Murali Pillai
Singapore
“Sir, my response will also cover matters raised in the related oral questions, as well as written questions, all filed by the hon Member, Ms Sylvia Lim1, 2, for a subsequent Sitting. The hon Member may wish to withdraw her Parliamentary Questions (PQs) if her queries are answered in today's Sitting.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, I would like to respond to the hon Member Ms Poh's third question on jet fuel. We are working with the aviation stakeholders to monitor the fuel supply for aviation hubs carefully to ensure that it remains stable.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, in response to the hon Member Dennis Tan's question on maritime hub, I just want to say that for the now, for the current, port operations have been stable. There are no significant fuel supply shortages, and we have adequate fuel and bunker supply.”
“Sir, I would like to answer the hon Member Shawn Loh's question on the status of the aviation hub. There have been some flight disruptions. Apart from the disruptions, most of Changi Airport's flights have been operating normally. The disruptions have been limited to some Singapore-Middle East passenger and cargo services.”
“Sir, I would like to thank the hon Member Mr Chia for his kind words about the efforts we have made thus far to attract young talent. On the specific issue about the GRIT programme, that involves traineeship, the good thing about the maritime sector is that we have jobs available.”
“It was John Harrison's invention of the chronometer, highly accurate even at sea, that allowed longitudes to be plotted and journeys to be precise enough to chase a nimble whale. Likewise, Singapore must remain alive to the transformational power of new technologies, to master new tasks and chart new journeys through untested waters.”
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“Sir, the estate administration process for a person dying intestate, meaning without a will, has been the same for a long time. The process starts with an application to the Court by persons who are willing to administer the estate. This is commonly done by lawyers as it is not easy for a lay person to draft such applications. The Court would then consider the application and appoint these persons as administrators. Thereafter, the administrators would have to distribute the estate in accordance with the order set out in the Intestate Succession Act. The distribution would generally be to surviving spouses, the deceased's children, the deceased's parents and other family members. The main focus of the Court in such cases is to appoint suitable persons as administrators and identify the beneficiaries of the estate of the deceased. Presently, the Public Trustee may directly administer the estate of deceased persons where the value of the estate does not exceed $50,000, without going to Court. This is a big relief as, otherwise, the family members of the deceased would be saddled with costs. I believe there is a case for further simplifying the procedure, especially for straightforward cases involving deceased persons dying intestate and leaving behind spouses and/or children. Through access to data and data analytics, the Government should be in a position to verify and ascertain the identity of the survivors and their relationship with the deceased without the need for the survivors to go to Court and prove this fact. There is, therefore, an opportunity to considerably shorten the administration process without invoking the Court route, which involves time and money. 3.”
“There are at least six stakeholders dealing with his case: his parents, the Police, his school teachers, a social worker from a Family Service Centre, psychiatrist and psychologist, and the Social Service Office (SSO). Instead of issuing the traditional conditional warning telling the boy not to reoffend, failing which he would be charged in Court for the offence of trespass, it may be useful to work in further conditions and require him to subscribe to a regime, with the support of his parents, so that we can provide him with the best chance for rehabilitation. This would require the Police to be assisted by the professionals who will have to recommend the appropriate treatment for the boy. The framework may require the boy to report frequently to the Police, so that his activities can be checked. It may require the boy to go to school regularly. It may require him not to frequent gaming arcades. It may require him to take his medication in accordance with what has been prescribed. It may also require the parents of the boys to furnish a bond, if it is assessed that the parents are not likely to provide sufficient support for the programme. Such a regime, in my respectful opinion, will provide him with the best chance of not reoffending. This would mean that the Police have to be given resources or access to resources within the community. There is also a need to coordinate with different stakeholders. There may be a need to identify a proper liaison body, such as the SSO. Otherwise, it would not work. This is not easy to implement, but it is important not just for the sake of the mentally-challenged offender, but his family and the community. Stemming the Supply and Demand of Drugs”
“As Members would note, the community-based sentencing regime would not apply to these offenders as they have not been charged in Court. The warning in lieu of prosecution route may be employed for offenders with mental issues who have committed offences not assessed to be on the serious end of the spectrum. Hence, they are not charged in Court. For first-time offenders, they may be given an outright warning in lieu of prosecution if they are first offenders. For repeat offenders, in light of their mental conditions, it is not unusual for them to be imposed conditional warnings, meaning so long as they do not reoffend for a specified period of time, they would not be prosecuted for the offence. I would respectfully suggest that there is an opportunity here to introduce a system that would allow them to subscribe to a treatment and rehabilitation regime, akin to a mandatory treatment order (MTO), so that the chances of them reoffending is kept low. As each case is different, there could be flexibility in devising a bespoke system for each offender based on his or her background and the specifics of the case. Let me provide an example. I am currently dealing with one case in Bukit Batok where the offender is a 15-year-old boy who has autism and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). He comes from a broken family. He decided not to attend school and instead, frequents the gaming arcades to feed his gaming addiction. He was previously given a stern warning for the offence of possessing an offensive weapon. A few months later, he committed another offence of trespass into a school. Without intervention, the chances of him reoffending and being charged in Court is high.”
“Sir, over the years, great strides have been taken by MHA, the Home Team and the Ministry of Law (MinLaw) in improving the framework for dealing with offenders with mental conditions. I have said before in this House that the 2010 Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) amendments introducing community-based sentencing for these offenders are a milestone. Through these amendments, mentally-challenged offenders may be imposed a mandatory treatment order in lieu of the usual sentences, such as an imprisonment. This enables us to directly address the root cause of their offending behaviour. We just saw the introduction of the Criminal Justice Reform Bill where it is proposed to expand the spectrum of offences for which a community sentence may be imposed. I am particularly happy to note that the Government has kept an open mind on a point I raised in my PQ in May 2017 and now intends to allow community sentencing to be imposed on offences punishable by specified minimum sentences. Inpatient treatment will be recognised as being part of the mandatory treatment order regime, if the Bill is passed. These are laudable steps in the right direction and deserve our support. This evidences, indeed, what our Government has always been saying about a just and inclusive society. It would have been easier to just segregate the mentally-challenged offenders and put them away. Instead, a lot more effort and resources are being put in to help rehabilitate them and bring them back to society. One area which I would like to suggest that MHA consider further strengthening is the framework involving the administration of a conditional warning in lieu of prosecution for mentally-challenged offenders, especially youthful offenders.”
“Sir, Singapore and ASEAN enjoy a strong relationship with India. This was exemplified in January 2018 at the ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit where the ASEAN countries and India reaffirmed their commitment to strong ASEAN-India ties. In a Forbes' article dated 10 January 2018, it was reported that World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projected India to be the world's fastest growing large economy for the rest of this decade as well as the world's fifth largest economy soon. This is happening in tandem with the shift in the global economic weight towards Asia that the Minister for Finance mentioned in his Budget Statement. With its economic growth, India has become an increasingly important power on the world stage. A growing India represents significant opportunities for Singapore and Singaporeans. I seek an update from MFA on the state of our relations with India.”
“Both the United Nations (UN) Convention against Corruption, of which Singapore is a signatory, and the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention mandate this. Under the UK Bribery Act, it is an offence for a UK company not to have taken reasonable steps to prevent the occurrence of bribery overseas. In light of these developments, I have the following suggestions. First, to expand that extra-territoriality provisions in PCA to include corporations registered in Singapore. Next, I suggest that the punishment provisions be relooked to ensure that they have a deterrent effect, especially with respect of corporations which cannot be jailed. Finally, I would like to revisit a point I made in my Parliamentary Question in February 2017 about introducing an offence for corporations that fail to prevent the commission of offences, such as bribery. The Government, in its reply then, felt there was no need to do so, having regard to the Singapore situation. I respectfully suggest that the Government should relook this position, given the international dimension that I have outlined in my speech. Anti-corruption Measures for Companies”
“Mr Chairman, Sir, last month, Transparency International released its annual Corruption Perception Index. A hundred and eighty countries were ranked. Singapore came in 6th. This is an improvement over last year's ranking when she emerged 7th. I would like to acknowledge the unstinting devotion of CPIB officers, past and present, in ensuring that Singapore remains one of the least corrupt countries in the world. Singaporeans have confidence that so long as CPIB secures evidence of corruption and wrongdoing against a person, it will take action and bring the person to Court to face justice, regardless of his or her background. The principal tool of CPIB is the PCA which was enacted in 1960. It has been revised from time to time to ensure that CPIB officers are provided with the legal support necessary for their work. In 1966, recognising that in a small country like Singapore, strict territorial limits would be insufficient to address potential mischief, the extra-territoriality provisions making Singapore Citizens liable for the offence of corruption overseas was introduced. Notwithstanding the latitude of the provision, the primary focus of CPIB was on reigning in corruption in Singapore or corrupt acts outside Singapore which have a detrimental effect within Singapore. The international landscape, however, has evolved. Recognising that some countries are less adept at handling domestic corruption, the international community has sought to require countries to enact criminal provisions aimed at discouraging legal persons, meaning corporations and natural persons, from engaging in corrupt practices overseas, especially with respect to offering bribes to foreign government officers.”
“Casino entry levies have not changed since 2010, not even adjusted for inflation over the past eight years. May I ask why this is so? Increasing the casino entry levy will enhance the safeguard to protect Singaporeans and Permanent Residents (PRs) from the ill-effects of gambling and, at the same time, allow charities to be better supported through Tote Board’s grant-making activities. With that, I support the Budget.”
“We suggest for PACT to be extended to allow bigger-scale SMEs to work together with smaller-scale SMEs and not just large organisations vis-a-vis SMEs." How would the Government promote the forging of strong partnerships in these circumstances? In particular, how would it ensure that the smaller SMEs would benefit from PACT? This is especially important in the technology space where there are a good number of startups and small companies which could potentially benefit from venturing overseas in partnership with large organisations. I note that the 2001 Economic Review Committee, in its report which was issued in 2003, a similar call was made. It promoted a cluster approach amongst companies venturing overseas, where larger companies lead a cluster of enterprises, including SMEs. May I ask what has been the Government’s experience in promoting such partnerships? What lessons can we draw from the past? Final point ‒ strengthening social safety nets for those in need. I am very heartened to note the concrete plans for Budget 2018 to build on the SG Cares movement. On the aspect of financial support for charities, I note that the total donations have increased from $2 billion in 2011 to $2.7 billion in 2017. One big contributor is Tote Board, through its grant-making activities across sectors, such as Arts, Community Development, Education, Health, Social Service and Sports. In financial year (FY) 2016/2017, Tote Board approved disbursements of $459 million to these sectors. This amounts to about 17% of the donations. In the past five financial years beginning from 2012, Tote Board collected an average of about $150 million from casino entry levies per year, which is used to fund its grant-making activities.”
“Productivity growth for 2017 is 4.5%, highest since 2010. Citizen unemployment rate for 2017, based on the Ministry of Manpower's (MOM's) preliminary figures, stands at 3.3%, better than in 2013 when it was 2.9%. In light of the improved situation, why does the Government see a need to further extend WCS by another three years, which is a year longer than the first extension, which was for two years? Second point, promoting partnership. Minister Heng Swee Keat identified the forging of strong partnerships as a third key enabler to capture future opportunities, especially in Asia and ASEAN in particular. He pointed out: "Competition is not the only driving force in our economy. Cooperation is also key." He went on to identify platforms for partnership, such as Partnerships for Capability Transformation (PACT), Global Innovation Alliance, ASEAN Innovation Network, and announced the setting up of the Infrastructure Office. I support the focus on capturing future opportunities in Asia and ASEAN to grow the Singapore economy. There is, however, a need to overcome the default mindset of companies which are used to competing with one another. This will not be easy. Also, PACT contemplates large organisations to partner small companies. This is not a partnership of equals. Recognising this, in a Business Times article published on 8 November 2016, Mr Lim Hwee Seng and Ms Bernadine Huang of PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC), stated as follows: "This scheme remains out of the reach of the smaller-scale small and medium enterprises (SMEs). More often than not, large organisations will choose to work with the bigger SMEs, and not the smaller ones.”
“Minister Heng decided to extend WCS to overcome near-term challenges because, in his words, "Some firms remain concerned about business costs" even though our economy has picked up. We, therefore, will see a second extension of WCS which has been running since 2013. Based on estimates, the Government would have committed up to $7.2 billion for this programme. For the period 2013 to 2015, it is about $3.6 billion; 2016 to 2017, it is $1.8 billion; and an additional $1.8 billion for the next three years. In 2015, when the Government first proposed the extension of WCS in Parliament, concerns were raised in this House. The hon Member Assoc Prof Randolph Tan warned that WCS may land up in delaying the adjustments that businesses should make in order to complete restructuring. In other words, WCS should not unwittingly become a wage subsidy crutch. The hon Deputy Prime Minister Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam explained then that there is a need to adopt a phased approach whilst the foreign manpower policy is tightened and the labour market becomes tighter. Otherwise, there would be an impact on weaker businesses, especially startups. There is also a need to support those who are rejoining the economy and may need time to enhance their skills and increase their productivity. I support this approach but, given that this is the second time an extension is being sought, I am of the view that the WCS criteria should be sharpened so that we focus on the firms which are concerned about business costs. I do not see why a muscular company, say, a Government-linked company or a listed company, can benefit from WCS in the same way as a small enterprise. Also, the drivers for WCS, when implemented in 2013, were the need to improve productivity and the tight labour market.”
“I agree but this is not enough. There are several opinions on this. As such, the Government should consider and decide which approach will be suitable for the people, and then the Government should explain its decision clearly to the people. (In English): Next, the concrete steps in providing greater support for families recognise the primacy of the family as the basic unit of society and the important role it plays in nation-building. Finally, the programmes to support individuals, especially our seniors, are consonant with the values of community support and respect for the individuals. For these reasons, I support the Budget because it accords with our shared values. Before I leave this point, I would like to return to an aspect of the speech Ms Kuik Shiao-Yin made in reference to JC and polytechnic students she spoke to, constantly using the word "uncertain" when asked to describe their future. If I were there at the discussion, I would acknowledge that, indeed, our future as a nation and as individuals has and will always be uncertain. This has been the case since 1965. We survived because we remained together, worked hard putting the nation before community and community before self. I would point out that we are in a better situation than before because of a prudent and forward-thinking Government. I would highlight the importance of being resilient and the need for the students to be the best they can be for themselves, their families and our country. If our youths can accept this, we can be sure that we will have a strong future. Having said that, I have three observations to make on the Budget. First, the Wage Credit Scheme (WCS).”
“The hon Member for Aljunied, Mr Low Thia Khiang, said reference to this is a distraction and unnecessary. With respect, I fail to see how this can be so. We have already been committing to expenditure well into the 2030 and beyond. Surely, a responsible Government should also signal how it plans to raise the revenue for the same period. Reserves are not being used to fund expenses. I endorse this forceful point that was made by hon Member Mr Christopher de Souza yesterday on the danger of using proceeds from land sales, which make up our Reserves, to fund expenditure. That is not to say Reserves cannot be used. The way the Budget is pitched, it represents a fair usage of Reserves and allocation of responsibilities between the present and future generations. Borrowings for infrastructural developments are to be secured by guarantee, subject to the President's approval, which, in turn, is secured by the Reserves. Payment obligations on the loans would also fall on the future generations. The 50% NIRC rate, in my view, represents a fair balance between ensuring a bright future as a nation and the present funding needs of the community. There is no loading in favour of one or another. This better represents our Asian values. Once we change this, it will be a slippery slope and there will be a tendency to adjust a higher percentage to accommodate for higher expenditure. This is my answer to the hon Member Asst Prof Mahdev Mohan who suggested in his speech yesterday that the Government listen to views expressed by some Singaporeans that the NIRC rate should be increased. Mr Speaker, may I speak in Tamil, please. (In Tamil): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Yesterday, Asst Prof Mahdev Mohan spoke about the Government listening to the people's concern on raising revenue.”
“As a father who has a stake in the future of his children, I am clear in my mind what the Government should do. What is more important, I would respectfully suggest, is to appreciate whether the approach taken in this Budget is in keeping with our values. This is how I suggest we can forge a consensus as Members on the Budget. I would like to quote former United States (US) Vice President Joe Biden, who said, "Don’t tell me what you value, show me your budget and I’ll tell you what you value". Members of this House would recall the debate on the Government White Paper on Shared Values in 1991 in this House during the tenure of the second-generation leaders led by Emeritus Senior Minister Goh as Prime Minister. The first three shared values are: (a) nation before community and society above self; (b) family as the basic unit of society; and (c) community support and respect for the individual. The Budget reflects these values. Investment in economy and infrastructure is needed to secure the future of Singapore as a nation. This is not growth for growth’s sake, as emphasised by Minister Heng. It is about making sure that our families remain intact and we and our family members enjoy a good standard of living. There is also a healthy dose of idealism in this Budget. Just look at the plans that the Minister has suggested to take advantage of the opportunities within Asia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). At same time, the funding of the investments is done in a prudent way, which is also in keeping with our values in putting our nation first. The GST is proposed to be increased in the next term of Government after carefully studying all other options.”
“She further cites a report in support of the view that the Government is excessively prudent with its large Reserves. She then asked how much is then enough for us. She also said "every tilt towards the side of pragmatism is simultaneously a tilt away from the side of our ideals". With respect, I do not see pragmatism on one hand and being true to our ideals on the other as binary choices giving rise to a zero-sum game. This kind of approach would give rise to polarising views which would make it harder for us to reach a consensus on what is the right approach to be taken in our Budget. Let me explain by dealing with the example of Reserves that she raised in her speech. Ms Kuik asked how much is enough for us. From my perspective, no one can tell. In a financial crisis, the value of assets, especially those marked to market will shrink. We saw that in the Global Financial Crisis when the international bank shares dropped. We cannot predict with any certainty how much we need to overcome the next big crisis that will hit us. As an analogy, think of the Indian Ocean tsunami. Nobody predicted that. We can only make an educated guess. Using the pragmatism/idealism dichotomy that she raised, what should the Government then do? Should it be idealistic, assume that the world is kind and, if Singapore, a small country with no natural resources, needs help to prop up its finances, it will get help, and it will be treated fairly, equally and equitably? With due respect, is this a realistic assumption? Or should it be pragmatic, because it is a steward of 3.6 million Singaporean lives and that of their progeny, and ensure that the Reserves can be tapped to save us from the next crises whenever it may happen?”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, being the penultimate speaker in this marathon Budget Debate stretching to a third day, there is always this pressure not to cover the same ground as the speakers who have gone before me. I had to revise my speech several times. I realised through the revisions, they have helped me better understand what is at stake in this year’s Budget. So, it is not all that bad being the second last speaker. I cannot speak for Mr Saktiandi Supaat though. This House has heard impassioned pleas from hon Members on the focus areas for this year’s Budget. For instance, there have been clarion calls to further increase social spending to take care of less fortunate people and improve their social mobility, address more issues associated with the ageing population, and providing better opportunities for all, young and old. At the same time, all hon Members have agreed that we need to ensure that the Budget is financially prudent. There are divergent views on how this can be achieved. It is important that we in this House try our best to build a consensus on at least the broad areas of strategy that this Budget represents. Everyone must agree that we should not dissent for the sake of dissent. So, what should be the framework for us Members to build this consensus? I will return to this question shortly. But before that, I want to, first, deal with a point made by hon Member Ms Kuik Shiao-Yin in her speech yesterday. It may be useful to outline her speech first. She said the Government's decision to increase the Goods and Services Tax (GST) to 9% is justified as a pragmatic decision. She said the Government's decision not to raise the Net Investment Returns Contribution (NIRC) to above the 50% mark is also justified as a pragmatic decision.”
“They use authentic case studies and multiple perspectives to enable students to have a deeper understanding of these issues. Schools also enhance students' appreciation of ASEAN through meaningful occasions. For instance, the annual commemoration of International Friendship Day celebrates the region's diversity and emphasises the importance of good relations between Singapore and her neighbours. Students interact with their counterparts from the different member countries when they undertake overseas learning journeys in Southeast Asia. Schools also organise ASEAN-themed forums to engage students to discuss pertinent regional and international issues. In addition, through the ASEAN Schools Games, our student athletes not only spar with the region’s best, they also forge friendships and gain greater cultural awareness of their fellow athletes from the different ASEAN countries.”
“Question No 2, please. The Senior Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministers for Education (Assoc Prof Dr Muhammad Faishal Ibrahim) (for the Minister for Education (Schools)): Mr Speaker, the Ministry of Education (MOE) develops students’ understanding of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) throughout their time in school. In primary Social Studies, students are introduced to the origins, member countries and purposes of ASEAN as part of appreciating how communities in ASEAN member countries are connected through cultural, economic and geographical ties. At the secondary level, students expand their understanding of ASEAN and its member countries through subjects like History, Geography and Social Studies. Students study the key forces and events that shaped the histories of Southeast Asian member countries and appreciate the importance of ASEAN in forging friendly relations with countries in the region. They explore environmental issues related to the social and economic development in Southeast Asia and learn about the role of ASEAN in maintaining regional stability and security. At the pre-university level, students deepen their understanding of the opportunities and challenges confronting ASEAN. Through History, students discuss the effectiveness of ASEAN in promoting peace, security and economic development in the region. They examine the role of the ASEAN Free Trade Area in regional economic development in Economics and Geography. In General Paper, students also engage in discussions about regional issues, including perspectives of ASEAN. When investigating issues related to ASEAN and its member countries, teachers take into consideration age appropriateness, learning load and learning goals for each level.”
“This is important to ensure that the powers are used sparingly and only in exceptional cases.”
“In specifying a list of "activities of a criminal nature", I am concerned that this would unduly tie down the Minister's hands. As the then Second Minister for Home Affairs Mr S Iswaran said in this House in 2013, "criminal groups reorganise and rework themselves constantly" and "new forms of serious criminal activities evolve in a borderless world, assisted by advances in technology". Recognising this, specifying a list of the type of criminal activities may instead inhibit our ability to keep pace with creative criminals and possibly dampen the deterrent effect of the Act. For example, it is very possible that illegal betting activities may entail activities of a sufficiently serious criminal nature to fall within the Act. As has been said in this House on a number of occasions, and which has been distilled by the Court of Appeal in the Tan Seet Eng's case, the main unifying features for offences for which this Act was meant to apply are: first, they feature situations where witnesses fear to testify because of reprisal against them; second, they are of a sufficiently serious nature; and third, they pose a threat to the public order in Singapore. In this context, the amendment to restrict the type or categories of criminal activity may cause us to be less nimble in tackling the evolving types of criminal activities. I would be grateful for the Minister's clarification on this point. One last point. I am heartened to note the Minister's confirmation that even in respect of the specified types of criminal activities listed in the proposed Fourth Schedule, the activities must still be one of sufficiently serious nature and involve issues concerning public safety, peace and good order of Singapore to fall within the ambit of section 30 to warrant detention.”
“Recognising that Parliament would need to be apprised of the latest security landscape in order to consider the case for extension of the Act, what is the Government's policy framework that determines when Parliamentary approval to extend the Act would be sought? I seek further clarifications on the proposed amendments to section 30 of the Act and hon Members have spoken about this, in particular, the decision to make the Minister's decision final. On the issue of whether or not a person has been associated with activities of a criminal nature, I understand from the Minister's clarification that the proposed amendment was meant to, if I could use the word, "codify" the approach taken by the Court of Appeal in Tan Seet Eng, in that the Court recognised that the Minister is competent to determine whether a person's detention would be in the interests of public safety, peace and good order. Is it also meant to "codify" the judicial review approach taken by the Court of Appeal, meaning to employ what is known as the traditional test of illegality, irrational or procedural impropriety on an objective plane? If so, would it not run the danger of the Court not being able to update its approach to judicial review of Executive action in the future as our society develops? Another proposed amendment to section 30 is to define "activities of a criminal nature" to a list of activities specified in the Fourth Schedule. This is a departure from the previously taken position opting not to specify a list of offences or criminal activities for which the Act would be deployed. I understand from the hon Minister that this is to promote clarity on what kind of activities are contemplated.”
“Mr Speaker, Sir, hon Members of the House would note from the table the length of time between the First Reading of the amendment Bill and the expiry date of the Act for the period 1969 to 2013. It is apparent from the table that this is the earliest time before the expiry of the Act that an extension has been sought. The sunset clause in the Act is a safeguard to ensure periodic scrutiny by Parliament. This allows Parliament to be apprised of the prevailing landscape, in particular, to consider the prevalence of serious crimes and weigh it against the need for public safety and order, so as to decide if the original justification and basis for the Act continue. Seeking an extension too early before expiry of the Act thus reduces the effect of the safeguard, as Parliament would not have the benefit of being apprised of the most current crime, security and drug situation in Singapore close to the expiry of the Act, to decide whether or not to extend it. I recognise that the present Bill also seeks to make amendments to other provisions of the Act. However, these other amendments may be dealt with separately within the five-year period the Act is in force, so that such amendments would not take away from the issue of whether there is a basis for Parliament to extend the operation of the Act. This was done before on several occasions in this House. For example, in 1981, before extension was sought in 1984, the Act was amended to enable detainees to be temporarily released from custody so that they could engage in outside employment to facilitate their rehabilitation. I would be grateful if the hon Minister could please explain why the Government has decided to seek an extension of the Act at this point in time, which is quite some time far away from the expiry of the Act.”
“The elements that promote secret societies and gang-related crimes are far from being "licked". They have been around for decades. Their roots are deeply embedded within our society. We also need to be mindful about the crime and drug environment just outside our borders, too. In my assessment, there is a danger that secret society activities and gang-related crimes in Singapore may proliferate in Singapore if we were to allow these exceptional measures to deal with such problems to expire at this point in time. For this reason, I support the extension of the Bill for another five years. Notwithstanding my position, I have a few queries for the Minister. This Bill seeks to amend the Act to extend the operation of the Act for a further five years beginning on 21 October 2019. Given that this Act is only due to expire on 20 October 2019, it appears rather early to seek an extension of the Act approximately 20 months before it is due to expire. This amounts to about one-third of the five-year extension period. Mr Speaker, with your leave, may I be allowed to distribute a handout to hon Members of the House?”
“Mr Speaker, I declare my interest as a disputes lawyer occasionally dealing with criminal cases, including matters involving CLTPA. The CLTPA was enacted in 1955 for an initial period of five years to make temporary provisions for the maintenance of public order. As highlighted in the title of the Act itself, the provisions of the Act were meant to be temporary to address threats to public safety and order in Singapore as necessary. In 1955, this was to address threats posed by secret societies and gangsters. Since then, the nature of the threats has expanded and evolved to include criminal activities, such as drug trafficking, murder, gang rape, robbery with firearms, syndicated crime organisations, unlicensed moneylending and human trafficking. These are all serious criminal activities that have been mentioned during the Second Reading of earlier amendment Bills to extend the Act. Because of this, Parliament has deemed it necessary to extend the Act for a further successive period of five years each time, which is now due to expire on 20 October 2019. Whilst the extension of the Act continues to allow for preventive detention without trial, that concept itself nags my conscience, to use the words of Parliamentarians in the House before. In light of the hard facts that the threat of such serious crimes continues to exist to seriously threaten our public order and safety in Singapore, I feel compelled to support this Bill. In arriving at this conclusion, I am aware that the statistics show that DOs are on the downtrend principally because the CLTPA is used as a matter of last resort. My assessment though is that the current situation is reversible. The hon Minister's narration of how, just in 2017, two gangs were crippled using the CLTPA, is evidence of this.”
“It is open for other regulators in Singapore, such as the Infocomm Media Development Authority or the Energy Market Authority, to adopt MAS’ practice and require the big players to provide fair dealing outcomes to their customers. Providing legislative and regulatory protection for small businesses would go a long way to equalising the bargaining positions between small and large businesses and lower the business risks and costs assumed by these small businesses. It will make them more competitive and, hopefully, allow them to make an even bigger contribution to the vibrancy of Singapore's economy.”
“Additionally, the Competition and Consumer Act and the ACL are administered by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, which may investigate alleged breaches of the Act and take enforcement or compliance action. Apart from this, certain Australian states have also enacted additional laws for more sectoral-based regulations. For example, in Western Australia, most retail shop leases are regulated by the Commercial Tenancy (Retail Shops) Agreement Act 1985, which does not apply to leases to publicly-listed companies and which regulates commercial tenancy agreements. For example, the Act prohibits the landlord from engaging in conduct that is unconscionable in connection with the lease. The relevant factors to be taken into consideration to determine whether the landlord has contravened this section include the relative strengths of the bargaining positions of the landlord and tenant; whether the tenant was required to comply with conditions that were not reasonably necessary for the protection of the legitimate interests of the landlord; and whether any unfair tactics were used against the tenant. Having regard to the approach taken by other countries, I personally prefer that we examine whether there is a need for a general protection approach, such as that provided by the Australian ACL, instead of a sectoral approach. This would be consistent with instilling principles of fair dealing in corporate cultures, where customers are able to have the confidence that they deal with companies where fair dealing is central to the corporate culture. Such fair dealing guidelines have already been implemented in 2013 by the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) in the financial industry in Singapore in respect of financial institutions and their customers.”
“The main tranches of consumer law, such as the Consumer Rights Act 2015, which offers the most significant protections, only cover individual consumers. However, there is some sectoral protection of small business customers in the UK by the regulators. For example, under the 2003 Communications Act, a distinction is drawn between "domestic and small business customers" and other customers. Consistent with this, the UK telecommunications regulator, Ofcom, provides such small businesses with the same protection as domestic customers throughout its general conditions. For example, both types of customers are covered by Ofcom rules relating to information to be provided at the point of sale, the ban on automatic rollover contracts and restrictions on misleading or aggressive selling. Each supplier is required to develop and publish a Code of Practice for both individual and small business consumers that should, at a minimum, specify where such customers can avail themselves of necessary information. Access to the Alternative Dispute Resolution scheme is also available for both domestic and small business customers. Australia has taken a robust approach to protecting small businesses through the Competition and Consumer Act 2010, and the Australian Consumer Law (ACL). ACL provides for a national unfair contract terms law covering standard form consumer and small business contracts. ACL provides that a term is unfair when it causes a significant imbalance in the parties’ rights and obligations arising under the contract, and it is not reasonably necessary to protect the legitimate interests of the supplier, and it would cause financial or non-financial detriment to a party. Terms that are determined by a court to be unfair are void.”
“The UCO provides that with respect to a contract for the sale of goods or supply of services in which one party deals as a consumer, where the court finds any part of the contract to have been unconscionable in the circumstances when the contract was made, the court may refuse to enforce that part of the contract, or limit the application of the unconscionable part. The Hong Kong UCO vis-à-vis consumers is, therefore, wider in its application compared to Singapore's UCTA in that it applies to all contractual clauses and not merely exclusion or indemnity clauses. The Hong Kong UCO was modelled after the Australian Trading Practices Act of 1974 which applied to both small businesses and consumers. The United States (US) and Germany have also legal provisions that render one-sided contracts with small businesses unenforceable. Article 138 of the German Civil Code, known as BGB, renders a legal transaction, where a person exploiting the counterparty's weakness grants to himself a pecuniary advantage which exceeds the value of performance to such an extent that under the circumstances, the pecuniary advantage is an obvious disproportion to the performance, void. Section 2-302(1) of the Uniform Commercial Code of the US provides that if a court, as a matter of law, finds a sale contract or any clause of a sale contract to have been unconscionable at the time it was made, the court may refuse to enforce the contract, amongst other options. This provision has been judicially interpreted to apply outside the arena of sale contracts to lease of chattels, insurance contracts and other areas. Perhaps, Singapore could consider similar legislation. The current UK position is similar to Singapore’s in that only legislative protection afforded to small business is through the UK UCTA.”
“I have provided an illustration of such clauses in the same handout that I distributed earlier in the House. For such contracts, small businesses are often in no better position than individual consumers in that they have little bargaining power to negotiate contract on the supplier’s standard terms. Presently, in Singapore, small businesses are given some protections when entering into standard form contracts under the Unfair Contract Terms Act (UCTA). However, UCTA protections focus mainly on certain types of clauses, such as exclusion of liability clauses and indemnity clauses, which must be reasonable in order to be enforceable. Even then, certain types of contracts are excluded from UCTA, such as contracts that involve property interests. In a report for the Federation of Small Businesses (FSB) written by the Centre for Competition Policy in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2014, the report recognised two key arguments in favour of providing greater protections for small businesses. The first is that small businesses, which may not be as sophisticated and have the same level of resources as large companies, need protection to make effective purchasing decisions relative to larger businesses. Second, as a matter of policy coherence, if small businesses behave more like individual consumers than they behave like large businesses, then it would be coherent to treat them the same under the law. In Hong Kong, small businesses may rely on the Control of Exemption Clauses Ordinance, which is the equivalent of our UCTA. However, unlike Singapore, for consumers, which by definition excludes small businesses, there is also recourse to the Hong Kong Unconscionable Contracts Ordinance (UCO).”
“For the vast majority of tenants in my aunt’s shoes, they have to yield their premises without any compensation. Additionally, commercial lease contracts include provisions stating that the tenant is responsible for any additional property tax that is payable on the leased premises above the base property tax payable by the landlord. However, if the shoe was on the other foot and the landlord subsequently receives tax savings through tax rebates, reliefs or exemptions, there is no contractual provision requiring the landlord to pass these tax savings to the tenant. It is also common for commercial leases to contain what I term as "illusory options". What do I mean by this? There are leases that provide that options to renew are granted on the basis of rent to be decided by the landlord at the time of the renewal. Another variation is the provision in the leases that the revised rent is to be determined by the landlord, whose determination is final and conclusive. In both cases, the contractual provision giving the tenant the right of an option to renew is effectively illusory and non-enforceable as the essential terms for the renewed lease have not been agreed on and the tenant can potentially be provided with the Hobson's choice by the landlord at the point of renewal. It is unfortunate that despite the Singapore Business Federation’s (SBF's) laudable attempt to address this situation by issuing the Fair Tenancy Framework that was put together by its Rental Practices Working Group chaired by Ms Cynthia Phua, a former Parliamentarian, in 2015, the usage of these onerous clauses still subsists. Besides tenancy contracts, other examples of contracts which may contain unfair clauses include contracts for the provision of utilities or telecommunication services.”
“I am grateful, Sir. I will be referring to these clauses in the body of my speech. In the Budget debate last year, I raised the issue of large players taking advantage of their size in commercial dealings with small businesses. This persists in the rental markets which involved, on the one hand, landlords with muscle, such as real estate investment trusts and, on the other hand, tenants which are small businesses. This imbalance in power has allowed tenancy agreements to contain onerous clauses for tenants. For example, a “demolition clause” allows the landlord to recover the premises for redevelopment purposes initiated by the landlord itself without any compensation to the tenant, who may have spent a significant sum to retrofit the premises and who may not have had the benefit of most of the terms of the tenancy. An example of such a clause may be found in the handout. I dealt with such a case some years back. I acted for my aunt who ran a beauty parlour at a shopping mall for an initial period of three years. The mall owner extended her lease for another three years. My aunt decided to spend money to renovate her premises. About 10 months later, she was served with a Notice to yield premises on the basis that the owner decided to renovate the floor in which her beauty parlour was located. My aunt was in tears as she had ploughed most of her savings into renovating the premises. She was facing certain financial ruin. Not only that, she was upset that her staff who have been loyal and been with her for years would have to be let go, too. Thankfully for my aunt, the High Court, in a reported decision, ruled that the owners exercised the demolition clause in bad faith. This is rare.”
“These dominant players’ usage of market power to drive the use of one-sided and unfair terms has the effect of increasing business risks and costs on the part of small businesses. I respectfully suggest that the time has come for regulatory and legislative solutions to be offered to protect the interests of small businesses from such domineering practices. Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, to provide Members of this House a better sense of the clauses I am referring to, I seek leave to distribute to Members a handout containing some standard clauses that are incorporated in the areas of provision of utilities, telecommunication services and leases.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, I would like to declare my interest as a disputes lawyer in private practice. In last year’s Budget, small and medium enterprises (SMEs) were described in some materials published by the Ministry of Finance as being at the heart of the Singapore economy. They make up 99% of our enterprises, employ two-thirds of our workforce and account for half of Singapore’s gross domestic product. This is a positive sign which demonstrates the entrepreneurial spirit of Singapore. The 2017 Annual Business Survey conducted by the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry found that business sentiment among Singapore SMEs has risen. However, SMEs continue to face a number of challenges. The same business survey also revealed that SMEs continue to face rising business costs, with 72.3% of respondents saying that they face higher business costs, compared with 62.3% the year before. Rising business cost is also cited as the biggest challenge by 68.4% of those polled, ranking ahead of competition in the Singapore market and manpower shortage. The Government continues to help SMEs through various means, for example, through the SME working capital, and we just heard today's debate on the Enterprise Singapore Board Bill to support enterprise development, yet another example of helping SMEs. SMEs themselves would have to continually evolve ways to deliver more productivity gains, for example, by leveraging technology. One area that we could look closer at and where small businesses are particularly disadvantaged, is in respect of contractual dealings with large suppliers who dominate the market.”
“I thank the Minister for his comprehensive response to my question. May I ask the Minister how does his Ministry propose to exercise oversight over the developers and the construction companies, so that their activities would not block the drains and canals and keep them free of debris?”
“These two modes cause some uncertainty, as it appears that there is a lack of clarity as to whether a party who wishes to be represented by foreign counsel should do so from the outset after making a unilateral declaration, given the risk that this may be later set aside by the court. From another point of view, the other party to the action may be taken by surprise, since it would not be aware as to whether the other party had applied to register foreign counsel because this is an ex-parte application. This means that the other party would not have advance notice of the other party's intention to have foreign representation until it is served with a unilateral offshore declaration. Even if that party were to apply to have the unilateral offshore declaration set aside, the other party's foreign counsel would nonetheless be allowed to act pending the determination of the application. This gives rise to the risk that even if the unilateral offshore declaration is, indeed, later set aside, the Court may nonetheless exercise its discretion to allow foreign representation to continue, as is allowed under the Rules of Court. From the counterparty's perspective, this may be seen as a fait accompli. To promote greater certainty, it is preferable for any contentions as to whether the case is an offshore case to be raised and disposed of at the outset, either before the action is commenced or before the action is materially progressed. Subject to the points I have raised in my speech, I agree with the proposed amendments and I support the Bill.”
“Next, on the issue of the abolishment of the pre-action certificate procedure, during the Second Reading of the Amendment Bill to establish the SICC in late-2014, the hon Law Minister explained that this was an optional step that a party could take in advance of commencing actual proceedings in order to mitigate any uncertainty in whether the dispute falls within the jurisdiction of the SICC. Now that that the SICC has had a few years of experience in administering international commercial disputes heard in that Court, may I ask what has changed that has led to a determination that the pre-action certificate procedure is no longer needed? In particular, I wish to highlight that the pre-action certification procedure, besides promoting certainty in whether or not an action falls within the jurisdiction of the SICC in terms of whether it is an international commercial case, also assists in promoting certainty as to whether the case may be classified as an offshore case. This is because the pre-action certificate also allows for a determination by the Court at the outset as to whether the case should also be classified as an offshore one, such that foreign representation would be allowed. By doing away with this pre-action certification procedure, the remaining two modes by which the case may be classified as an offshore case only take effect after legal proceedings are commenced, namely, by either party making a unilateral declaration that the case is an offshore case or by either party applying to the SICC after the case has commenced for a determination as to whether it is an offshore case.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, I declare my interest as a lawyer practising in international commercial disputes, and occasionally dealing with cases heard in the SICC. I support the primary aim behind this Bill. The launch of the SICC in 2015 was a major move to position Singapore as a neutral dispute resolution centre in Asia in the litigation sphere, in tandem with the arbitration sphere. Leveraging on our existing well-developed legal infrastructure and respected judiciary, which includes not just local judges but eminent jurists drawn from outside Singapore, the establishment of the SICC heralded an exciting change in our legal landscape. This Bill seeks to amend the Act to clarify that the SICC has the jurisdiction to hear any proceedings relating to international commercial arbitration that the High Court may hear. Given that the SICC's jurisdiction involves hearing commercial actions that are international in nature, there is no reason why the SICC should not also have the jurisdiction to hear proceedings relating to international commercial arbitrations involving foreign parties. This amendment is a timely one that brings clarity to this area. I do note, as the hon Senior Minister of State mentioned, that SICC's jurisdiction to hear any proceedings relating to international commercial arbitration is proposed to be subject to conditions that will be prescribed in the Rules of Court. One condition that will be prescribed, as stated in the Explanatory Statement, is what constitutes an "international commercial arbitration". Could the Minister please elaborate on other conditions, if any, that are expected to be prescribed in the Rules of Court?”
“The first question is: does LTA intend to impose a fit and proper criteria on the senior management of rapid transit system operators? The second question is whether LTA has identified any serious backlog in maintenance of its rail assets to date and, if so, what action has been taken. The third question is how LTA ensures that rapid transit system operators devote sufficient time, resources and money on preventive maintenance of rail assets, so as to prevent premature degradation of these assets.”
“I thank the hon Minister for his comprehensive Ministerial Statement. I have three supplementary questions. First, does LTA intend to impose a fit and proper criteria regime on the senior management of rapid transit system operators? Second, has LTA identified any backlog in maintenance of its rail assets to date and, if so, what action has been taken? Three, how does LTA ensure that the rapid transit system operators devote sufficient time, resources and money on preventive maintenance of rail assets owned by LTA, so as prevent the premature degradation of these assets, having regard to its life cycle?”
“Notwithstanding the queries I raised, I agree with the need for our authorities to exert greater control over massage establishments. I support the Bill.”
“The Public Entertainment Act also has a similar provision. It is provided in section 12 of the Public Entertainment Act that the licence issued by the authorities must be prominently displayed at the premises. This statutory requirement does not appear to be reproduced in this Bill. The advantage of such a requirement are twofold. Firstly, it will be an added deterrent against the operation of unlicensed massage establishments as the lack of licence would be glaringly obvious; and secondly, it would provide some form of consumer protection as the public would be able to easily ascertain whether the massage establishment is licensed or granted exemption status. I would recommend that the Minister consider imposing a similar requirement under this Bill requiring operators to prominently display the licence or instrument conferring exemption status at massage establishments. Finally, the proposed Bill introduces welcome provisions to regulate the use of premises as massage establishments, the primary aim of which is to control and deter vice activities that may be associated with such services. Notwithstanding that failure to comply with any condition of a licence is an offence, I wonder if the Ministry would consider introducing a system for awarding demerit points in respect of incidents or breaches of condition of licence which will then be taken into account for subsequent renewal or applications to operate a massage establishment at either the same or different premises? This would give the authorities greater control over repeated breaches by operators of massage establishments. In this regard, I note that section 15 of the Public Entertainment Act provides for a similar system.”
“In my personal view, issues, such as concentration of massage parlours within HDB shophouses in a particular area, may equally be considered and handled at HDB's end with inputs from the Police through the lever of written permission. In this way, the problem can be nipped in the bud. I would be grateful for the hon Second Minister's view on the preferred approach to be taken. Second, I note that under clause 32 of the Bill, the Minister has powers to exempt any premises from applying for a licence. Under the present regime, the Minister has issued exemption orders with respect to premises in which only curative massage is administered personally by a physiotherapist who is a member of the Singapore Physiotherapist Association, a person who is a registered TCM physician with a practising certificate, or an occupational therapist who is a member of the Singapore Association of Occupation Therapist. Exemptions are also granted for premises where certain forms of massage, such as traditional massage, are administered in full view of the public. Does the Ministry intend that these exemptions will continue under the regime introduced by this Bill? Additionally, I am aware that the Ayurvedic Practitioners Association Singapore has long sought for exemption status to carry out Ayurvedic massages of their patients which, for practical purposes, cannot be done in full view of the public. May I please seek an update of this matter from the hon Second Minister? Is there an intention to extend exemption status to other forms of curative massage? Third, I note clause 5(2) of the Bill prohibits any person from advertising or representing that he or she provides massage services in an establishment for massage unless the person holds a valid licence to do so at the premises.”
“I would be grateful if the Minister could please confirm that the licensing officer would be able to take into account factors, such as the character of the neighbourhood and concentration of existing massage establishments under clause 7(7) of the Bill, in deciding whether or not to grant new massage establishment licences as well as to restrict the hours of operation of the massage business. If so, given that the Police are basically a law enforcement agency, may I please ask how the licensing officer would be able to get reliable inputs on these factors? A connected practical issue concerns the liaison between HDB and the Police. The hon Second Minister mentioned there are about 300 HDB shophouses where massage establishments have been running from. From time to time, HDB would be approached for written permission to change the use of HDB shophouse premises of which it is the head lessor to that of a massage establishment. Last year, on noting that HDB has issued written permissions for conversion of several shops into massage parlours in Bukit Batok, I suggested that HDB coordinate these efforts with the Police to establish a workflow in relation to such matters, obtain relevant inputs and then make the necessary assessment before issuing written permission. With a well thought out workflow, there is potential to cut down redundant steps and make it user-friendly for the applicants, too. One specific issue that I wish to ask is whether the Police would process an application to operate a massage establishment at an HDB shophouse before an applicant obtains written permission from the HDB to effect the change of use. Would the Police take the cue from HDB or vice versa?”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I rise in support of the Massage Establishments Bill. This Bill introduces provisions for closer control of massage establishments. This will have a greater deterrent effect on those who operate massage establishments as fronts for prostitution, vice and other illegal activities. The approach taken in this Bill mirrors the changes made to the Public Entertainment Act in May this year. These objectives deserve our support. I take this opportunity to comment on and seek clarifications on four areas of the Bill. First, I seek clarification on the ambit of the matters that the licensing officer may take into account to decide whether or not to grant the licence under clause 7 of the Bill. One specific issue that has arisen in my constituency is the concentration of massage establishments within a relatively small area, a point that the hon Members Ms Foo Mee Har and Mr Melvin Yong made as well. In Bukit Batok Single Member Constituency, over the past year, there are 14 massage establishments, three of which are 24-hour spas. All of these establishments are in close proximity to residential areas. In the past year, there were four applications to open new massage parlours. One 24-hour spa has since closed due to Police enforcement action. My residents are appreciative of the close monitoring enforcement on these establishments by the Police. However, they are naturally concerned that there should not be a proliferation of such establishments as there is the potential for the character of their neighbourhood to change. The Planning Act provisions referred to in clause 7(3)(d) and (e) of the Bill are not necessarily engaged as these establishments operate from HDB shophouses.”
“Take out any one brick, the house's foundation will weaken and stand to be destroyed. It is this foundation of CMIEO "bricks" that we will have to depend on to weather the effects of extremism and terrorism. We also depend on our uniformed services − the SAF, the Home Team − who are ever ready to protect our countrymen any time any day. For that, our nation owes them a huge debt. I strongly support the Motion.”
“I laud the introduction of a good number of Bills in Parliament to further ready ourselves, the latest being the Infrastructure Protection Bill 2017 that was passed yesterday. We may want to come to a consensus now on how to deal with any remaining issues, for example, as Mr Desmond Choo said, curbing hate speech and teachings via social media. The passing of the German Network Enforcement Act in June 2017 will enable the authorities to require social media companies to remove hate speech from their platforms. Perhaps, we could consider a similar model in Singapore. The other area is to deal with obligations to report against a person who is suspected to be a terrorist. In the context of spousal communications privilege as provided for in the Evidence Act, or the right against self-incrimination if the disclosure will also expose the reporter to criminal liability, it would be good to delineate the responsibilities, clarify the obligations, so that everybody knows what is expected of them. We should avoid a reactionary approach like what happened in the US and UK after the 9/11 incident where pieces of legislation were passed with little scrutiny and debate. This exposes the society to a danger of what exactly the terrorists want us to be. In conclusion, Mr Speaker, Sir, in preparation for my speech, I had a discussion with Prof Bilveer Singh of the National University of Singapore. He has widely written on terrorism issues. He provided me with an analogy which I want to share in this House. He said that Singapore is like a multiracial house built on a foundation of CMIO "bricks". I would modify it. I would say it is CMIEO "bricks", that is, Chinese, Malays, Indians, Eurasians and Others. As a result, we have a Singapore that is peaceful, strong and successful.”
“Even in relation to the debates on the Elected Presidency issue, both sides of the House acknowledged the wisdom of having Presidents from different races, from time to time. We have other institutionalised time-honoured practices, too. For example, the bilingual education policy, the four official languages with Malay as the National Language and English as the working language, and the GRC concept, which I say, has the laudable effect of also promoting the emergence and acceptance of multiracial political parties. However, there is no guarantee that what is happening in Germany, the UK, US and elsewhere may not happen here. It is the duty of all responsible Singapore political parties to embed in their deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) to resist the temptation to dabble in populist politics, to disavow racial and religious politics, take responsibility when it comes to issues that may potentially give rise to racial and religious tensions. Transparency is the key. Platitudes, in themselves, are insufficient. We must demonstrate in deed and commitment. The People's Action Party has made its stance very clear in this regard. It does not take the current harmonious situation for granted. It always strives to work to strengthen harmony among the races. And the recent amendments to the Constitution providing for the reserved election for the Elected President is one good example, even though it may be made possibly with a loss of goodwill for the short term. It is also good to ensure that legislative responses to extremism and terrorism are settled now before any serious act of terrorism occurs. We have a sound framework of law to deal with major terrorist incidents today. My learned friend Mr Christopher de Souza outlined these pieces of legislation earlier.”
“It was entitled "EU nations rejecting multiculturalism − the ISIS effect". More than 50% of people interviewed by the survey felt that the incoming migrants and refugees increased the likelihood of terrorism in their country. And this caused the rise of the right-wing parties. We have had similar trends in other countries, such as in the UK and US. This is exactly what ISIS wants: divide multiracial communities, sow discord and hatred amongst these communities. For that reason alone, it is not difficult to understand why Singapore is a target. Singapore faces the same danger of populism, majoritarianism, intolerance and racial chauvinism. This is not empty talk. In the 1960s, communal extremism was commonplace in Singapore. President Yusof Ishak referred to them in the same speech I drew this House's attention to earlier. He pointed out that within 10 weeks of Independence, the communalists were advocating a change in the status of Chinese language because of the large Chinese majority in Singapore, even though Chinese was already one of the four official languages. In June 2017, the hon Minister for Home Affairs mentioned that internal surveys show that opinion is hardening against Muslims. It is not realistic to assume that communal extremism will not rear its head again in Singapore. The danger of Islamphobia, in particular, is real. We need to ensure politics of responsibility within Singapore when it comes to multiracialism. Currently, across this House, multiracialism is accepted as a pillar of our society and I am heartened by my hon friend Mr Pritam Singh's support of this Motion on behalf of the Workers' Party.”
“I am sure Members of this House will also applaud the concrete steps that have been taken within the Malay/Muslim community to prevent radicalisation. We need, however, to recognise that members of other races have a responsibility, too. My learned friend, Dr Intan Azura, also spoke about this. The question arises: why? I start with the definition of "multiracialism" as a concept in Singapore, because while we have a right to identify ourselves, based on our ethnic background, we also have a duty to recognise and strengthen the bonds and preservation of a common space with members of other races. That is the quid pro quo. People are not born terrorists; they undergo a process of radicalisation and buying into violent extremist ideology. This is where members of other races and religions have a common duty to reach out to all people of all races, actively promote inclusivity and a sense of common destiny. As Mr Christopher de Souza said, we live and die here. We have a duty to respect, understand and accept and have a keen interest in one another's culture as well. This would be a more holistic response to the trend of radicalisation. All racial and religious communities have a responsibility in preventing radicalisation. I now move on to my second area: promoting multiracialism as an instrument against terrorism. On this point, it is noteworthy that across the world, there is a trend of voting towards the Far Right. You see that in Germany. Recent polls last month showed the Far Right getting more influence, receiving 13% of the popular vote. While people in Singapore got startled by this, actually, this was predicted in a Pew Research survey published last year in the UK Daily Express on 12 July 2016.”
“In the context of the recent incidents of Singaporeans being radicalised, we have seen our Malay/Muslim community working very hard to rehabilitate the persons involved and prevent the spread of deviant teachings leading to radicalisation. Their efforts are very commendable. In particular, I wish to acknowledge the laudable work of the RRG to rehabilitate persons who have become radicalised through deviant teachings. Over the years, we have seen that RRG has even upped the scale of resources. They have set up the Resource and Counselling Centre and a hotline and mobile app to allow better access to the religious teachers. They have also embarked on reaching out to young people through the Internet. I note that the RRG teachers and academics are mostly Malay and English-speaking. Given our experience of the language backgrounds of the persons arrested under the ISA in Singapore, there may be a case to expand the group to include people speaking in other languages, such as Tamil, Malayalam and Bengali. In the book, Majulah, 50 years of Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore edited by Mr Zainul Abidin Rasheed and Mr Norsharil Saat, there was an interview published of Habib Hassan, the Imam of Baalwie Mosque and an esteemed member of IRO. I have the pleasure of knowing him personally. He said that there is a need to reject teachings that seek to divide Muslims and Muslims, and Muslims and non-Muslims. In particular, he highlighted there should be no problems in wishing Hindus "Happy Deepavali" and Christians "Merry Christmas". He also saw a need to evolve a Singaporean model of religious teachings which excludes Middle Eastern culture and politics.”