our economy and helping workers, families and communities to face the challenges ahead. Our power-sharing institutions are crucial to all that. <BR /> <BR />The scale of the crisis that we faced with COVID was unprecedented. It impacted on almost every aspect of life here and necessitated a cross-departmental response in these institutions and across the island. That will undoubtedly be the case going forward and will, like stable power-sharing institutions, be critical and essential to our economic and social recovery.

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  43. I am happy to have conversations with anybody at any time, and this issue is no different from any other. I have met Queen Elizabeth. I have referred to her as "a very pleasant lady". She has played a significant role in and made a contribution to building the peace and, in particular, to building relationships between our two islands. That has been crucial, and I absolutely want to recognise that. It is early days, but let us have a conversation. I will be happy to do so.

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  44. I will, of course, respect all those in our society who support the monarchy, and I will certainly respect their right to celebrate such an occasion. We in the Executive Office have had no discussion about the role, if any, that the Executive might play, but I absolutely support everybody else's right to support something. As you might expect, I am not a monarchist, but I respect those who are, because it is important to them.

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  45. A Cheann Comhairle, with your permission, we will answer questions 4 and 7 together. Junior Minister Kearney will answer the questions.

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  46. First, I acknowledge the human hurt and pain that were caused to all families who lost a loved one during the conflict, including all those who lost a loved one in Enniskillen. I absolutely sympathise with their loss. Across our entire community, each of us knows people who have lost a loved one and have suffered through grief. As I often say, all mothers' hurt and pain is the same. We live in a different Ireland now, and our focus should be on working together to ensure that the tragic events that happened in the past never happen again and that there is never any return to conflict.

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  47. Thanks to the Member for bringing that to my attention. If you can stick an email into the office, I am sure that we can look into that and establish whether it is in fact the case.

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  48. The Command Paper was rejected by the parties in the Chamber and by victims and survivors. Ultimately, it is all about delivering an amnesty for state forces, and the British Government proposal represents a full-frontal assault on the legal process and the administration of justice. If enacted in legislation, the proposals will place a statutory bar on the work of the Police Ombudsman and seek to halt inquests and civil cases. Members should be alert to the far-reaching implications of such decisions. In the interests of victims, the British Government need to bin their Command Paper, and we need to get back to the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement.

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  49. As the Member knows, in December 2014, a way forward for dealing with legacy was agreed by the main parties, the Irish Government and the British Government as part of the Stormont House Agreement. For the last seven years, the British Government have reneged on their commitments and blocked progress towards the establishment of the agreed legacy mechanisms. Victims have raised their concerns time and time again, yet the British Government remain tone deaf. Their proposals have been rejected not only locally by victims, NGOs and political parties but internationally by UN experts and the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights. The publication of the British Government's Command Paper in July was, without doubt, another slap in the face for victims.

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  50. The service will also continue to deliver its services to victims and survivors, which are tailored to individual needs.

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