Declan Kearney
South Antrim · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“The 'good jobs' Bill is designed to benefit every single worker across this society, regardless of background. It is not anti-business. It is about growing economic productivity and enhancing employment and workers' rights.”
“The rhetoric around proper scrutiny is a complete red herring; it is an attempt by the DUP to run down the clock in relation to the mandate. Why is that? What is the DUP afraid of? Why is it vetoing the 'good jobs' Bill?”
“The fallout from Brexit is a reality that is being felt hard by workers and families across the North daily, and that is illustrated in evidence sessions that we have received in the Economy Committee. In one, we learned that our electricity bills here are now higher as a result of Brexit.”
“Catastrophic, kamikaze economics, politically toxic — there is no other way to describe the Brexit debacle. Yet, 10 years on, those in the Chamber who continue to cheerlead are burying their heads in the sand.”
“The fact is that Brexit has brought a positive focus to the democratic logic of self-determination and constitutional change in Ireland. There is a way to remove the negative and enduring legacy of Brexit. Irish unity provides that option. Therefore, it is time to widen participation in the debate.”
“Minister, do you agree that the discrimination in employment and the political vetting that have been practised in this state for so long, and actively supported by some Members, have no place in today's society, and that appointment to government boards should be open to all sections of society, including such citizens as Peter Lynch?”
The complete record
Every one of 988 lines we hold for Declan Kearney, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 10 of 20.
“Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Chomhairle agus tabharfadh mé seans do na Comhaltaí a gcluasáin aistirúcháin a chur ar a gcloigeann. <BR /> <BR />Le linn na diospóireachta deiridh anseo, thuar mé dá fhad a leanfadh an DUP leis an chur chuige méarganta seo is ea is mó damáiste eacnamaíochta agus polaitíochta a dhéanfaí. Agus is amhlaidh mar atá cúrsaí á léiriú anois. Tá boilsciú ag dul in airde ag luas nach bhfacthas le breis agus daichead bliain – agus leoga, tá níos measa le teacht. San am i láthair, tá oibrithe agus teaghlaigh ag fulaingt agus ag streachailt lena gcuid billí a íoc. Tá laghdú 3·7% ar an mheán ar thuarastal oibrithe ó mhí na Bealtaine. Tá gach cuma ar an scéal go bhfuil an ghéarchéim costais maireachtála seo ag dul i dtreo cúlú eacnamaíochta.”
“<BR /> <BR />A fhad agus a chuirtear cosc ar an phróiseas dhaonlathach, tá gach cuma ar an scéal nach bhfuil aon bhaint ag seasamh an DUP le fíor-imní faoin phrótacal. Ina ionad sin, is é a gcumhacht a chailleadh is mó atá ag cur imní orthu. <BR /> <BR />Tá tromlach na gComhaltaí a toghadh don Tionól seo i bhfách le bealach forásach chuig sochaí cheart-bhunaithe, dhearfach dhóchasach. Tá ceist le freagairt ag an DUP: cé acu rogha a bhfuil siad i bhfách léi? Todhchaí fhorásach nó diúltachas agus deighilt? Tá dhá rogha os comhair an DUP, ach, a chairde, níl ach cinneadh ceart amháin.”
“Tá seasamh an DUP meargánta, dochosanta agus mífhreagrach. Ní chuireann an prótacal bagairt ar dhream ar bith ó Thuaidh. Finnscéal atá ansin. <BR /> <BR />Tá an prótacal riachtanach; tá sé anseo le fanacht. Chomh fada agus a leanann dúracht an DUP ar aghaidh, beidh teaghlaigh agus seandaoine ag fulaingt, beidh oibrithe ag streachailt, agus beidh scríos á dhéanamh ar sheirbhísí poiblí. <BR /> <BR />Níl aon fháth nár cheart Ceann Comhairle, Leas-Chinn Comhairle ná Airí a ainmniú inniu. A fhad agus a leanann an DUP leis an chur chuige mhífhreagrach seo, is amhlaidh is mó an damáiste a dhéanfar. Is mar gheall air sin gur gá ceisteanna tábhachtacha a chur: an bhfuil an DUP i ndáiríribh faoin chomhroinnt cumhachta leis na páirithe eile nó nach bhfuil? An bhfuil an DUP fíor-thiomanta do Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta nó nach bhfuil?”
“Tá sé de rún agam labhairt leis an Tionól i nGaeilge inniu. Ba mhaith liom seans gairid a thabhairt do Chomhaltaí na cluasáin ateangaireachta a chur ar a gcloigne. <BR /> <BR />A Cheann Comhairle, tá beagán níos mó ná trí seachtaine ó shin, labhair formhór na ndaoine amach go láidir. Bhí ré úr polaitiúil ag teastáil uathu. Tugadh teachtaireacht shoiléir dúinn go léir: comhroinnt cumhachta chuí a athbhunú; dul i ngleic leis an ghéarchéim sa chosta maireachtála atá ag gabháil in olcas; an córas sláinte a chur ina cheart; agus seirbhísí poiblí inmharthana a chur ar fáil. <BR /> <BR />Níl aon amhras ach gurb é toil ár ndaoine é go n-oibreoidh na hinstitiúidí seo ar son leas an phobail. Níl aon cheart ag an DUP, ná ag an Ord Oráisteach, cosc a chur ar an chomhroinnt cumhachta ó Thuaidh ná ar fheidhmiú Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta.”
“We could still have friendly, civil conversations and enjoy a joke, and I believe that that was a reflection of Christopher's personality, his upbringing — how he was reared — and his unionism. Today, we all stand together in sympathy with all those who knew and loved him. <BR /> <BR />On behalf of Sinn Féin, I record our recognition and thanks for the good work that Christopher Stalford did. Let us all hope that his contribution will have a lasting value and will never be forgotten. Go raibh suaimhneas síoraí lena anam uasal.”
“Robust political exchange does not have to be to the exclusion of civility or kindness. Everyone here has family and friends who love them. The heartbreaking news has touched everyone who worked alongside Christopher from across the world of politics and within the community, especially in South Belfast, where he served his constituents with so much and great pride. He made a significant contribution to this local Assembly as Principal Deputy Speaker and as a member of the Executive Office Committee, where our paths often crossed while I was before him as an Executive Office Minister. Of course, we disagreed on much, but I believe that we disagreed well.”
“Like so many others, I was shocked and saddened to learn yesterday of the sudden and untimely passing of our Assembly colleague Christopher Stalford, and I offer my sincere condolences to his wife, Laura, their four little children, his mother, his wider family and friends and his DUP colleagues as all of you come to terms with your unspeakable grief. There are few words that can express the sorrow and the sense of loss that bereavement from the passing of a family member or close friend brings. I can only hope that the treasure of memories — there are many — that Christopher has left his family, friends, colleagues and his party might bring some comfort in the difficult weeks and months ahead. <BR /> <BR />Christopher's tragic passing is a poignant reminder to us all that those who serve in public life also have private lives.”
“For that reason, it is essential that we have the focused relationship that you speak of with the European Union and the European Commission. An earlier question alluded to how we should continue to be given a special status, not only given our economic realities and the new trading realities that we have to navigate but to ensure that there is no democratic deficit impacting on our political arrangements. We have to be imaginative and strategic about how we create a greater policy convergence and strategic relationship and partnership with the European Union and the European Commission.”
“Go raibh maith agat as an cheist sin a chur. The fact that we have such a substantive and well-resourced bureau in Brussels is indicative of the importance of our relationship with the European Union. Notwithstanding Brexit and the protocol impasse, our officials have been very helpful in ensuring that communication channels remain open between the Executive and the Executive Office and the European Union. <BR /> <BR />We have a unique competitive advantage available to us through the proper implementation of the protocol.”
“We are a friendly and inclusive people when you consider the work that we have done in assisting those who have come here to flee wars in other places — our Syrian refugees and those who have come here to seek asylum. As a people, I believe that we have an important role by demonstrating how this place can act as a model of best practice. That must be a key component of how we take forward our approach to all the decisions that we make in all our international relations.”
“I thank the Member for his supplementary question. He is quite right: foreign policy is an excepted matter. We have no influence over it. However, we are at one on the importance of ensuring that we have an ethical and rights-based approach towards who we do business with. In the relationships that we develop and the importance of ensuring that, insofar as our international work brings economic, cultural and educational dividends in in-person relationship terms back to this place, we are sending a very clear message internationally to all our partners and prospective partners, that, particularly on the basis of the experience of our peace process, we have an institutional memory.”
“It will also strengthen collaboration with Invest NI and key partner organisations, including councils, businesses, education institutions, NI Co-operation Overseas (NI-CO) and others, in order to strengthen our economic position, increase trade, investment, tourism, education and research connections and to support best practice in public services.”
“Our international relationships are hugely important for the Executive and our people. As we seek to rebuild our economy and revitalise our society, it will be crucial for us to maximise opportunities from overseas investment and partnerships. We have had discussions on the development of the next international relations strategy with officials and a number of stakeholders. We are now considering proposals in parallel with our COVID recovery plans and the emerging Programme for Government. <BR /> <BR />The international relations strategy will build on what has achieved success for us in the past, including the work of our overseas bureaux and our global relationships with governments and organisations.”
“I thank the Member for her question. Yes, I absolutely believe that that is possible. Work can be taken forward, effectively and systematically, on the implementation of the FICT report. We have the draft implementation plan — the scaffolding — that would allow us to do that as a united Executive and, I hope, as a united Assembly. However, the DUP needs to stop blocking the adoption of that implementation plan. Its actions have not only frustrated the taking forward and implementation of the action plan but have prevented the entire collective Executive from discussing the issues of division and sectarianism that, I believe, the FICT report successfully addressed.”
“<BR /> <BR />I set that out because significant work on a draft action plan was completed in advance of the planned special Executive meeting in early May. However, a decision was made by the other side of TEO to block progress on the implementation plan. The approach adopted went against the clear position of the entire Executive Committee, and the special Executive meeting that was due to take place in May never took place. <BR /> <BR />Why no implementation plan was published alongside the FICT report is a question that other Ministers in the Executive Office must answer. The last meeting of the FICT working group took place on 28 July. That was the last meeting that they agreed to attend. If we are to make progress on all those issues, that type of blocking, delaying and obfuscation must be brought to an end.”
“Mo bhuíochas leis an Chomhalta as ucht an cheist sin a chur. The FICT draft plan and recommendations could and, indeed, should have been published along with the report. For the record, on 25 March this year, the Executive Committee approved proposals, including plans for engagement with Departments and work on a draft implementation plan. The outworking of that decision was that TEO invited Departments to nominate officials to engage in the process, assess recommendations relevant to their remit and provide feedback. Information was received from Departments and added to the existing analysis by TEO officials to inform the drafting of the actual implementation plan that I have referred to in my answers. That was a comprehensive process, including a phased approach to implementing all 45 recommendations in the FICT report.”
“The fact is that we have that all in place. As I said in answer to an earlier question, we have an action plan. The disgrace is not so much that we spent that quantum of funding on the report but that we now actually have a report and are not being allowed to implement it. The test of the money spent will be the degree to which Members allow the report to be implemented.”
“Inevitably, a piece of work such as this has a price tag. The report has been very costly to compile, but the issues were complex and challenging, and the commission — your party was represented on it, along with the other main parties represented in the Assembly and on the Executive Committee — did due diligence in addressing the entire suite of challenges. <BR /> <BR />My big concern is that, having spent that quantum of funds on the report, which I believe has given us an effective road map for moving forward and dealing with the issues on a phased basis — a first phase where we can deal with the many challenges that are within our control, and then a second phase in which challenges remain but which gives us the bandwidth to work out how, in the mid to longer term, we can tackle those issues also.”
“I thank the Member for his question. We are in absolute agreement on one point: the Good Friday Agreement sets out the requirements for parity of esteem and equality to be conferred on each tradition in this society, with due and equal recognition of the British identity and the Irish identity. We live in a divided society, as the Member knows. As political leaders, we need to create the context and use the available frameworks, such as the Good Friday Agreement and, indeed, the FICT report, to ensure that we give expression on an equal and shared basis to all the traditions and identities in this society, by my giving respect and due regard to your tradition and your identity and you likewise giving due regard and respect to my tradition and my identity as an Irish republican and an Irish citizen.”
“A draft implementation plan exists. The working group has not met since 28 July, but I remain absolutely committed to meeting the requirement that the necessary scaffolding be put in place to ensure the phased implementation of the recommendations in the report.”
“Mo bhuíochas leis an Chomhalta as an cheist sin a chur. In fact, the working group received a report and an implementation plan drafted by officials that was prepared in the period between 25 March and the end of April.”
“The FICT report was published on 1 December 2021. The commission tackled a range of complex and challenging issues. The report has identified potential pathways forward both through its recommendations and through its careful consideration of the issues. The FICT working group will continue to meet to consider issues in relation to the report, including implementation.”
“OK. With your indulgence, I would appreciate it if that could be properly recorded.”
“Can you advise how the matter can be placed on the record?”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. I wish to raise a point of order in relation to question 2, if I may.”
“We have work to do together to ensure that we reduce friction in trading issues and opportunities and that our businesses are poised to maximise the opportunities that are available to them in the time ahead. <BR /> <BR />As we are exchanging figures and statistics, I am sure that the Member is aware that the Office for Budget Responsibility now estimates that, on emerging trends, Brexit will cost the British state more than the pandemic.”
“I thank the Member for his question. Unlike some in the House, I take the view that we need to ensure that both the British Government and the European Commission and European Union work with us in a collegial way to ensure that there are no barriers to trade east-west or west-east and there should be no impediment to ensuring that local businesses maximise all of the opportunities provided by the British and European single markets. <BR /> <BR />I am sure that the Member is aware of this, but it is notable that, during the course of this year, INI has recorded 50 live enquiries from prospective foreign direct investors interested in investing in the North of Ireland. That compares with an average of something in the region of 22 expressions of interest a year between 2017 and 2020.”
“Our focus needs to be on ensuring its smooth implementation. The majority of people here accept the need for the protocol, and the tracking indicates that that trend will continue to grow in the time ahead.”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chomhalta as an cheist a chur. No; in fact, our officials have advised that matters such as the European Court of Justice — the latest dead cat thrown on the table by the British Government — have not been raised with them. The Member mentioned it: recent polling carried out under the auspices of Queen's University and, more recently, the University of Liverpool indicates that there is general pragmatic contentment with the protocol and a recognition of its necessity. <BR /> <BR />Of course, as the Member and I will recognise, we would much rather not have a protocol, because we would much rather not have Brexit. The protocol was put in place to mitigate the worst effects of Brexit. We are dealing with a society that is adapting to the reality that we have the protocol.”
“— the triggering of article 16 is likely to have a price for all our society and that the approach being taken by the British Government towards the negotiations has:”
“He made comments about the British Government's potential triggering of article 16 to seek the renegotiation of the protocol, and that would have serious consequences and should ring alarm bells across the House, particularly at a time when the clear and unequivocal message from Members across the House, local businesses, the manufacturing sector, our farmers and wider civic society is about the need for stability, certainty and solutions. <BR /> <BR />The conduct of this British Government throughout the negotiations has been duplicitous and disgraceful. They have shown absolutely no regard for any of the citizens or any section of our society in the North or, indeed, for the democratically expressed wishes of the Assembly. I was struck by the comments of the former British Prime Minister John Major on Saturday. He said that —”
“Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chomhalta as a cheist. The Member will know that the protocol recognises the special status of this island and, in particular, this region. Its purpose was to prevent a hard border, to safeguard jobs and the all-island economy and, crucially, to protect the Good Friday Agreement. Significantly, as the Member mentioned, it also provides unique dual-market access for local businesses, manufacturers and our agri-food sector to the British single market and the European single market. <BR /> <BR />Yes, I am concerned after hearing Maroš Šefcovic say on Friday that he has seen no move from the British Government towards finding solutions on the smooth implementation of the protocol.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Executive remain committed to meaningful and timely engagement with the British Government and the EU to ensure that both are fully aware of the impacts of any solutions proposed and how they will work in practice for our community.”
“We continue to represent our respective positions in our engagement with the British Government and the EU to seek the best possible outcome for our citizens and businesses. Maroš Šefcovic met the leaders of the main political parties here in October, following the publication of the EU non-papers. The joint First Ministers met David Frost and Brandon Lewis, the Secretary of State, on 26 October to receive an update on their ongoing discussions with the European Union, during which they stressed the need for certainty and the importance of involving our officials in technical discussions aimed at developing solutions. It is intended that a further meeting will take place this week. Our officials also regularly engage with officials in the Irish Government to discuss matters of mutual interest.”
“Yes, the FICT report is owned by the Executive, which means that it is cross-departmental. All Ministers and Departments will have some responsibility for the delivery of the report. Therefore, it follows that we will need to see budgets being profiled to accommodate the particular requirements requested of certain Departments as a result of their shared responsibility for the implementation of the report. Those issues need to be priced into our budgets so that we have the resource to ensure that the actions in the action plan, when we finally publish it, are successful. I hope that it will be published sooner rather than later and have asked for an indication of the deadline for the publication and implementation of the plan by the Executive.”
“Yes, absolutely: the report needs to be published with scaffolding. Work has been done on an implementation plan, which I have mentioned in the House before and raised at the Executive. We should have the publication of the report accompanied by a specific plan that addresses the 45 areas or recommendations on which there was consensus within the commission. <BR /> <BR />Every party and Minister has had access to the report. There are 45 recommendations on which there is consensus. There are other areas where challenges remain, and the Executive need to deliberate on how best we address those in order that we move forward in a cohesive way, ensuring that the report is finally published in a responsible and strategic way with the type of next steps and recommendations for action that you spoke of.”
“During the Executive meeting on 23 September, I called for the procrastination to end and again urged that the report be published, with an implementation plan. The Executive agreed with that position. That is appropriate. It is an Executive report. I intend to ensure that this commitment is delivered imminently. There is no excuse for any further delay or blocking on the matter.”
“I thank the Member for that question. The same blockages remained over the summer when I was committed to making progress. I reported on those blockages on 28 June. My efforts to take this forward have, again, been frustrated. A special Executive meeting to discuss the report, recommendations and approved next steps should have convened at the end of April or beginning of May, but that did not happen. Therefore, I formally proposed to the Executive on 8 July that a full report be brought to the Executive by mid-September and that the report and recommendations be published at that time. The most recently scheduled meeting of the FICT working group was due to take place on 21 September, but that was cancelled.”
“The Executive discussed the FICT report at their meeting last Thursday and agreed that the report should be published. Consideration is being given as to how best to facilitate that.”
“I thank the Member for that question and barb. In reality, we have the protocol because he and his fellow travellers fought and campaigned for and then secured the hardest Brexit possible. The protocol exists as a way to blunt the worst effects of the Brexit that he championed. I would far rather not see a protocol in place; I would far rather not see Brexit exist at all. <BR /> <BR />The protocol needs to be used in a way that guarantees that our people can live together on the basis of progress and prosperity. Instead of asking silly questions like that, perhaps the Member could turn his intellect to working alongside the rest of us on how landing zones and solutions can be secured. The protocol is not going away.”
“I am not sure whether the Member fluffed his lines. He and his party are members of a five-party coalition and power-sharing Executive here in the North. The Executive Office reflects the role of the joint First Ministers — the First Minister and the deputy First Minister — so I am a wee bit confused about where he is coming from with all this, but if he had listened to me earlier, he would probably have heard me — maybe not — make the point that attendance is required under the ministerial code and that we require NSMC sign-off in order to ensure that we access that €1 billion of PEACE PLUS funding.”
“I can agree entirely with everything that the Member said. I am against any type of border that impacts on our people. It is essential that we see the British-Irish Council, the NSMC and all bodies function. We need to see all strands of our political architecture work. That is why it is the height of madness for any political party, for sectional, political or electoral reasons, to threaten the basis of how those institutions work.”
“We need to build greater resilience and strengthen our power-sharing institutions. At this time, we all, collectively, need to double down and commit to delivering a progressive and pluralist —”
“Reckless threats to pull down the Assembly and/or the Executive and boycott NSMC meetings place an immediate risk on €1 billion of EU PEACE PLUS funding, which is waiting to be signed off by the Executive and NSMC. That is about supporting jobs, communities and major projects. For the DUP to undermine the required all-island response to the crisis for party and electoral reasons would do a huge disservice to the people whom that party represents and to all the people of the island. To do that while we are still in the middle of a global health crisis, dealing with a disease that does not respect any border or boundary, is beyond belief. <BR /> <BR />Any threat to disengage from the NSMC is race-to-the-bottom politics. We need greater North/South and east-west cooperation at this time, not less.”
“Mo bhuíochas leis an Chomhalta as ucht an cheist a chur. I agree that the North/South bodies are an integral part of the three-stranded approach to the Good Friday Agreement, as are all the political institutions. They are interlocking and interdependent. One cannot have one without the other. As the Member knows, the North/South all-island cooperation bodies are a fundamental part of the political architecture, they are the bedrock of peace and the political process. I am due to attend sectoral meetings as an accompanying Minister on 14 and 15 October. I expect those meetings to go ahead. <BR /> <BR />Any DUP boycott of those bodies would be a serious matter. That party should reflect carefully on the implications of such a decision, as the requirement to attend ministerial council meetings is embedded in the ministerial code.”
“It is not possible to be specific about what the agenda will include at this stage, but recent meetings have focused on cooperation in the response to COVID-19, as well as other relevant matters, such as the implementation of various New Decade, New Approach (NDNA) commitments that have a cross-border element.”
“At the NSMC plenary meeting on 30 July 2021, an indicative schedule of NSMC meetings was agreed to take place from September until December 2021. Agendas for NSMC meetings in the various sectors are developed by the lead Ministers from each jurisdiction and reflect the priorities in each sector at that time. NSMC plenary meetings involve the Executive, led by the First Minister and deputy First Minister, and the Irish Government, led by an Taoiseach. The task of the plenary meeting is to take an overview of cooperation on the island and of the North/South institutions. The next NSMC plenary meeting is due to take place in December.”
“I thank the Member for that question. The Department for the Economy, alongside Invest NI and InterTradeIreland, continues to engage with many sectors to clarify the terms of access to the different markets that are now available and to encourage and enable export growth that could help to drive our economic recovery. However, our industry is capable of analysing those scenarios in and of itself. <BR /> <BR />In the next few days, I hope to meet local business leaders to explore precisely such issues. We have already seen reports from Invest NI that, latterly, up to 30 new prospective FDI investors were looking at the opportunities in the North that the landing zone of the protocol could provide to maximise opportunities to do with dual market access: the British market and the single European market.”
“Go raibh maith agat as a cheist sin a chur. You are absolutely right to pinpoint that fault line. It is essential that we get to grips with the repercussions that we see. If we look to what is happening in the British state, we see the serious repercussions and fallout that are flowing from the impact of Brexit and as a result of it. We are caught in the tailwinds, so it is essential that our power-sharing Executive and all Departments now come together to ensure that we have resilient strategies that ensure that we do not face any more of the difficulties that are already being posed as a result of Brexit and the failure to properly implement the protocol.”
“The Joint Committee is the forum for how we can find solutions that implement the protocol flexibly. Our businesses, farmers and manufacturers must be allowed to use the opportunities presented by the protocol to create and protect jobs and to attract investment. Our business community now needs certainty and stability, and it needs and wants to get on with embracing the unique opportunity that the protocol provides. <BR /> <BR />As for the political repercussions, the sabre-rattling needs to stop. Those whipping up tensions should step back from the brink. Let us implement the protocol properly and maintain power-sharing.”