Deirdre Hargey
South Belfast · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“His double standards, including his condemnation of and opposition to equality and rights for our LGBTQ+ citizens, have caused real harm to others. The revelations about his double life expose the staggering hypocrisy of the DUP's moral facade. We need to know whether failing to act sooner left more vulnerable people at risk.”
“One week ago today, Jeffrey Donaldson was found guilty of 18 child sexual offences, including rape. That conviction was made possible only by the strength and resilience of the two victims who came forward and reported the abuse. Donaldson was an abuser. He abused children, but he also abused his position in politics and faith.”
“They now say that they knew about his behaviour, but, crucially, they did nothing to expose his inappropriate hypocrisy and double life. The 'Spotlight' programme and other reports have shown that senior members of the DUP — its most senior figures, including the then leader, Edwin Poots — were aware of serious issues and allegations abou…”
“It is therefore not credible to suggest that the intelligence agencies were blind to his compromised double standards and double life. <BR /> <BR />Those questions demand answers from the DUP leadership. They demand answers in the House from the deputy First Minister, who was closely associated with Donaldson.”
“It is clear that there is a huge disconnect between Whitehall and the reality that is being felt by people on the ground. A British Treasury policy that is managing decay, real-terms cuts and disastrous policy decisions such as Brexit or the funding of wars over public services comes on top of existing disparities between how public servi…”
“The answer is not the short-term fixes or cash injections that we have had in the past, which have allowed for the repeated Treasury script of record settlements and inability of the Executive to manage their finances — scripts that are often parroted in the Chamber.”
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“<BR /> <BR />In the interim, I would be interested in hearing from the SDLP, which has proposed the motion, and others how they propose to find the additional money. Which Minister's budget — is it their own Minister's — is going to give up the money in order to retain the uplift? Where will costs be reduced? Alternatively, will it come from Health, Education or housing? Do you think that we should reduce any of those, or other, vital services? Those are the areas that we would have to look at taking money from. Let us get real. I wholeheartedly agree that we need to find ways in which to do it, but those are the options that we are looking at. If you were to mitigate by looking at a cut in my Department, the whole housing development programme would be taken away. What would we look at in Infrastructure, Health or Education?”
“Why is the SDLP not directing its efforts and criticisms at the British Government, who are responsible for the cut? This is the time for the British Government to reverse the cut. It is the time for the House to speak with one voice in calling on them to reinstate the universal credit uplift. Instead, the House, including, it seems, the SDLP, is giving up on that call on the British Government to do the right thing. <BR /> <BR />We have to be open and honest about our abilities to mitigate, yet again, another cut by the Tories. The Budget here in the North is not infinite. People know the circumstances of how we get the money: it is through a block grant. Our fiscal powers and levers are also restricted. We need a further conversation about how we can transfer more powers from Westminster to the Assembly here.”
“That was done to help and protect vulnerable people and to safeguard the organisations that they depend on. I focused on measures that I could implement quickly. I introduced a package of additional assistance and funding to support people through this difficult time. I made sure that we were getting money to people when they needed it. <BR /> <BR />To Boris Johnson and the Tories, £20 a week may be small change, but I know how vital it is for people on the ground. I proudly live in a working-class inner-city community; something that Boris knows nothing about. I have been a community activist all my life. I know that this cut and all the other Tory cuts mean that people, families and workers are already struggling. <BR /> <BR />It is a disgrace that many Members have made comments around the thrust of the motion.”
“I welcome the fact that our joint First Ministers have joined the Scottish and Welsh First Ministers in making the same call. It is time for the British Government to do the right thing. I urge the House to join the calls on the British Government to do the right thing. <BR /> <BR />I fully recognise the far-reaching impacts that the COVID-19 pandemic has had, and continues to have, on people. It has increased reliance on our social security system. There was a dramatic increase in the number of households on universal credit, from 57,920 in February 2020 to 116,810 in May of this year. That is why I put in place a range of measures to mitigate, as much as possible, the social, economic and well-being effects of COVID-19 on our communities.”
“<BR /> <BR />I made Members aware in previous discussions that I wrote to the British Secretary of State for Work and Pensions calling for the uplift to be made permanent. I highlighted the difficulties that the cut would create for ordinary people, workers and their families. I joined Ministers from Scotland and Wales in a joint letter that, again, called for the uplift to be made permanent. That was followed by a joint letter last November. I wrote again to Thérèse Coffey over the weekend to insist that these concerns cannot be ignored and that the universal credit uplift should be retained as a matter of extreme urgency. Doing anything else would be a derogation of her responsibility and would be absolutely wrong on every level.”
“Thank you to all the contributors to the debate on an important item that needs to be discussed and addressed. <BR /> <BR />I will start by reiterating what I said in previous debates and discussions on the issue. The actions planned by the British Government are outrageous and abhorrent. They will result in the biggest cut to the basic rate of social security to date. They will result in hardship and poverty for people across the North who are already struggling. The facts of the proposed cut are clear: it will cause enormous hardship for people immediately. At a time when Boris and his cronies are looking at tax breaks for the rich, this is totally unacceptable and immoral.”
“I am committed to an independent review of the mitigations, as set out in 'New Decade, New Approach'. I will make an announcement on the format of that review soon. I will continue to fight for and to protect the most vulnerable in our communities. That includes families living in poverty, low-income working families, single parents, those with disabilities, women, children and young people. I will continue to call on the British Government to do the right thing, to stop punishing ordinary workers, people and families and to retain the £20 uplift.”
“That scheme is a unique package of financial support, and I am determined that the current mitigation package should be not only extended but strengthened, where we can do that.”
“<BR /> <BR />I have recently appointed an independent panel to complete a review of discretionary support, and I expect to receive its recommendations for improvements to the existing scheme in October. I will then carefully consider what changes can be made in order to improve the financial support that is available to people who find themselves in a crisis situation. I encourage people to contact my Department's Make the Call Freephone service to help them to identify all the support and services to which they are entitled. I know that, as a result of the Make the Call service, over £40 million in additional money has gone into people's pockets. <BR /> <BR />The welfare mitigation scheme payments provide support to many people who have had their benefits reduced as a result of Tory cuts.”
“That also included setting up a dedicated COVID-19 helpline, ensuring access to food and medicines, establishing new measures to support the homeless and protecting tenants, as well as establishing access, support and advice for those who are facing financial hardship. <BR /> <BR />I recognise the rising costs, particularly for fuel, that all households are facing as we approach the winter. If the uplift is not extended, I will include it as part of the planned review of mitigation measures going forward. When it comes to extending support, my Department provides a range of measures that are aimed at reducing the impact of fuel poverty, such as the affordable warmth scheme, the boiler replacement scheme, the social fund cold weather payment scheme and the winter fuel payment.”
“That included making easements to benefit application processes, redirecting resources for the delivery of essential services and introducing new ways of working to ensure that the Department was getting money to people when they needed it. It also included lifting income thresholds to allow more people to access support. <BR /> <BR />I put in place a range of measures to mitigate the social, economic and well-being effects of COVID-19 on our communities and to help to protect the most vulnerable. I have also included the introduction of upfront childcare costs through the adviser discretion fund, moving childcare costs up front within universal credit because I recognise the barriers that that presents for many people.”
“<BR /> <BR />I live in an inner-city, working-class community in Belfast and have been a community activist my whole life, so I know and can see at first hand in the community in which I live and through my work the impact of Tory austerity on our communities. I know at first hand how many people struggle with a complex and often cynical system. I believe that it is my duty to address that and ensure that those who need help get it. <BR /> <BR />Since March last year and the outset of the pandemic, I have ensured that the Department has responded swiftly to support people, workers and families. To that effect, I oversaw £300 million being put directly into communities and council areas.”
“I continue to call on the British Government to reverse the decision, and I welcome the full support of the House in the opposition to these Tory cuts. <BR /> <BR />As a result of the pandemic, the number of households on universal credit increased from 57,920 people in February 2020 to 116,810 people in May this year. As we know, that vital increase of £20 represents £86·67 a month for those who are affected. That additional support is critical for families and individuals. Since I took up post, I have made it clear that my commitment is to protect the most vulnerable in our communities and to bring compassion and genuine support to our social security system.”
“That followed a previous joint letter and action taken in conjunction with my Scottish and Welsh counterparts last November. <BR /> <BR />I also brought the matter to the Executive and achieved the agreement of the whole Executive that we would speak out in a united voice against the cuts. Just recently, it was agreed that the Executive Office would call for a meeting with the British Government to reiterate and make our position known, to discuss and highlight the damage that the cut would cause and to call on the British Government to reverse the decision. The reply so far from the British Government is extremely worrying and disappointing. Indeed, the British Government remain determined to make the cut, placing further hardship on the people who are already struggling. That is not good enough.”
“No. I have corrected the falsehoods and laid bare the truth of what I am doing. <BR /> <BR />The planned action by the British Government — the proposed cut — is outrageous. It will result in the biggest cut to the basic rate of social security to date. It will result in hardship and poverty for people across the North who are already struggling. That is totally unacceptable. <BR /> <BR />I wrote to the British Secretary of State for Work and Pensions calling for an uplift and asking her to make sure that it was permanent. I highlighted the difficulties that a cut would create for ordinary people, workers and their families. I wrote a joint letter with Ministers from Scotland and Wales, and I called again for the uplift to be made permanent.”
“That said, I have done the additional work to ensure that those within homelessness services and those who are homeless are not left out of the scheme. Excellent work on that is being done by providers and the Supporting People programme. I have also made sure that the verification process for the scheme in the Department for the Economy is cross-referenced with the Department for Communities database to ensure that that verification takes place. <BR /> <BR />It is important that I correct any falsehoods or accusations that are put out.”
“I am glad that it is on the agenda for next week's Executive meeting, and I will call on all parties around that Executive table to support me, but, more importantly, to support those on the ground — organisations such as the Cliff Edge Coalition, which represents 130 organisations in the community, voluntary, human rights and advice sectors — by binning the bedroom tax and closing the loopholes. I hope that we can progress that at the Executive next Thursday. <BR /> <BR />The other accusation was about the high street voucher scheme. I know that some think that I have responsibility for everything in the Executive, but I do not. Responsibility for the high street voucher scheme is with the Department for the Economy.”
“It is not a panacea, but, if we had taken that position, we would not have those additional protections. <BR /> <BR />There were distractions in some opening addresses, and there were mistruths about my role as Minister. I want to make that clear at the start. There was an accusation that I have not progressed the existing mitigations. I came into post in January last year. By the start of February, I had a paper in front of the Executive calling for the binning of the bedroom tax and the closure of the loopholes in existing mitigations. <BR /> <BR />Ask party colleagues who are in the Executive. They know how many times I raised that issue around the Executive table. I have tried repeatedly to bring it up.”
“Thanks to all contributors to this important debate. <BR /> <BR />I will start with issues not pertaining to the issue that we are debating, namely some of the comments that were made. I find it fascinating that some talk about the Executive as though they do not sit on the Executive, thereby abdicating the responsibility of being part of a power-sharing Executive. <BR /> <BR />The other issue was around mitigations and what appears to be an abdication of holding the British Government to account. Had we followed that tactic in 2016, we would not be sitting as the only area with additional protections. When you talk to advice workers in Scotland, England and Wales, they will tell you that they would love to be in the position of having protections.”
“For that reason, I commend the Bill to the Assembly for approval.”
“It was said that we needed to get it right. What we have in front of us is about giving additional protections. It is not everything, and I completely recognise that. However, what is being proposed is the improvement of rules for societies' lotteries; banning the use of credit cards; a mandatory code of practice that will be admissible in court; and the introduction of enforceability of gambling contracts. The Bill introduces new offences, for example, on under-18s in a premises. The Bill also introduces an enabling power for a levy, which stakeholders have been calling for. <BR /> <BR />The Bill introduces all those protections, which we do not have at present. It is important that we do not wait to get it all right in a much bigger Bill. We should introduce those protections now.”
“There is no time in this mandate. I have taken the view that we need to do something rather than nothing and to extend protections and modernise in the time frame that we have. <BR /> <BR />I have been in post since January last year. Despite the pandemic, I am the first Minister in 35 years to introduce new gambling legislation. I was five when the existing legislation was brought in. I want the Bill to lay down a marker for the major reform in phase 2. That legislation will have over 360 clauses.”
“I am clear, from legal advice, that fixed-odds betting terminals already fall within the existing framework of the 1985 Order. The Supreme Court ruled that fixed-odds betting terminals fit within the definition of gaming machines, and the legal advice is that that ruling applies here. The prize limits in the 1985 Order therefore apply to fixed-odds betting terminals. The legal limits on stakes here are the lowest of any jurisdiction. <BR /> <BR />Many have made the assertion that this is a missed opportunity to regulate online gambling and to have a regulator. As I said, doing so would involve more substantial legislation that would completely rewrite the 1985 Order. The legislation would move from being 186 clauses, as in the current Order, to over 360 clauses, judging by the initial assessment that we looked at.”
“I would be criticised even more for rushing through bad legislation. <BR /> <BR />There are, then, some practical difficulties. These matters are under the Assembly's jurisdiction. Politically, the Assembly's permission would be needed for these powers to go back to Westminster. It is not as easy as asking, "Why is Westminster not doing this? Why can we not fall under its regulatory system?". If the legislation in Britain is not working, the critical question is this: why would we adopt a system that has been heavily criticised even by its own Ministers? We need to find a system that is robust and fit for purpose and that will meet the needs of the people here who need it. That is what I want to do. <BR /> <BR />Issues were raised about fixed-odds betting terminals.”
“Aside from that, some of the large gambling companies have given money to look at harm reduction and health. My understanding is that up to £100 million is available, and I have encouraged Health Department officials to draw down as much of that money as they can to support grassroots organisations and to look at issues around addiction and harm reduction. <BR /> <BR />There has been talk of looking at what Britain is doing and at what is being brought in at Westminster. Some Members said that this Bill, unlike the legislation in Britain, does not have A, B or C. The legislation in Britain is not working, however. Even the Ministers have said that it is not fit for purpose, as has the regulator. If I were to adopt what is being done there, it would already be out of date by the time it came through. It is not working.”
“<BR /> <BR />There has been a lot of talk, rightly, about the impact of gambling on health and the harm that it can do, which I have touched on a bit. That is a matter of close consideration. It is one of the areas that comes up regularly when listening to key stakeholders, and it came up in the consultation and when we engaged with the all-party groups. That is why I am establishing the cross-departmental group, which will meet shortly. I will be able to update Members through the Committee, in the Chamber and through the all-party groups on the progress of the cross-departmental group, which will look at that important issue. The Bill also introduces mandatory codes of practice. It has an enabling power to introduce a levy, which groups on the ground have been asking for.”
“Clause 10 is not a stand-alone clause, but it should be read as putting elements of new controls on the industry. <BR /> <BR />The code of practice is enforceable and can impose a condition on the licensee to comply with it. If facilities do not comply, they do not get their licence. That is an important point to make. They can also be charged quickly so that they respond to emerging problems. The code of practice will therefore be a living document. If new issues do arise, they can be changed, and the code of practice can be amended to meet new and emerging needs. Of course, the codes are admissible as evidence in criminal or civil proceedings. They are acceptable and valid as evidence in a court. <BR /> <BR />As was said, workers' rights are protected in clause 3. Bank savers' prize draws are covered in clause 8.”
“For that reason, and having engaged with those groups, I am in the middle of setting up a cross-departmental group that will look at problem gambling. I have communicated with the Minister of Health and the Minister of Education and am hopeful that the group will be up and running and having its first meeting within the next couple of weeks. <BR /> <BR />With any changes to the corporate status, we need to make sure that the law is more consistent with other licensing schemes, such as that for liquor licensing. We also need to make sure that it reflects the more global nature of today's betting market. Some of that was discussed today. The approach to be taken to gambling is not one for across this island or these islands but one for across Europe and, indeed, the globe. We need to look at the matter more consistently and more coherently.”
“I have included an enabling power to look at a levy, and there is ongoing work being done to look at having a gambling regulator. Those are two areas that organisations have been calling for legislation on. As I said, we continue to engage with our counterparts in the South and also those in Britain, as they are grappling with those issues and reviewing their current procedures and their regulators at the moment. <BR /> <BR />The Bill starts to look at problem gambling. It will do more in the second phase, but, as was said, it is a multidimensional issue. The inclusion of the Minister of Health and the Minister of Education and their Departments is critical to that conversation. A variety of all-party working groups are looking at the issue, because it is so cross-cutting.”
“There is no point in my trying to rush through half-written legislation on online gambling without the regulatory framework with which to regulate it. All of that needs to be looked at, and that takes time. We are finding and learning lessons from other jurisdictions. That is not to say that we are replicating what is happening in other jurisdictions, but, with their regulators, we are certainly looking at the lessons learned. Yes, they have regulators, but those regulators have been heavily criticised for not having the teeth that they need. We are looking at all of that as we start to progress the important piece that looks at online gambling. <BR /> <BR />My officials and I have engaged with those on the ground who support people impacted on by gambling.”
“That having been said, work is beginning on looking at all those issues for the second phase of legislation. We are not just sitting about waiting. As an interim step, I am considering appointing a temporary independent adviser to consider the issues as we progress this legislation and look to the formation of its second phase. <BR /> <BR />I understand the commentary around online gambling. The internet was not here in 1985. Again, we cannot do the bare minimum with the framework that we have. Mark said:”
“No. I am OK. I have heard from everybody, and I do not want to say yes to one Member and no to another. <BR /> <BR />The legislation will ban the use of credit cards. That will be included as part of the operator licence via the mandatory codes of practice, which will be a new article in the 1985 Order. Separately, the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) is working with financial institutions to prohibit the use of credit cards. I will update the House and the Committee on that, as those discussions are ongoing. <BR /> <BR />I fully support the creation and implementation of an independent regulator, but doing that requires a new and comprehensive regulatory framework, and there is not enough time to do so in six months. We cannot create a new framework and consult with people within a six-month period.”
“<BR /> <BR />The legislation will be done in two phases over the next period. In phase 1, there are 16 clauses, and phase 2 will comprise around 360 other clauses. The existing Order has 187 articles, but it does not deal with online gambling, which, when you look at the legislation in other jurisdictions, is where the majority of the new clauses would come in. We do not have time to do all of that. I am just being brutally honest with Members, because I would be leading them up the garden path if I were to say that it was possible to do it all within the time frame that we have.”
“No, you are OK, thank you. You have had plenty of time. <BR /> <BR />I recognise, and some members of the Committee recognised, that we are dealing with a lot of legislation. That does not mean that you should not do a piece of legislation, but there is the reality of time; the Committee only has a certain amount of time to scrutinise. Already, there are seven pieces of legislation going through the Committee for Communities. If I just sat and waited on getting the legislation right, I would not have moved Second Stage today. I wanted to bring in some additional protections and modernise the 1985 legislation, and the only way that I could see of doing that in a practical way was through a two-phased approach. So this is not the finality of the legislation, and the Executive have recognised that.”
“I would be lying to the Chamber and the people outside it if I said that I could bring through, in this mandate, a full piece of legislation that repealed the 1985 Order and replaced it with a new one. That would be a lie, and it would be disingenuous for any other person in this Chamber to say that it could be done. Looking at a regulatory framework, consulting the public on these matters, looking at the jurisdictional issues and the reserved matter issues — if somebody in this Chamber can do all that in six months and get it through the Committee, I will swap seats with them now.”
“I thank everybody who made a contribution on this important issue. I thank the Chair, the Deputy Chair and the whole Committee for Communities, with whom my officials and I will be engaging as the Bill goes through the Committee's scrutiny process. As with the legislation on liquor licensing and the private rented sector legislation, which went through its Second Stage a few weeks ago, if there are changes that can be made through engagement and oversight at Committee Stage, I am more than willing to work with Committee members or any Members in the Chamber to improve the legislation. <BR /> <BR />A lot of Members have talked about getting things right, and that is what I want to do.”
“However, I also believe that the Bill offers a balance between what needs to be done now and what is realistic in the remaining time of the Assembly. It offers a balance between what is fair to the responsible operator and what is right and necessary to manage the risks that are associated with gambling. Importantly for me, the Bill is also a chance for the Assembly to do more for all volunteers, charities and support groups that work in the community, not least the individual charities and NGOs that do so much to assist and care for people who are dealing with the crisis and consequences of problem gambling.”
“The code must incorporate arrangements to ensure that gambling is conducted in a fair and open way, where vulnerable persons and those who are under 18 are protected and assistance is provided to those who are or may be affected by problem gambling. The code may be revised, revoked or updated at any time, and may include provisions around how gambling facilities are described or advertised. The Bill contains provisions that set out procedures for consultation prior to the introduction of the code. <BR /> <BR />I recognise that many people are impatient to see a more radical reform of gambling laws. There will be those, perhaps, who believe that I should take a far more stringent line on the gambling industry in general. I completely understand those concerns.”
“The Bill specifies that if a levy is imposed through regulations, any proceeds must be expended by DFC on projects that relate to gambling addiction or other forms of harm or exploitation that are associated with gambling. The Bill also specifies that the provision of financial assistance after a levy is introduced is subject to Department of Finance consent. That is a separate matter from the enabling power and a standard requirement for all public expenditure. <BR /> <BR />The Bill inserts a new article that requires my Department to issue and publish one or more codes of practice about the manner in which gambling facilities are provided.”
“It now provides for any future contract or security that has been entered into after the Bill becomes law to be legally enforced. <BR /> <BR />With regard to the industry levy, the Bill creates an enabling power to allow a future Minister and the Assembly, if they consider it appropriate, to make regulations for the payment of a levy to my Department by anyone who applies for a bookmaker licence, bookmaker office licence, bingo club licence, gaming machine certificate, gaming machine permit or amusement permit. The Bill also allows for regulations to make provisions for the amount of the levy and its payment, administration and operation. Consultation will be required before the actual levy could be introduced by regulation. Regulations will also require approval by the Assembly through the affirmative resolution route.”
“That amendment overturns the current provision and relates only to companies that are registered under the Companies Act 2006. <BR /> <BR />The existing offence of cheating in the 1985 Order is being replaced with a new and wider offence to make it unlawful to cheat at gambling or do anything to help another person to cheat. The new offence will also apply regardless of whether one either wins anything or improves their chances of winning through cheating. In short, the new offence now includes failed attempts to cheat. <BR /> <BR />With regard to the gambling contract, the Bill repeals two provisions of the 1985 Order which effectively prevent contracts and securities by way of gaming and wagering from being legally enforced.”
“I want to draw Members' attention to the significant miscellaneous amendments to the 1985 Order. The Bill amends many of the existing qualifications which councils and district councils require to be met before they may grant a bookmaker licence, bingo club licence, gaming machine certificate, gaming machine permit, amusement permit, pleasure permit or lottery certificate. The lower age limit for the granting of a bookmaker, bingo club, gaming machine and lottery licence certificate and permit will be reduced from 21 to 18. The requirement for an applicant to be resident in the jurisdiction in order to be granted the relevant licence etc will also be repealed. Body corporates will also now be eligible to be granted those licences and amusements or pleasure permits.”
“It refers to new schedule 15A, which sets out what does and does not constitute a requirement to pay to participate in such an environment. More importantly, the Bill will repeal the present £1 price limit on the sale of tickets for societies' lotteries. The limit on the amount that may be appropriated for expenses for societies' lotteries will be updated to a more straightforward 20% of the total proceeds.”
“The Bill adds new schedule 15A to the 1985 Order that sets out what does and does not constitute a requirement to pay to participate. The Bill further specifies that a prize competition arrangement is not prohibited:”
“Those found guilty of the new offence will be subject to a level-5 fine or imprisonment for six months or both. However, the Bill allows it to be a defence for individuals who may be charged with an offence to show that there was good reason to believe that the person had attained the age of 18. <BR /> <BR />On lotteries and prize competitions, the Bill specifies:”
“<BR /> <BR />Rules on the membership of commercial bingo clubs will be amended. Only members and bona fide guests of members will be allowed to play bingo at a club. However, the current law, which requires a 24-hour waiting time before someone who has applied for membership of a bingo club may play bingo will be repealed. Furthermore, and similar to what is envisaged for bookmakers' offices, the current restriction preventing bingo clubs from opening or making gaming machines available on their premises on Sundays and Good Fridays will be removed. <BR /> <BR />A new offence will be introduced of inviting, causing or permitting anyone under 18 to play anything other than a lower limit gaming machine. The Bill also sets out what is meant by a lower limit gaming machine.”
“In light of the proposal to allow bookmakers' shops and offices to open on Sundays, the protection that bookmaker track workers enjoy will be extended to those employed at shops and offices. Betting shop workers will enjoy the same safeguards against being obliged to work on a Sunday as track betting workers. <BR /> <BR />I wish to exempt betting offices from the existing restriction that prevents any person from carrying on a pool betting business, apart from at a licensed track or by means of a properly operated totaliser. The amendment will mean that licensed offices may legitimately operate a pool betting system off-track in their offices, but they will be subject to certain conditions. The conditions that are designed to protect consumers are set out in clause 4.”
“The amendments encompass gambling contracts; prize competitions; cheating; age; residency; incorporation status for licences; an industry levy; and a new code of practice. I am removing the current restriction that prevents bookmakers' shops from opening for business on Sundays and Good Fridays. Bookmakers' shops may open for trading on Sundays and Good Fridays, if they choose to do so, but not, as currently, on Christmas Day, including a Christmas Day that falls on a Sunday. <BR /> <BR />Currently, betting is allowed to take place on Sundays at licensed racetracks. Those employed by a bookmaker to work on those tracks are also protected under the 1985 Order from the requirement to work on a Sunday.”
“The Bill contains 16 clauses, and its purpose is to amend the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements Order 1985. <BR /> <BR />Clauses 1 and 16 deal with the interpretation, title and commencement of any future Act and how it may be cited: it is the Betting, Gaming, Lotteries and Amusements (Amendment) Act (NI) 2021. <BR /> <BR />The Bill also inserts schedule 15A into the 1985 Order and clarifies the arrangements about what is and is not classed as a payment to enter a competition or prize draw. The remaining 14 clauses — clauses 2 to 15 — are divided into provisions affecting betting, bingo clubs, gaming machines and lotteries. <BR /> <BR />Clauses 10 to 15 are a set of miscellaneous amendments to the 1985 Order.”
“<BR /> <BR />At the same time, I want Members to acknowledge a second small but equally important dimension to the Bill. It relates to the efforts of local charities, sports clubs and other voluntary groups to raise money for good causes in order to advance the health, happiness and sustainability of our community in matters that are close to their hearts. Those organisations are the backbone of our community. In my view, it would be wrong to allow today's opportunity to pass by without revisiting at least some of the rules applying to society lottery money-raising activities. We must be prepared to look at how the rules might be adjusted in a way that helps to increase donations and revenue-raising opportunities for voluntary schemes and charitable work. <BR /> <BR />With those principles in mind, I will now give an overview of the Bill.”