Danny Kennedy
Newry and Armagh · Ulster Unionist Party · Northern Ireland
“<BR /> <BR />I know the circumstances that we are in, but my hope is that departmental officials will continue to explore these issues and find solutions so that, at the earliest point, those solutions can be delivered to my constituency and to the people who have such frustration with the lack of service.”
“This situation is also prevalent in other rural areas of Northern Ireland. People in areas such as Lissummon, Ballygorman, Cladymilltown, Altnamackan, Loughgall, Mullaghglass and countless others, unfortunately, all of which are located in my constituency, find themselves in a position currently where they are provided with little or no e…”
“I, with others, receive regular contact from my constituents on this issue. It is abundantly clear from the representations that I receive that the lack of broadband provision, particularly in rural areas, impacts in many ways on families and businesses that reside in various locations across the constituency.”
“Madam Principal Deputy Speaker, I thank you and the Business Committee for affording me the opportunity to debate the issue of broadband provision directly relating to my constituency of Newry and Armagh. I also place on record my good wishes to you as you leave the House, and I wish you well for the future.”
“The lack of high-quality broadband, for instance, has an impact on the ability of many rural businesses to function efficiently, placing them clearly at a disadvantage to other competitors in their particular field.”
“I could continue to detail many more circumstances, but I want other Members to contribute and to hear what the Minister has to say. I take this opportunity to make an impassioned plea to the Minister to pursue, within a quick time frame, the network improvements that are so clearly required.”
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“Northern Ireland's anti-bullying legislation must be updated to take into consideration online bullying or cyberbullying, and more emphasis should be put on dealing with homophobic bullying. I do not believe that, as constituted at present, clauses 2 and 3 deal with this issue completely. We really need to see the guidance that is meant to accompany the legislation. The Committee obviously needs to carry out its scrutiny role in the short period that we have to get the Bill onto the statute book before the end of this Assembly mandate. There is no doubt that parents and teachers have a very important role to play in keeping children safe online. Various organisations have very welcome campaigns that have helped to inform and educate young people and their parents about online risks.”
“That led to the conclusion that tighter legislation was required to protect young people from the impacts of bullying. <BR /> <BR />The NSPCC has collated some unofficial statistics on bullying from recent research studies, and they make interesting reading. The research revealed that, across the United Kingdom, almost 45,000 children talked to ChildLine about bullying in 2013; over 1,400 young people talked to ChildLine about racist bullying; over half of lesbian, gay and bisexual young people have experienced homophobic bullying at school; and more than 16,000 young people are absent from school due to bullying.”
“Under the Education and Libraries (Northern Ireland) Order 2003, all grant-aided schools have to include in their overall policies one that contains measures to prevent all forms of bullying among pupils. Obviously, however, the world has moved on since 2003, so we, as a party, support moves to update the law so that it better addresses bullying in schools. <BR /> <BR />Twelve years on from the last major legislative change, there are still wide variations in the quality of anti-bullying policies and practices among schools, and in the consistency with which the policies are being applied. The consistency of existing anti-bullying policies has been called into question by research by the Northern Ireland Anti-Bullying Forum, the National Children's Bureau Northern Ireland and Stranmillis College.”
“I am pleased to speak at Second Stage of this important, if concise, legislation. I declare an interest as chairman of the board of governors of Bessbrook Primary School and as a member of the board of governors of Newry High School. Once again, I confirm to the House that, as it knows, my wife is a teacher. I think that nearly every schoolchild knows that. <BR /> <BR />I reiterate the comments of my colleague Sandra Overend. Of course, we are not starting from scratch, but this is an update to the law and one that is, I think, timely. The current law stipulates that every school must have an anti-bullying policy and a child protection policy. Indeed, at the most recent meeting of the Bessbrook board of governors, we agreed both, which is good practice.”
“In view of the fact that the Kingsmills families and the sole survivor, Mr Alan Black, have waited almost 40 years for the reopening of the coroner's inquest into the cruel murder of their loved ones, can the Minister assure the House that the timeline now being indicated by the Coroners Service will be adhered to? Will he join me in expressing hope that the matter can and will be addressed after such a very long period?”
“— as we all seek to reduce business crime.”
“As with fuel fraud, it is clear that a major part of this involves criminal enterprises operating on a cross-border basis. I welcome the good work that is already ongoing between the PSNI and the gardaí. Clearly the presence of more officers on the ground would be helpful. The enhanced role of the National Crime Agency also offers hope that life will be made more difficult for those criminal gangs that seek to make their living at the expense of the decent law-abiding majority. <BR /> <BR />I am pleased to note that the police have engaged positively. I look forward to continuing dialogue between business, the police and the Assembly —”
“The FSB stated in May that organised crime groups operating across Northern Ireland and the Republic have been involved in crimes such as cash-in-transit robberies, ATM robberies and rural crime, including the theft of machinery, metal and livestock. Just over four weeks ago, there was a case in my constituency involving an ATM at a petrol station between Bessbrook and Camlough. It was the second such attack in six years on a well-respected family-run business. As the FSB highlighted, that puts up insurance premiums for businesses and can risk the future viability of ATMs in some rural locations. <BR /> <BR />Every Member who represents a rural constituency will have first-hand experience of tales of rural crime, particularly thefts from farms. A significant number of these takes place in border areas.”
“It is absolutely imperative that the courts adopt a policy that involves sentences that act as a punishment and a deterrent. That is the case with regard to fuel fraud, particularly. The cost of fuel fraud to society is already well known. It lines the pockets of criminal gangs, puts legitimate traders out of business, endangers public health through pollution of waterways, affects the local environment and defrauds the public purse of money that could be spent on hospitals, schools and roads. I welcome the addition of the National Crime Agency to those forces ranged against this serious and organised crime. I am confident that they will prove a great support to the police and HMRC as they bid to combat the organised crime gangs who make millions of pounds from this illegal trade.”
“I will return to those themes. <BR /> <BR />I have sympathy with the PSNI in that their numbers are often stretched, and they often find it very difficult to acquire the evidence that is required to secure prosecutions and convictions. However, Retailers Against Crime highlighted that the under-reporting of crime was an issue due to a lack of confidence and a perception that retail crime was not treated as seriously as other types of crime. The FSB contended that the under-reporting of crime was particularly evident in relation to rural crime. <BR /> <BR />I also note with interest that Retailers Against Crime raised concerns that those convicted of retail crimes received inadequate penalties, which served as no deterrent. That is a theme that I have more than a degree of sympathy with.”
“I welcome the opportunity to participate in the debate, having just joined the Justice Committee in place of Neil Somerville. I know that the House joins me in wishing Neil well. <BR /> <BR />The debate relates to a stakeholder event by the Justice Committee that was held back in May. I had been very interested to study the report of that meeting and the evidence presented. I know from my constituency of Newry and Armagh that a number of challenges are faced by legitimate businesses as they seek to operate in an environment where they face competition from those who operate outside the law. I am talking mainly about the high incidence of fuel fraud, which, unfortunately, takes place almost on an industrial scale in the border area, but I also have concerns about the spate of ATM thefts and, indeed, rural crime, generally.”
“I thank the Minister for his previous answers. What discussions can he indicate have taken place between the local health trust, the Southern Trust, and those who are in charge of Hamilton Court Care Home in Armagh, in my constituency, about priority being given to ensure the safe relocation of residents to other centres of care in the Armagh area, with full consultation with relatives, and that the Hamilton Court staff who are affected will be provided with realistic job opportunities either by Four Seasons or other healthcare providers in the Armagh area?”
“I thank the Minister for his earlier, albeit somewhat disappointing, answers. I declare an interest in that my wife is employed at Markethill High School. Does the Minister accept that his news to the Assembly today will be greeted with great disappointment, given that Markethill High School is a very well-regarded and high-achieving school in the mid-Armagh area? Can he look at the criteria again? The school estate at Markethill is no longer in a fit and proper condition to educate the pupils who are already there.”
“So, for all those reasons, the Ulster Unionist Party will oppose the motion today.”
“<BR /> <BR />We also need to see what protections will be in place for some of the smaller parties, such as those represented by single MLAs. Of course, at the same time, we cannot ignore the hypocrisy of the Alliance Party because, remember, it takes two Ministries despite having only enough electoral support for one. We will wait to see whether the Alliance Party wants to do anything about that. I have heard senior members of the Alliance Party say that it has two Ministries because of its electoral support; that is not correct. It has been granted, effectively, a second Ministry primarily by Sinn Féin and the DUP, which corrupts what the Alliance Party agreed in the Belfast Agreement.”
“Let me reassure the Member: this party is not afraid of any election. We have already heard the reasons clearly outlined for why your party could not support a reduction to four Members per constituency, because that would effectively cull the Alliance Party, but anyway. We will ignore that. <BR /> <BR />As I said, we want to see a complete package of reform. I have to say that Alliance is advocating change on an agreement that, apparently, it does not support and on which the ink is not yet dry. We can see that the ink is not dry even in the response of the leader of Sinn Féin on Belfast City Council, who seems to be concerned about the early implementation of and commitment to corporation tax. Let us see where this latest agreement takes us.”
“First, it entered Stormont, a devolved Assembly in the United Kingdom — which, of course, I very much welcome — and now it is sending back powers to London. <BR /> <BR />Of course, in terms of saving money, only weeks ago, Sinn Féin and the DUP voted against reducing the number of special advisers and capping their pay. The more things change, the more they stay the same. That is despite OFMDFM, or the Executive Office as it will be known, losing 16 areas of responsibility. There are obviously quite a few types of protected species in this House. <BR /> <BR />We want to see savings made across the board, including a reduction in the number of MLAs, but that should be done as part of a complete package of measures, not in the slapdash manner that has so characterised the Northern Ireland Executive.”
“Let me also say that the Ulster Unionist Party supports moves to reduce the costs of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive. We want to see better governance in Northern Ireland, because what has been served up since 2007 could in no way be described as better governance. This is meant to be a legislative Assembly but, only last week, powers were sent back to London so that this place did not have to take any difficult decisions. It is no wonder that the public may, indeed, look at this House with some disdain, because if there are apparently any difficult decisions to be taken, Sinn Féin and the DUP offload them to somebody else. Sinn Féin sends powers back to London without even blushing now.”
“The post-2016 arrangement on the reduction of MLAs was part of the Stormont House Agreement of Christmas 2014, which the Alliance Party signed up to, unless it knows something more than the rest of us and which we have not yet heard.”
“It appears to me that perhaps we should have the Stormont Portakabin agreement, because that, at least, will deal with temporary structures.”
“I am grateful for the opportunity to speak on the motion. Like others, I am not sure why Alliance has tabled the motion. Clearly, it has been overtaken by events. In my view, this is a dead parrot. This is not a parrot that is pining for the fjords; this parrot is dead. One of the reasons why it appears to be dead is that, as seemed to be confirmed, even the Stormont House Agreement has been superseded by the Sinn Féin/DUP so-called Fresh Start. <BR /> <BR />It might be useful for the wider public to have a refresher on the number of Stormont agreements that we have had. Of course, we all started off with the Haass talks, and they were at the Stormont Hotel. We moved from there to Stormont House, and then we had Stormont Castle, and now we are back to Stormont and Fresh Start.”
“I thank the Minister for her statement. I welcome the allocations to Regional Development, including for essential structural maintenance, concessionary fares and community transport. The allocations completely justify the concerns that I raised consistently as Regional Development Minister. I hope that those allocations will be enough, and also, in time, assist a great many local firms that have been struggling for far too long. <BR /> <BR />The Minister indicated that this is the final monitoring round in this financial year. Can she address my concern, which will undoubtedly be shared by the construction industry, about how the Executive will address the overall shortfall of funding of the capital maintenance given that approximately £130 million a year is required to maintain our road network?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. I also take the opportunity to wish her well in her new role. Can she confirm that she has the financial resources to properly and fully fund winter services?”
“I am grateful to the Minister for her previous answers, particularly the latest. Can she advise at this time whether all the existing rate relief schemes are likely to be extended to 2016-17.”
“We will seek to improve it as it continues on its legislative process, and I hope very much that others will be open to the suggestions that we will make.”
“The Minister will have ample opportunity when he makes his winding-up speech, and I am sure that he will take the opportunity. He normally likes to hold forth on his opinions. <BR /> <BR />It appears that Sinn Féin and the DUP are signing up to some shared campuses with separate schools and, effectively, to a tick-box exercise called "shared education". We need to understand that shared education is more important than that and has to be treated as shared education and not shared-out education. We support shared education if it is part of a process leading to a single-state education system in Northern Ireland that is open to all. As my colleague indicated, this short Bill, as it stands, does not signal a proper or full way forward to obtaining a shared future in education.”
“That confirms concerns that are still out there that, whilst the rhetoric is about shared education, the reality is still some way off. Those facts raise concern about equity. <BR /> <BR />It seems to me that there has been a complete lack of consistent policy on shared education. The Minister published a shared education policy three days after he approved yet another amalgamation of three Catholic maintained primary schools. He has approved increases in integrated school enrolments when they will affect controlled schools in places such as Moira and Carrickfergus, but he refuses integrated enrolments when they will affect the maintained sector, certainly in the Omagh area. There is no evidence of shared education there. It may be that Sinn Féin and the DUP are signing up to some shared campuses —”
“In some ways, this short Bill does not take us much further forward in that. We have heard the rhetoric in this Assembly about shared education, but we should remind ourselves that, just a few months ago, in this very Assembly in debates about St Mary's teaching college and its future, Sinn Féin and the SDLP were competing as to who could stand up for the separate Catholic education system. There was no hint there of a shared future in education. It is also a fact that the CCMS continues to criticise integrated education heavily. It is my understanding that no Catholic maintained school has ever transformed into an integrated school. Twenty-five controlled schools have become officially integrated over 25 years.”
“Thanks for the opportunity to speak on this brief Bill — and to speak briefly, because much of the ground has already been covered by my colleague Sandra Overend. The Ulster Unionist Party has always given fair wind to the concept of shared education. We applaud the efforts of schools from different sectors to come together to share classes and facilities, whether that is in County Fermanagh or other parts of Northern Ireland, such as Limavady or Ballycastle. There are very good examples of practical cooperation out there, not least in my constituency of Newry and Armagh, and I am certainly aware of those. <BR /> <BR />As my colleague Mrs Overend explained in her speech, however, the concern is that there is no consensus about what shared education means. We have had some discussion on that and highlighted that even through this debate.”
“I am grateful for the reply from the deputy First Minister. Will he stand with the Chief Constable and his senior command, other political parties and the British and Irish Governments on the Chief Constable's clear stance on the status and existence of paramilitary organisations, including the Provisional IRA?”
“— in almost every form. I commend the motion to the House.”
“No, I do not have time. <BR /> <BR />There is a play on words to satisfy old-style Marxist ideology that allows people to pretend that selection does not exist and is not practised —”
“I am afraid that what we have left are the politics of envy, not only educational envy, it seems, but social envy from the Minister and his party. That is very regrettable indeed, and it is not the basis on which to proceed on education for the future of all of our children. I am not the product of a grammar school education, and neither are my children, but I want all children to succeed and be encouraged to achieve their best. <BR /> <BR />A school mentioned by some in the debate, St Patrick's in Keady, is in my constituency. It is an excellent school, but it is unthinkable that no degree of assessment takes place there. That, in its own form, is selection. This play on words to satisfy —”
“I have listened carefully to Michael Gove, and you are no Michael Gove — I am happy to confirm that.”
“Mr Weir and other DUP colleagues, including Lord Morrow, Nelson McCausland and Robin Newton, had nothing good to say about the motion, but they had not produced any motion themselves, and one felt that that was the major criticism; that, short of bringing forward a DUP motion, anything else would be unsatisfactory. I think that we can deal with that. There was common agreement from DUP Members that the current situation is unsatisfactory and needs to be addressed, and that we should take steps at least to insist on some urgent discussion. I suppose that the action point from the motion is that the Minister of Education, rather than sitting on his political theory of Marxism and old-style socialism that makes Jeremy Corbyn look like a moderate —”
“It seems that, in this mandate, the big two parties of Sinn Féin and the DUP have come to a truce, and they seem to be content to let AQE and GL continue with their tests for grammar entrance, while the Minister can pose as being ideologically pure and can occasionally send threatening letters to primary schools for daring to prepare pupils for those transfer tests. It is a thoroughly unsatisfactory state of affairs, and that is what the motion seeks to address and make progress on. <BR /> <BR />I want to deal with some of the contributions made by Members.”
“Perhaps there is more than a hint that they operate on a polarised and almost sectarian basis, which is not their intention and is not their proper use. <BR /> <BR />We do want to see change and, unfortunately, as Sandra in proposing the motion has described, the issue of post-primary transfer is really another elephant in the room. There are so many elephants gathering in that room and there are more elephants in this Chamber than in Bellevue zoo, but that seems to be the way of it.”
“Therefore, it killed off any emerging consensus and polarised the debate, and, 13 years on, we are not much further on. The last 11-plus examination was in November 2008, and we now have non-departmental, non-state, independent tests. <BR /> <BR />I want to assure Lord Morrow before he ushers himself away to other business. Had he listened to the proposer of the motion, my colleague, Mrs Overend, he would have heard her say that the AQE and the PPTC deserved credit for the professional way in which they have gone about organising their entrance tests and that we were not aware of any complaints about the fairness of the system. Our complaint is that they are independent and, therefore, unregulated and they ought to be regulated by the Department of Education.”
“Our goal then was, and remains, that all schools should come to be viewed as equivalent in the value of the education that they provide. <BR /> <BR />Of course, the debate ended abruptly on 11 October 2002, when Martin McGuinness, in his last act as Education Minister, in an act of political malice and educational destruction, declared the end of transfer tests. That act was described by a distinguished figure in education at the time, Monsignor Denis Faul, now deceased, as:”
“The household survey was quite interesting at the time because it said that 30% of respondents were in favour of abolishing academic selection but 64% were in favour of retaining it and 7% were undecided. Fifty seven per cent of respondents in the household survey wanted an end to the then 11-plus examination. Fundamentally, I am not sure that those percentages have significantly altered over the years. <BR /> <BR />At the time, the Ulster Unionist Party said that the transfer test in the form of the 11-plus was unsustainable and that a replacement selection process should be developed. We favoured a transfer system based on a pupil profile developed in the primary system, accommodating parental input but with a final decision resting with the school on the basis of approved criteria.”
“Looking back now, I think that there was an opportunity then to create broad agreement about replacing the 11-plus with something better which would have commanded widespread public support. <BR /> <BR />It is worth remembering that there was widespread agreement in some areas: the need to replace the 11-plus test, the concept of a new form of assessment through a pupil profile, and some of the proposed admissions criteria. In addition, the suggestion that 14 was a more appropriate age for a pupil to decide upon an academic or a more vocational route was gaining traction. Certainly, I have been a strong admirer and supporter of the Dickson plan system, which operates very successfully in the Craigavon area despite the obvious and continued attempts by the Minister of Education to dismantle and abolish it.”
“I am grateful for the opportunity to wind up this debate on behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party. First, I want to make some general remarks about the context of the debate. <BR /> <BR />In recent weeks, I have rejoined the Education Committee after a 13-year hiatus. In the first flush of devolution in this House, between 1998 and 2002, I chaired the Committee. What happy memories! I remind Members that it was a time when the education debate was particularly dominated by the thorny issue of post-primary transfer. It was a time when we had the Burns report, the Gallagher report and major consultation exercises which involved a household survey. It was a period of great public debate; sometimes heated, but mostly serious and quite focused.”
“Therefore, for the reasons that I have set out — personal and deeply held convictions, reasons that I believe are clearly supported and shared by a great many people and that I cannot and will not set aside — I remain opposed to the proposal.”
“One such piece of correspondence, which outlined clear opposition to any change in the law in Northern Ireland, came from Professor Dr Stephen Williams, professor of systematic theology at Union Theological College, Belfast, which is part of Queen's University, Belfast and where students are prepared for the Presbyterian ministry. Part of his submission addressed the equality argument, on which proponents of the debate wax lyrical. With the permission of Dr Williams, I will share a short section of his thinking on this aspect of the debate. I am grateful to him for his interest and insight. He wrote:”
“I am grateful to the Member. It is clearly not exclusively so, but many of its main foundations are found in the teaching of scripture. <BR /> <BR />Redefining marriage would have far-reaching consequences for our entire society, and I do not believe that there is widespread public support in Northern Ireland for such a proposal. In holding that view, I do not believe that I should be regarded as homophobic. Indeed, any such suggestion would offend and appal me. I do not disparage the LGBT community; neither is it my role or practice to be judgemental. <BR /> <BR />Like most Members, I have received much correspondence in the run-up to the debate from those on both sides of the argument.”
“What is of importance to me in this debate is not the teaching of any Church, but the teaching of scripture itself. It is clear to me, from my understanding of scripture, that there should be no change in the current situation.”
“It is a matter of regret to me that members of all political parties are not allowed the liberty to speak freely to their consciences on the issue. <BR /> <BR />In previous debates on the matter, I made clear my opposition to any change in the current legislation to allow for same-sex marriage. That remains my position. It is a position based on my religious beliefs, and it is consistent with the teaching of my Church, the Presbyterian Church, and with the publicly expressed views of other Churches, including the Roman Catholic Church, the Church of Ireland and the main denominations in Northern Ireland and Ireland generally. Most important, it is a position that I believe is fundamentally consistent with the teaching of holy scripture.”
“At the outset, I want to say that I oppose the motion. This is yet another debate on the issue within a very short time — I think that it is debate number five. I say again to the proposers of the motion that they are guilty of engaging in a highly cynical political exercise, undoubtedly an electoral exercise, which will be of absolutely no benefit to any section of our community, least of all the LGBT community, which I think is being deliberately used by some parties in the House for perceived political advantage. <BR /> <BR />The House will know that my party believes that issues of this nature are matters of personal conscience; therefore, although I have been called as an Ulster Unionist, I speak in a personal capacity.”
“<BR /> <BR />I bring my remarks to a close by saying that I am immensely proud of our beaches in Northern Ireland; I believe them still to be world-class, and I believe that people travel from around the world to experience them. Our coasts are a vital legacy that we must hold dear, and I hope that the south Down coastline is kept free of rubbish and remains a beautiful shared resource for everyone. Thank you.”
“The quickest way to address this issue is by bringing together all the relevant stakeholders and ensuring that every effort is focused on cleaning beaches. I therefore encourage the Northern Ireland Environment Agency, Newry, Mourne and Down District Council, and other agencies and volunteers to work together. By working as one team, with the goodwill and shared goal of keeping south Down's beaches clean and inviting, I am certain that the situation can be improved. Therefore I hope that all relevant bodies make efforts to reach out to one another and leverage the wide range of skills and capabilities that they can collectively offer. I am sure that I am not alone in offering my best wishes for that endeavour. Of course, I am happy to help in any reasonable manner.”