Cathy Mason
South Down · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“The result is that pupils can still face barriers, whereas a straightforward legal entitlement would have resolved the issue once and for all. <BR /> <BR />Picture this: one of our daughters is sitting in a classroom during her period. She is worried about leaking through her skirt. She is anxious about standing up.”
“We have no new arts strategy in the North, while, in the South, serious efforts were made to rebuild the sector following COVID. Arts funding here has suffered real-terms cuts of around 40%, while funding per capita in the South is around four times higher.”
“I, too, welcome the fact that this important legislation has reached its Second Stage. Like the Chair of the Committee, I thank the Committee for its hard work, and I thank the Committee Clerk, the Bill Office and the legal team for getting us to this point.”
“I thank the Member for that, and, again, I could not agree more. Would any of us accept not being able to wear a coat in the pouring rain or the freezing cold when we walk in here? I do not think so. <BR /> <BR />A girl should not have to ask for permission to wear trousers.”
“When the Assembly returned, I had intended to introduce a private Member's Bill to make school uniforms more comfortable for pupils and more affordable for their families. The Minister, however, indicated that he planned to address the issue himself, so I was unable to progress that legislation.”
“Across the North, many girls still do not have the automatic right to wear trousers to school. Instead, they find themselves having to seek permission, request exemptions or rely on the goodwill of individual schools. I have heard the Minister use that as an excuse for why this legislation is not needed.”
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“We need to see additional protections being brought forward as a matter of urgency and backed up with legislation. <BR /> <BR />Minister, I really do regret the fact that the motion speaks to a wider problem with your approach as Communities Minister. It is your job to set priorities for your budget, protect the most vulnerable and deliver on housing. Right now, people across the North are asking you just to do that job. Deliver better protections for renters, deliver safe homes and deliver the social and affordable housing that people so desperately need. Do not push the blame; just work with everyone to try to deliver that.”
“Minister, I look forward to hearing about that, because the reality that I see on the ground does not reflect that. Press releases and statements like that do not reflect what is actually happening. <BR /> <BR />During her time as Minister for Communities, Deirdre Hargey set in motion a major shift in how the private rented sector was regulated. She introduced the Private Tenancies Act 2022, a landmark piece of legislation that delivered real and practical protection for tenants. It capped deposits at the equivalent of one month's rent and extended notice-to-quit periods to 56 days so that families had greater security and stability. At the time, however, she was clear that that was only the beginning. Rather than following that through, the current Minister has dithered and let renters and families down.”
“Right now, the system is just not guaranteeing that, yet, unfortunately, the Minister does not seem to be interested in bringing forward solid legislation, similar to Awaab's Law, to compel landlords to tackle damp, mould and disrepair in social and private rented accommodation, instead hiding behind the claim that existing legislation is enough. Minister, that is simply not the reality facing families. It is another deflection, or "sidestep" as Mark Durkan put it, and another failure to grasp the urgency of your responsibility.”
“Others care for elderly loved ones whose health is steadily deteriorating in the very place that should be safe and protect them. The Housing Executive's maintenance system is plagued by long delays, leaving tenants in unsafe and, sometimes, unlivable conditions while they wait for basic repairs. Communication routinely breaks down, contractors are sent to fix only part of the problem, and tenants are then forced to fight for the remaining work to be progressed. That cycle is unfair, and it places even more pressure on people who are already struggling. <BR /> <BR />A home should be a safe, secure and comfortable place.”
“For too many in social homes and privately rented properties, the battle with the Housing Executive and landlords to combat damp, mould and disrepair is constant. Similar to what many Members have said, my constituency office deals week-on-week with mould and disrepair issues on behalf of people in South Down. I thank Gerry Carroll not just for tabling the motion but for the real-life example that he gave. Mark Durkan also gave an example, and I am sure that we could all share similar stories from the people who come through the doors of our offices. <BR /> <BR />Families are at their wits' end, forced to sleep in rooms where mould spreads faster than it can be contained. Parents helplessly watch their children's lung conditions worsen day after day because the air that they breathe is damp and unsafe.”
“They all have the single aim of helping shape an early years and childcare system that has the best possible outcomes for children and young people, thus giving them the very best start in life. Each of those groups has real lived experience and knowledge of how the strategy can make a difference to people's lives. It is important that the Minister does much more than just acknowledge that. He also needs to listen and implement the required changes. <BR /> <BR />I therefore urge everyone to make their voice heard by responding to the consultation on the early learning and childcare strategy. I also call on the Education Minister to listen to the growing concerns, work with providers and prioritise making childcare of good quality and affordable.”
“The strategy must be designed to serve every single child, with clear commitments made for those who have special educational needs and physical disabilities. The strategy must also set out a road map for the expansion of Irish-medium childcare and early years provision, ensuring that there is the capacity to meet the rising demand and to stop the Minister's current trend of viewing the Irish-medium sector as an afterthought. <BR /> <BR />Accessible, high-quality and affordable childcare is fundamental to children's early learning and development. It is equally essential for families who are trying to balance work and home responsibilities. Over the past number of weeks, I have had the pleasure of engaging with the Irish-medium sector, childcare providers, statutory and non-statutory preschools, childminders and sectoral bodies.”
“Providers continue to struggle with rising overheads, workforce capacity and staff retention. Childminders continue to be squeezed by the British Government's withdrawal of the 10% wear-and-tear tax allowance and by challenges with the minimum income floor. All the while, they eagerly await the findings of the review of the minimum standards from the Minister of Health, who seems either unable or unwilling to bring them forward. Perhaps the new leader is in the middle of making that decision for him. Who knows? <BR /> <BR />Parents and childcare providers are clear in saying that the Minister of Education needs to spell out exactly how his strategy will cut bills for parents accessing early years and school-age childcare, support struggling providers and guarantee high-quality childcare.”
“Soaring childcare costs continue to place a real strain on families across the North. Living costs continue to bite, and we must do all that we can to keep money in the pockets of hard-pressed workers and families. While the childcare subsidy scheme has helped to reduce costs, the draft childcare strategy lacks a commitment from the Minister to ensure that future subsidies will not be eaten up by inflation.”
“Minister, I had the opportunity to attend the consultation events held with Altram and PlayBoard, and feedback shows the passion that there is in the sector. Minister, you will know that the average full-day rate for childcare has increased by about 12% since the subsidy scheme was introduced. Have you discussed the increase with providers and parents directly to ensure that any future subsidy is not eaten up in the same way, given that the draft early learning and childcare strategy is planning to put a lot of money towards that aspect of the scheme?”
“If there is no intention to undermine one-to-one classroom assistant support, the Minister should stand up and give unequivocal guarantees of it. Families, children and young people deserve certainty, and classroom assistants, quite frankly, deserve respect.”
“It has often taken months — sometimes years — of assessments and appeals to secure that support. They are entitled to clarity. The Minister should give that clarity today. Classroom assistants across the North are also, very understandably, deeply concerned. They provide vital and skilled support to some of our most vulnerable children every single day. They also deserve clarity from the Education Minister. <BR /> <BR />We have to remember that this is a Minister who already operates without the confidence of the Assembly. He has also reneged on commitments to school leaders on workload. He continues to drive forward a harmful reform agenda despite widespread opposition, and now families fear that, under his leadership, the most vulnerable children could lose dedicated support. <BR /> <BR />Let me say this very clearly.”
“The Education Authority's so-called enhanced support model has caused real and deep anxiety for families right across the North since it was announced last week. Parents who have fought tirelessly to secure a classroom assistant for their child are now asking a very simple question: is that support safe? When you strip away the jargon about flexibility and school-led delivery, this policy moves away from clearly defined, enforceable provision towards a model where support can be reconfigured. There is no explicit guarantee that children who currently rely on one-to-one support will keep it. <BR /> <BR />For many families, one-to-one support is not a luxury. It is what allows their child to be safe, to regulate and learn, and to actually go to school and participate in school life.”
“Will you review the fact that the Minister called me "a child" today? That is the second time that he has done this: he referred to me not being "a grown-up" the last time that I asked him a question. Could he answer me in writing, because he did not answer my question?”
“On a point of order, a Phríomh-Leas-Cheann Comhairle.”
“Minister, you therefore cannot explain why there was so much confusion last night. You are very fond of showboating, theatrics and attacking and trying to belittle people who try to scrutinise you. Minister, you have nothing to fear from a little bit of scrutiny. Perhaps you should realise that. When are you going to step up and protect those people?”
“We should call it out for what it is: discriminatory, unjustified and rooted in an outdated attitude that has absolutely no place in the modern, shared and economically ambitious North of Ireland.”
“Whether you are playing, coaching, refereeing or simply cheering from the sideline, you are part of something bigger. When challenges come, whether it is a family in need or a community tragedy, or there is a moment of celebration, your local club is the first to rally and provide support and the last to leave your side. It is a reminder that rural Ireland is strong not because of its size but because of its solidarity. The GAA does not just build athletes; it builds community, resilience and a sense of belonging that lasts a lifetime. <BR /> <BR />The motion needs to be seen for what it actually is: an attempt to single out the GAA for treatment to which no other sport, stadium or governing body is subjected.”
“Casement Park is not just about sport: it will be a major economic driver, boosting local business, bringing investment and jobs and ensuring that the benefits are felt directly by the surrounding communities as well as across the wider regional community. Casement Park gives young Gaels a stage to which they can aspire. It will act as a beacon for sporting excellence and opportunity. <BR /> <BR />In rural areas like my own constituency of South Down, the GAA club is often the first place where young people find their confidence, sense of belonging and voice. It is where neighbours become teammates and teammates become lifelong friends, keeping the spirit of community alive. The GAA provides something that is invaluable to all who participate.”
“The GAA provides a natural focal point for community life; a place where people come together, connect and take pride in something that is shared. When we invest in and enhance the spaces where communities gather, we are not just improving facilities but strengthening the very communities that rely on them. <BR /> <BR />That is why having modern, state-of-the-art facilities at Casement Park, where future generations can play, grow and thrive with pride and excitement, matters so deeply. The prospect of having a stadium of that magnitude in the heart of Belfast is an exciting one for our business community, hospitality, tourism and retail alike.”
“I suspect that we all know why that is. The chuntering further demonstrates that. It is because it is about the GAA. <BR /> <BR />A recent report on the social value of Gaelic games right across the island estimated that the GAA, the Ladies' Gaelic Football Association (LGFA) and Camogie Association were worth at least €2·87 billion to Irish society. That comes as no surprise to many of us who know and feel the value of their local GAA club. From Cork to Derry and Galway to County Down, the GAA is much more than a sporting organisation. It is the social fabric that holds communities together. It is not just about the games and the clubs but the people, pride and sense of belonging that stretches far beyond any pitch.”
“You had plenty of time. <BR /> <BR />I ask the simple question: why is there no mention of the clawback of public spend for all the other stadiums and those that benefited from the football fund?”
“Like others have done, I declare an interest as a proud member of St Colman's GAC in Drumaness. <BR /> <BR />Let us see the motion for what it really is: an anti-GAA motion from political unionism, which fears the benefits that the GAA brings. The motion is a clear attack on Gaels and an attempt to undermine and devalue the GAA as a whole. The motion is a farce; it is not a genuine attempt to look at putting greater accountability and transparency into public spending. It is about applying a separate set of standards to the GAA that has no basis and does not apply anywhere else.”
“Minister, will you reiterate, as some Members still seem to be confused somehow, whether you agree that it is an operational issue? It is important that it is completely out of your hands.”
“Minister, figures show that there have been over 9,000 reports of alleged benefit fraud but only 57 convictions. That means that fewer than 1% of reports lead to a conviction. In your answer to a previous question, you mentioned that a significant number of staff work on benefit fraud. What is your assessment of the value for money and effectiveness of that work?”
“Minister, groups have been provided with support to promote the Irish language in the arts sector. Will you give some examples of projects that will benefit from that funding to promote the Irish language? For clarity, I ask that question as a grown-up woman.”
“If the stress is real, the inequality is clear and the outcomes are no better, we must confront a simple truth: academic selection has failed our children not because change is impossible but because it is being avoided. It is time for that to end.”
“An unequal admissions system will always undermine efforts to raise standards across the system. Doing nothing is a choice; in this case, it is a choice that leaves some children paying the price. <BR /> <BR />Crucially, despite repeated claims about the effectiveness of grammar schools, most studies show no clear advantages to selective education once family income and background have been taken into account. Outcomes are no better overall than in non-selective systems. We must ask ourselves this: if academic selection does not deliver better results, what is the justification for putting children through such pressure and harm?”
“The Minister cannot credibly argue for a level playing field on the one hand while, on the other, continuing to support an archaic system of academic selection that sorts children at 11 years of age and entrenches inequality from the outset. <BR /> <BR />Ministers are elected not to wait for consensus but to lead on the basis of solid evidence and the aim of giving every child the best opportunities in life. We are repeatedly told by the Minister that the focus should be on making every school a good school. Of course every school should be a good school — nobody disputes that — but, at its core, it should be about raising standards for all, which does not sit with academic selection. We cannot build equality on a system that ranks children and schools from the outset and creates winners and losers.”
“There may not be political consensus in the Chamber, but there is clear evidence of consensus on the harm caused by academic selection and its failure to improve the outcomes for all children. The inconsistency in the Minister's position is striking. We are told that he cannot act on academic selection because consensus does not exist, yet he is pushing ahead at extreme pace with the TransformED programme, which closely mirrors reforms in England, including the promotion of a so-called knowledge-rich curriculum, one of the core claims for which is that it will tackle educational underachievement and place all children on a level playing field.”
“<BR /> <BR />Free school meals entitlement is a widely accepted measurement of disadvantage and shows that the most disadvantaged pupils in the North overwhelmingly attend non-grammar schools. Pupils are also less likely to attend a grammar school if their primary school serves a community with higher levels of deprivation. Children with special educational needs (SEN) and those from disadvantaged backgrounds are significantly under-represented in those schools. That is not inclusion; it is an elitist system that is reinforced through selection. <BR /> <BR />Despite what the Minister has said before, this is not a debate about a lack of political consensus.”
“At 11 years old, children are told explicitly or implicitly that they are less capable than their peers and should, therefore, be educated elsewhere. That is not fair, and it is not acceptable. <BR /> <BR />Research consistently shows that academic performance is closely linked to family income and background. Children from working-class and lower-income families are far more likely to attend non-selective schools, while children from more affluent backgrounds are disproportionately represented in grammar schools. In reality, the system pressures parents into paying for private tuition simply to give their child a chance in the test, and many families cannot afford to do so. When access to opportunity depends on a family's ability to pay, it cannot be credibly described as fair. It reinforces a two-tier education system.”
“Preparation for transfer tests often comes at the expense of key areas of the curriculum, including art, play and physical education, which are all required for development and well-being. We have heard from families that intensive preparation continues in classrooms in which not all the children are sitting the exams. What does that do? It creates a two-tier classroom environment in which some children are prioritised and others are implicitly sidelined. That division alone clearly undermines confidence and self-worth. <BR /> <BR />The harm deepens when the results are issued, effectively sorting children into two groups: those who are deemed to be suitable for grammar school and those who are not.”
“Yet, despite those claims, research shows selective systems have no clear overall advantage over non-selective systems. As a result of those claims, many families feel obliged, in the interests of their children, to put them through a non-statutory, unregulated and privately run transfer system that operates without proper oversight, evaluation or safeguards. That is unfair on parents, and it is unjust for children. How can it be right that an exam taken at 11 years of age continues to determine the educational future of so many of our young people? <BR /> <BR />We know that academic selection has a damaging impact on children's self-esteem and mental health. That cannot be denied. We have heard that straight from the mental health champion, Siobhán O'Neill.”
“For many 10- and 11-year-old children across the North, the type of school that they attend after primary school is determined by a high-stakes exam. At a time when children are preparing for the daunting transition to post-primary school and the move into a new environment in which they will no longer the big fish in a small pond, many face the added pressure of sitting a selection exam. The very thought of the test causes undue stress for children and their families. For many, the pressure begins the moment they enter primary 7, and, often, it begins much earlier, all because of a brutal system in which a child's educational pathway is effectively decided at just 11 years of age. <BR /> <BR />That pressure is driven by a persistent narrative that children will receive a higher-quality education if they attend a selective school.”
“Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.”
“The court warned that withdrawal must not be theoretical or burdensome. How will the Minister ensure that children who are withdrawn will not be singled out or made to feel different?”
“<BR /> <BR />I reiterate the Committee's conclusions that the case highlights how vital it is for all Members to respect the authority of the Chairpersons of the Assembly's Committees and to uphold the rules and protocols that ensure the proper functioning of the Assembly's Committees. In opening the debate, I explained that the Committee had regard for all the circumstances of the case, as well as the legal advice, when it decided on the recommended sanction, which it considers to be proportionate, appropriate and justified. Today's motion should be a reminder that the Committee takes its role extremely seriously, and it will not hesitate to recommend a suitable sanction when it feels that it is warranted and necessary for breaches of the Assembly's code of conduct. I ask Members to support the motion.”
“I will pick up on Eóin Tennyson's point and reiterate that former commissioner, Dr McCullough, was an officer of the Assembly for five years, and she executed her duties with impartiality and professionalism. Her investigation of the case was thorough and objective. Moreover, to attack the office of the commissioner or the Committee is to undermine the integrity of the Assembly's standards system. Members who have been found to have breached the code may naturally feel sore, but they should be able to accept the verdict of both an independent commissioner and a dedicated Committee of their peers.”
“However, the Committee is well versed in applying the legal test to the factual circumstances of each case when deciding whether interference with that right is justified. In this case, it did so in relation to the alleged breach and when considering a recommended sanction, and it was supported by legal advice at every step of the way. <BR /> <BR />I will address Mr Givan's points about opening up the procedure to vexatious complaints. Mr Givan will know, because he was previously Chair of the Committee, that safeguards exist in the admissibility criteria for complaints that are vexatious or deemed to be inadmissible by the commissioner.”
“As I explained, the Committee needed to keep focused on the elements required to find a breach of the rules in question. Other points raised by Mr Gaston have been addressed in the Committee's report, which was informed by legal advice, including what he described as an "inconsistent" and contradictory approach regarding the decision that his complaint against Ms Bradshaw was inadmissible, and his points about the previous case involving Dr Aiken. <BR /> <BR />I will respond to a number of comments that have been raised during the debate. First, on Mr Buckley's comment on freedom of speech, the Committee is well aware of the fundamental importance of the right to freedom of expression, particularly for elected representatives. The MLA code of conduct upholds that right.”
“That said, Committee members are reminded that, in some instances, they may consider that they need to recuse themselves from certain items of business if they have an interest that is such that it could reasonably be perceived to create a conflict of interest because of a real possibility of bias when considering a matter. It is ultimately for each member to consider and determine that, having regard to their specific circumstances. For the avoidance of doubt, I confirm that each Committee member who declared an interest and stood aside or declared an interest and decided not to stand aside explained their reasoning to the Committee. <BR /> <BR />On Mr Gaston's second issue, the Committee noted his earlier correspondence about his freedom of information request when it deliberated on the complaint.”
“As I explained, the matters under consideration by the Committee were the points to prove that related to rules 15, 13 and 10. The Committee's consideration did not include other, irrelevant matters that related to the business of the Executive Office Committee. We should be clear that it is uncommon for members to stand aside in Committee proceedings in light of the broad principle that elected representatives cannot readily be disenfranchised. Also, a member's having an interest in a matter and declaring that interest does not necessarily create a conflict of interest that prevents them from engaging in consideration of the matter in question.”
“As Committee Chairperson, I am assured that the Committee has taken all necessary legal and procedural advice and been scrupulous in this case and all cases that it has dealt with to date in ensuring procedural fairness during the adjudication process. I am also satisfied that Committee members have been diligent and professional in fulfilling their unique role, including by acting fairly and objectively. <BR /> <BR />There may be some confusion on the part of the Member about the requirements for Committee members to declare interests when it comes to considering whether to stand aside from proceedings, so let me explain. The requirement for members to declare relevant interests, as contained in rule 5 of the code of conduct, relates to relevant interests:”
“Some Committee members declared interests in relation to the case, while others declared interests and stood aside or recused themselves from Committee proceedings that related to the case. Secondly, Mr Gaston referred to information, which he sought under the Freedom of Information Act, relating to the meeting between the Chairperson of the Executive Office Committee and the First Minister on 23 October 2024. <BR /> <BR />On the first issue, Mr Gaston will be well aware that, if he has a complaint that alleges that any Committee member failed to declare an interest or address a conflict of interest, it is open to him to make his complaint to the commissioner.”
“No, I have a lot to get through in my winding-up speech. <BR /> <BR />The Committee concurred that Mr Gaston breached three rules of conduct and failed to observe several principles of conduct. Whilst it is regrettable that the sanction is necessary, the Assembly's approval of the motion will demonstrate that Members will be held accountable for misconduct. <BR /> <BR />I turn to Members' contributions to the debate. I wish to pick up on the issues that Mr Gaston raised, including those raised in correspondence to the Committee Clerk, which was received last Monday and provided to the Committee. First, Mr Gaston referred to the Committee proceedings relating to the complaint.”
“Therefore, those elements in particular need to be robust in order to maintain and enhance public confidence in the political system. <BR /> <BR />As I pointed out when I opened the debate, in adjudicating on the case, the Committee maintained a clinical focus on the essential facts or elements that were required to find a breach of the rules cited in the complaint case. That was done to ensure that the Committee did not get distracted by irrelevant or subjective contextual issues. <BR /> <BR />I will sum up the case before us. The Committee unanimously concurred with the findings of the then commissioner, Dr Melissa McCullough.”
“Before I make my remarks on the debate, I will point out some worrying commentary. I take my role on the Committee on Standards and Privileges very seriously, as do its other members. Party politics are left at the door, as they should be. Integrity and impartiality are key to the Standards and Privileges Committee. Some of the language in the debate concerns me. Mr Brett's use of "we" is really concerning. <BR /> <BR />To close the debate, I highlight the importance of the House's holding its Members to account when that is warranted. The investigatory role of the Commissioner for Standards provides an independent dimension to the Assembly's standards regime. However, the Committee's adjudication role and the Assembly's sanctioning role in plenary sittings involve self-regulation.”
“As is appropriate with conduct cases, the Committee members left party politics aside and made their decisions objectively on the evidence and facts before them. I hope that that approach continues in this plenary debate. <BR /> <BR />Finally, the Committee is clear that the recommended sanction of excluding Mr Gaston from Assembly proceedings for a period of two sitting days is appropriate and proportionate. I commend the motion to the House.”
“The Committee also had regard to its legal advice on the matter, the range of sanctions available and the sanctions recommended in similar precedent cases. <BR /> <BR />If the motion is approved, it will mark only the second occasion to date when the Assembly has excluded a Member from proceedings, the first being Dr Steve Aiken in 2024, when he breached rule 12 through the unauthorised disclosure of confidential information and rule 16 by failing to cooperate at all times with the commissioner's investigation. Whilst every case must be decided on its merits, with a view to maintaining a fair and consistent approach across breach cases, the Committee therefore recommends a comparable sanction in Mr Gaston's case. <BR /> <BR />The Committee reached its decisions on this case on a unanimous basis.”