Cathy Mason
South Down · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“The result is that pupils can still face barriers, whereas a straightforward legal entitlement would have resolved the issue once and for all. <BR /> <BR />Picture this: one of our daughters is sitting in a classroom during her period. She is worried about leaking through her skirt. She is anxious about standing up.”
“We have no new arts strategy in the North, while, in the South, serious efforts were made to rebuild the sector following COVID. Arts funding here has suffered real-terms cuts of around 40%, while funding per capita in the South is around four times higher.”
“I, too, welcome the fact that this important legislation has reached its Second Stage. Like the Chair of the Committee, I thank the Committee for its hard work, and I thank the Committee Clerk, the Bill Office and the legal team for getting us to this point.”
“I thank the Member for that, and, again, I could not agree more. Would any of us accept not being able to wear a coat in the pouring rain or the freezing cold when we walk in here? I do not think so. <BR /> <BR />A girl should not have to ask for permission to wear trousers.”
“When the Assembly returned, I had intended to introduce a private Member's Bill to make school uniforms more comfortable for pupils and more affordable for their families. The Minister, however, indicated that he planned to address the issue himself, so I was unable to progress that legislation.”
“Across the North, many girls still do not have the automatic right to wear trousers to school. Instead, they find themselves having to seek permission, request exemptions or rely on the goodwill of individual schools. I have heard the Minister use that as an excuse for why this legislation is not needed.”
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“I thank the Member for that, and, again, I could not agree more. Would any of us accept not being able to wear a coat in the pouring rain or the freezing cold when we walk in here? I do not think so. <BR /> <BR />A girl should not have to ask for permission to wear trousers. I repeat: a girl should not have to ask for permission to wear trousers. It is just crazy that I should even have to say that. A family should not have to overcome obstacles and navigate unnecessary bureaucracy to secure what should already be a basic right for their child. We now have an opportunity to put that issue beyond doubt and bring our school uniform policies into the 21st century. Sinn Féin is really proud to support that change and will work with everyone across the Assembly to make sure that it happens.”
“I thank the Member for that intervention. I could not agree more. On the flip side of that, in warm weather, many girls do not want to wear socks because they fear their skirt blowing up, so they choose to wear tights or shorts underneath their skirts. Therefore, on the flip side, when we experience warm weather, girls are sitting there in their tights. <BR /> <BR />We have heard stories about the fact that, as school blouses are normally white, girls do not want to take their jumper off in the heat. We also heard about children not being allowed to wear their own coat over their blazer at school. As the Member stated, all of that could have been rectified with the stroke of a pen.”
“Seriously? It is a question of common sense. It is about dignity and equality. It is about ensuring that all pupils can wear a school uniform that is comfortable and practical.”
“The result is that pupils can still face barriers, whereas a straightforward legal entitlement would have resolved the issue once and for all. <BR /> <BR />Picture this: one of our daughters is sitting in a classroom during her period. She is worried about leaking through her skirt. She is anxious about standing up. She is uncomfortable and bloated all day in her school skirt. She is counting the minutes until she can get home. I have been there myself. No girl should have to choose between her education and her dignity, simply because a school rule states that she must wear a skirt. Would the Minister not want to give that child her dignity? <BR /> <BR />In the Committee, we also heard stark stories from young girls — Astrid and Rhea's stories in particular stood out — about getting nettle stings on their legs during PE sessions.”
“Across the North, many girls still do not have the automatic right to wear trousers to school. Instead, they find themselves having to seek permission, request exemptions or rely on the goodwill of individual schools. I have heard the Minister use that as an excuse for why this legislation is not needed. The reality, however, is that that is not equality, it is not dignity and it is certainly not what most people would expect in a modern education system. <BR /> <BR />Not every child has the confidence to approach a senior figure such as a principal or a member of a board of governors, especially about something as personal and sensitive as this. The reality is that their request could still be turned down.”
“When the Assembly returned, I had intended to introduce a private Member's Bill to make school uniforms more comfortable for pupils and more affordable for their families. The Minister, however, indicated that he planned to address the issue himself, so I was unable to progress that legislation. I did not need to do it, because he was going to do it all. It is deeply disappointing and frustrating that that commitment has not been realised. <BR /> <BR />It is absolutely remarkable — let us be honest: it beggars belief — that, in 2026, a debate on whether all pupils should have the right to wear trousers to school is even necessary. I cannot believe that we are even having to talk about it. The Education Minister's failure to stand up for our girls has led us to this point.”
“I thank the Member for his intervention, and I agree. He makes an extremely important point about affordability. That and addressing special educational needs and sensory needs were, as the Committee unanimously agreed, issues, yet they were not to the fore in the Minister's Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Minister has the power to issue clear statutory guidance to guarantee every pupil the right to wear trousers. He has chosen not to do that. In the absence of leadership and action from the Minister and the DUP, MLAs from the progressive parties have come together to deliver the change that so many have been calling for. What probably annoys me most is that we have missed an opportunity here.”
“The reality is that his legislation stopped far short of guaranteeing girls the right to wear trousers to school, so it lacked any effort at allowing equality for all pupils no matter what school they attend. <BR /> <BR />It is also worth putting on record our repeated calls for the Minister to update the uniform guidelines to guarantee girls the right to wear trousers in school. As has been said, all of this could have been done with the stroke of a pen, but, no, for reasons that I really cannot begin to understand, he has refused to do so. He has not given any valid reasons as to why. Perhaps that is why he is not here today: he does not have any valid reason to go against this.”
“I, too, welcome the fact that this important legislation has reached its Second Stage. Like the Chair of the Committee, I thank the Committee for its hard work, and I thank the Committee Clerk, the Bill Office and the legal team for getting us to this point. <BR /> <BR />It is really important, however, that we remember that the origins of the Bill lie in the failure of the Education Minister to properly deal, through his own school uniforms legislation, with the issue of guaranteeing every pupil the right to wear trousers in school, if they choose to do so. The Minister has repeatedly claimed that the matter has been dealt with, but it is very telling that he did not deem it important enough to be here today to listen to the debate; perhaps he knows that he will not like what he hears.”
“I urge the Minister to remember that his remit extends beyond soccer clubs and marching bands and to listen to a sector that enriches our communities and strengthens our economy and is slowly suffocating on his watch.”
“Just last week, he confirmed to me that his Department will provide no direct funding to Fleadh Cheoil, one of the largest music festivals in Europe, when it comes to Belfast for the first time in August. However, the real barrier to progress runs much deeper, with its roots in partition and indifferent Governments in London holding our purse strings. <BR /> <BR />The message from those at the "The Arts in a New Ireland" event was clear: develop a coherent, all-island arts strategy; maximise cooperation across Ireland on arts projects and policy; remove barriers for artists working across the island; and ensure equal opportunities for arts from Derry to Kerry.”
“We have no new arts strategy in the North, while, in the South, serious efforts were made to rebuild the sector following COVID. Arts funding here has suffered real-terms cuts of around 40%, while funding per capita in the South is around four times higher. The universal basic income for artists recognises the immense cultural and economic value that artists bring to society. Nothing remotely comparable exists in the North. <BR /> <BR />Investing in the arts is not a luxury. Every £1 invested through the Arts Council generates £1·81 in economic activity, with the potential to deliver even greater returns were the sector properly supported. <BR /> <BR />It would be easy to lay all the blame at the Minister's door. Certainly, Minister Lyons could never be accused of being a champion for the arts.”
“Just over a week ago, artists from across Ireland gathered in Dublin — fittingly, it was at the end of Bloomsday Week — for an event titled "The Arts in a New Ireland", which was organised by Sinn Féin's Commission on the Future of Ireland. It gave artists the opportunity to raise concerns about the challenges facing the sector today and to share their hopes for the future of the arts, particularly in the context of a united Ireland. <BR /> <BR />As more and more people spoke, one thing became strikingly clear. While artists in the Twenty-six Counties face real challenges, artists in the North look with envy at the support available in the rest of Ireland, and it is not hard to see why.”
“It will therefore support a clearer, more consistent framework for dealing with conduct and standards issues. On behalf of the Committee, I therefore support the motion.”
“I thank the Member for his questions. It is good to have clarity on them. The change is not about reducing any protections, weakening democracy or limiting free speech; rather, the repeal is about modernising our procedures so that they reflect the current standards regime and the system of accountability, which includes the contemporary code of conduct, the investigation role of the independent Assembly Commissioner for Standards, the adjudication role of the Committee and the sanctioning role of the Assembly. There will be no change in the Committee's approach to the rules. That approach is still covered under the standards. <BR /> <BR />I will resume. The repeal will reduce any ambiguity about what constitutes parliamentary privilege and what should properly be considered misconduct.”
“<BR /> <BR />Approving the motion to repeal Standing Order 70 will essentially address an anomaly in our procedures and remove a provision that suggested powers that, in practice, the Assembly could not properly exercise. In doing so, the repeal will reduce any ambiguity over what constitutes parliamentary privilege and what should properly be considered misconduct.”
“<BR /> <BR />Following its consideration of initial legal advice, the Committee agreed in principle and subject to receiving further legal advice to seek to repeal Standing Order 70 and amend the title of the Committee to remove the reference to "Privileges". To inform a final policy decision on the matter, the Committee agreed to request that Legal Services provide advice, including illustrative examples of how Standing Orders would be required to be amended to implement the Committee's policy decision. <BR /> <BR />Finally, on 11 March 2025, the Committee wrote to the Committee on Procedures to ask it to undertake the work necessary to bring forward for the Assembly's approval the proposed repeal of Standing Order 70 and consequential amendments to Standing Orders, which brings us to today's motion.”
“In September 2024, the Committee agreed to undertake the review and, as part of that process, obtained legal advice on a range of policy and procedural issues. <BR /> <BR />Issues that the Committee considered included whether the introduction of rules 12 and 13 of the code negated the basis for Standing Order 70, meaning that it should be removed, or whether Standing Order 70 should be amended to reflect the introduction of rules 12 and 13 and the limitation of the Assembly's privilege as provided for under the 1998 Act; consequential changes needed to Standing Orders if Standing Order 70 were to be repealed; whether any changes would be required to the code to ensure that all matters that could conceivably be considered as matters of privilege are covered by the code; and whether it would be appropriate to retitle the Committee on Standards and Privileges to remove the reference to "Privileges" should Standing Order 70 be removed.”
“Furthermore, the call for a review of Standing Order 70 was made in the knowledge that, where concerns arise from a Member's conduct, there is a clear standards framework that includes the role of the Commissioner for Standards as the independent investigator, the role of the Committee as a body of peers in considering the investigation findings and adjudicating and the sanctioning role of the Assembly in plenary where applicable. <BR /> <BR />The current Committee finally undertook the review of Standing Order 70 as a legacy issue identified by predecessor Committees. As mentioned, it was considered that, in light of the introduction of rules 12 and 13 of the code, Standing Order 70 may be redundant and that it may be appropriate to remove the reference to "Privileges" from the name of the Committee.”
“The introduction of rule 13 meant that a range of issues that might previously have been described as matters of privilege, including conduct that improperly interferes with the performance by the Assembly of its functions, are now considered to be standards issues and that complaints against MLAs in relation to such matters are considered by the Commissioner for Standards as alleged breaches of the code. <BR /> <BR />Following the introduction of rules 12 and 13 in the code in 2015, the then Committee highlighted the need for Standing Order 70 to be reviewed and noted its preference for investigating unauthorised disclosure of information as an alleged breach of the code rather than as an alleged breach of privilege.”
“Therefore, Standing Order 70 rests on concepts that were never fully incorporated into this devolved institution, which makes that Standing Order an anomaly. <BR /> <BR />The need for a review of Standing Order 70 was initially identified during the 2011-16 mandate following a review of the code of conduct by the then Committee on Standards and Privileges. As a result of the review, rules 12 and 13 were included in the code of conduct. Rule 12 prohibits the unauthorised disclosure of confidential information, and rule 13 requires Members not to interfere improperly with the functioning of the Assembly, including its debates, procedures and decision-making, or other people's duties in that regard.”
“Standing Order 70 is based on the parliamentary concepts of privilege, being the rights and protections that enable the Assembly and its Members to carry out their work effectively, and contempt, being the actions that obstruct or impede the Assembly, its Committees or its Members in performing their duties. <BR /> <BR />A problem arises, however, in that Standing Order 70 replicates, perhaps inadvertently, Standing Order 46 of the Assembly created by the NI Constitution Act 1973. The privileges of the 1973 Assembly were different from those of this Assembly and were more akin to those of the House of Commons. By contrast, the legal protections and immunities of this Assembly relate to freedom of speech and apply to the law of defamation.”
“As Chairperson of the Committee on Standards and Privileges, I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion from the Committee on Procedures. I thank the Chair and Deputy Chair of the Committee for tabling the motion and the clerking teams of both Committees. <BR /> <BR />Standing Order 70 deals with how matters of privilege can be raised by Members and dealt with by the Speaker. It provides a process by which, among other things, an MLA may bring to the attention of the Speaker a specific matter affecting the privilege of the Assembly for the purpose of having the matter referred to the Committee on Standards and Privileges.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.”
“Minister, you will be aware that flood alleviation schemes are assessed on a cost-benefit ratio which we know can be prohibitive and can prevent schemes from progressing. As we know only too well from flooding in our constituencies, in Newry and Downpatrick, such analysis does not always reflect the wider socio-economic impact that flooding has on people's homes. Do you have plans to change those criteria and make them more reflective of people's lived experience of flooding?”
“Does the Minister accept that his Bill targeting teachers is dead in the water, and that he will not get away with sanctioning teachers for taking part in what is lawful action?”
“First Minister, based on everything that you said, do you agree that the best solution to the chaos is a new and united Ireland?”
“First Minister, do you agree with his assessment?”
“First Minister, speaking in recent weeks about the Loughinisland massacre, in which six men were murdered while watching Ireland play Italy during the 1994 World Cup at the Heights Bar, former Police Ombudsman Dr Michael Maguire stated:”
“— and justice is stronger than collusion.”
“<BR /> <BR />From Loughinisland to Bellaghy and from the Ormeau Road to Greysteel, families have encountered the same grim reality: a pattern of collusion, concealment and protecting agents and institutions. It is a pattern of denying families the truth. The Police Ombudsman's investigation of Loughinisland laid bare that reality. Intelligence was withheld, informers were protected and evidence was destroyed. The findings were clear: collusion was a significant feature of what happened before, during and after those murders. <BR /> <BR />Thirty-two years on, families are still fighting for answers, and we stand with them. No matter how many obstacles are placed in their path, the families in Loughinisland continue to prove that truth is stronger than secrecy —”
“One of those weapons would ultimately be used to murder six innocent men in the Heights Bar. More than 30 years later, many of the weapons remain unaccounted for, while families are still denied the full truth about how they came to be used against their loved ones. <BR /> <BR />Families are entitled to ask difficult but legitimate questions. What did senior DUP figures know about the acquisition and distribution of those weapons? What discussions took place between political figures and those involved in organising the Ulster Resistance arms importation? Given that weapons linked to an organisation publicly launched with the involvement of senior DUP figures were later connected to multiple loyalist attacks, does the DUP accept any political responsibility for the circumstances that allowed those weapons to arrive here and to be used?”
“<BR /> <BR />What followed the massacre was decades of obstruction, concealment and denial. The weapon used in the Loughinisland massacre did not appear out of thin air; it was linked to the 1980s loyalist arms shipment associated with Ulster Resistance, with weapons later distributed among loyalist paramilitary organisations. I remind Members that Ulster Resistance was launched publicly in 1986 with the support and participation of senior unionist figures, including leading members of the DUP of the time. The images from the Ulster Hall in November 1986 show Ian Paisley and others standing publicly at that launch. Paisley declared that he was prepared to give Ulster Resistance his undivided support. Many of those imported weapons later entered the hands of loyalist paramilitary organisations, including elements of the UDA and the UVF.”
“As the World Cup once again captures the attention of millions across the globe, many people in South Down are remembering a very different World Cup. On 18 June 1994, Ireland celebrated a famous victory over Italy. Six innocent men were murdered in the Heights Bar in Loughinisland as they watched that match. Adrian Rogan — "Frosty" — Malcolm Jenkinson, Barney Green, Dan McCreanor, Patsy O'Hare and Eamon Byrne were shot dead simply for gathering with friends and neighbours to support their national team. I was six years old at the time; the same age as some of the children who lost their fathers that evening. Like so many children across Ireland, I remember the excitement of that World Cup, but, for those children and the community of Loughinisland, that joy was stolen in an instant.”
“Minister, unfortunately, the announcement is not such great news for South Down and its constituents. You talked about making some progress on achieving borrowing powers for the Housing Executive. Will you expand on that? Will the Housing Executive be able to use those powers to start building houses again?”
“I welcome the First Minister's statement and the continued emphasis on real and practical North/South delivery, which is important. Will the First Minister provide an update on progress with the Narrow Water bridge? How will the Shared Island investment help to unlock tourism and economic potential in South Down?”
“Mary Lou McDonald today provides for the Taoiseach to publish a government Green Paper to set out their ideas and vision for a united Ireland. It will also provide for the establishment of a citizens' assembly to help to shape and inform the debate. Importantly, that will involve people from across the island and from all sections of our community, including those from unionist and Protestant traditions. Preparation and planning are vital. The Bill will provide the Irish Government with the opportunity to start planning and preparing for Irish unity.”
“The election of a first-ever nationalist and republican First Minister in the North and the recent election of pro-independence First Ministers in the North, Scotland and Wales have shown that people are fed up with savage Westminster policies. People want to look to a future in which decisions are made at home and in the best interests of the people who live here. <BR /> <BR />The legislation that will be introduced by uachtaráin Sinn Féin”
“Today in the Dáil, Sinn Féin will introduce a private Member's Bill that will require an Taoiseach to get planning and preparation for constitutional change and Irish unity under way. There is already an exciting and energetic debate under way across all four corners of the island about what a new Ireland would look like. I welcome Fine Gael's announcement that it will put forward a blueprint on Irish unity in November. Like never before, people are engaging and are genuinely interested in what constitutional change would look like for them. We have been clear: the Irish Government should step up and begin proper planning and preparation.”
“Many of those affected will feel that they have been failed and will ask where that leadership from some was when they needed it the most. The people carrying the burden of the crisis stepped up, Housing Executive staff stepped up, community organisations stepped up and local residents stepped up. Many will ask this very simple question: where was the Communities Minister when families were being forced from their homes? His silence is deafening. We must all stand together against racism. Hatred will not win.”
“While families were being driven from their homes, Housing Executive staff worked day and night to find emergency accommodation — somewhere for those families to lay their heads for that night — yet there was deafening silence from the Minister who is responsible for that accommodation. While community workers and volunteers were on the front line trying to calm tensions, to support vulnerable families and to keep our young people away from the thuggish behaviour, many were seeking to hear a strong, unequivocal response from the Communities Minister, but they got no such response. People looked to those in positions of leadership for reassurance and direction, but many felt that that response was absent from some. <BR /> <BR />That silence has been felt deeply.”
“What we have witnessed over the past week has been abhorrent, as, unfortunately, has been some of what we have heard in the Chamber this afternoon. Families have been terrorised, and people have been forced from and burned out of their homes in the most brutal way. Those scenes take many of us back to the past. Men, women and young, innocent children, for goodness' sake, have gone to bed frightened in the communities that they call home — in their safe place. <BR /> <BR />At times such as this, leadership matters. Unfortunately, we have not seen leadership from all. The absence of leadership from our Communities Minister has been glaringly obvious.”
“, I encourage everyone to come along, get involved and enjoy the unique atmosphere that such events create. Together, let us celebrate the music, culture and community spirit that makes this place so special.”
“give us an opportunity to celebrate our culture, our heritage and the incredible talent that exists in every corner of the island. The fleadh would not happen without volunteers. Behind every performance, competition and event is an army of dedicated people who give their time, energy and passion throughout the year. Their commitment is extraordinary, and they deserve enormous credit for making such events possible. <BR /> <BR />In Downpatrick, Lecale Comhaltas has worked tirelessly to prepare for the county fleadh, supported by local volunteers and community representatives. As the fleadh season gets under way on 15 June with Fleadh Cheoil an Dúin”
“will take to stages and competition halls carrying forward traditions that have been nurtured and cherished for generations. Seeing so many young people embrace and celebrate their culture is one of the most uplifting aspects of any fleadh and gives great confidence for the future. <BR /> <BR />Fleánna”
“Over the coming months, County Down will proudly take centre stage in a remarkable celebration of culture, music and community spirit. From the county fleadh in Downpatrick, hosted by Lecale Comhaltas, to the Ulster Fleadh in Warrenpoint and culminating in the all-Ireland fleadh in Belfast, we have a wonderful opportunity to showcase the very best of our people, places and traditions. Thousands of visitors will travel to our towns and cities, supporting local businesses, filling cafes, restaurants and accommodation providers and bringing a welcome buzz to communities. <BR /> <BR />The fleadh brings people together. It fills our streets with music, colour and energy. Young musicians, singers, dancers and Gaeilgeoirí”
“To every teacher who is watching the debate today — I am sure that they are horrified — I say this: Sinn Féin has your back. We will stand up for your rights. We will make sure that your voice is heard despite the Minister, and we will oppose any attempt to intimidate or punish teachers for taking part in lawful industrial action. Sinn Féin opposes the Bill and will vote against it today. I encourage others across the Chamber to do the same.”
“On your point about ChatGPT, I am sure that the many teachers who contacted me over the weekend will be deeply offended by what you have just said, because I am repeating what they said to me, including the fears and concerns that they raised. On your other point, you clearly have no respect for the democratic process. Mr Buckley, I remind you that, just last week, at Second Stage, you voted against the Hunting with Dogs Bill. You tried not to allow it to go through to the next stage to be debated because you did not believe in the intent of that Bill. <BR /> <BR />I will continue. The Chamber should send a clear message today that we value our teachers, respect workers' rights and understand that the answer to the challenges facing education is not to punish those working on the front line.”
“I agree with what the Member has said. <BR /> <BR />On the point that the Committee Chair made, with all due respect, the House voted that it had no confidence in the Minister. I certainly have no confidence that he will change the Bill in any way, shape or form that will make it any better. I repeat: the Bill is broken not because of a drafting error but because of its intent. The Bill's intention is not to make schools better but to intimidate teachers and undermine workers.”
“Is that what we are discussing here today? <BR /> <BR />Nick, you wanted in.”