Sylvia Lim
Singapore
“Thank you, Speaker. I have a supplementary question for Senior Minister of State on PF. It was pointed out in the FATF report that representatives of foreign flag states have a very low understanding of their PF obligations.”
“Thank you Speaker. I have noted what the Minister is proposing that the House do. I am not standing up to object to it. But I think it is important for me to also state that my response on some of the issues that she mentioned, I have made them on 14 January during the debate on the Motion of the Leader of the Opposition, and I do not thi…”
“Thank you, Speaker. A clarification for the Minister. I think it is quite clear that we are not denying that services were provided and residents had benefited from the services. I also would say that we do appreciate that MND did this internal review to undercover this problem, if I can say that.”
“Thank you, Speaker. I have one clarification for the Senior Parliamentary Secretary, and that is on the necessity for the retrospective legislation.”
“Sir, regardless of which country may have primary jurisdiction over a particular case, both governments may feel pressured to retain cases involving their own nationals. This could be for various reasons, such as the differences in law and punishments or to give their nationals better access to justice in their home countries.”
“One clarification for the Minister. This is in relation to when Singapore may have to give up its primary jurisdiction to Malaysia to investigate incidents and particularly on clause 39(2).”
The complete record
Every one of 1,794 lines we hold for Sylvia Lim, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 24 of 36.
“Yes, Madam, one clarification for the Minister concerning the regular publication of judgments of the Family Justice Courts. I would like to ask him again, whether it is possible for the Family Justice Courts to work on some sort of regular collaboration with the media so that they can regularly report judgments touching on family law issues for greater public awareness. He mentioned that the public can check it up, but how many members of the public really know how to check these things up on their own? So, I think there is scope for the Courts to work with the media in a responsible way to ensure that there is dissemination of principles of importance on a regular basis.”
“Thank you, Madam. I have three clarifications for the Minister. The first is concerning the rationale for in camera hearings which he addressed in his reply. He mentioned that the primary justification was to protect children and in my earlier speech, I did agree that, that was a legitimate reason. But does he not agree that under the current Bill, the in camera hearings would apply to many more hearings than is currently the case including cases of probate, mental capacity and so on which do not involve children at all? Second clarification is whether the Ministry is aware of some of the issues faced by Courts and other jurisdictions, Family Courts in particular, when they make their hearings private? What were some of the controversies that surrounded the confidence in the Courts and how could these be mitigated? Third clarification is, I would like to ask the Minister whether he agrees that it is important for the public to have an understanding of the principles of family law and how the Courts work. And to this extent, I like him to comment on my suggestion that at the very least, the Family Justice Courts should readily make their judgments available for publication by the media, of course, with any necessary redaction of sensitive particulars so that the public can have a greater understanding of these principles which affect all our lives.”
“Yes, Madam, a clarification for the Member. Does the Member not agree that as far as the Juvenile Courts are concerned, there are already provisions under the Children and Young Persons to prevent the identification of juveniles below 16?”
“To this end, the Courts could consider working with journalists who understand family law issues to put up accurate media reports on a regular basis. Next, use of assessors by the Family Court. My second clarification concerns clause 27 which allows for judges to summon assessors of special skills and experience to assist them in decision making. This is a useful provision which recognises that even experienced family law judges will benefit from social work or healthcare professionals to make good decisions. My clarification concerns clause 27(2) which states that if assessors are appointed, their remuneration will be "costs in the proceedings". I assume this means that the remuneration of these experts will have to be paid by the losing party. If so, this will increase the cost of family litigation, a highly undesirable outcome. In addition, this does not seem fair as the expert was summoned by the Court itself, having deemed it fit to do so. Should the Page: 52 Government not be paying for these assessors instead of passing the costs to the parties? 3.18 pm”
“While some Family Court judgments may continue to appear in the law reports such as Singapore Law Reports, such reports are not usually accessible to the man in the street, who would still rely on the mass media for information. Secondly, one of the hallmarks of an open justice system is that the general public is able to observe and scrutinise how the Courts function. Clause 10 takes this away. There is a risk that the secrecy surrounding the Family Justice Courts may undermine public confidence in it. In the UK, for instance, the secrecy of family court hearings attracted controversy and suspicion of whether judges had been fair to parents or had simply accepted reports of social workers and hearsay evidence. In January this year, in an attempt to balance the situation, the President of the Family Division of the UK High Court and Court of Protection, Sir James Munby, instructed judges to permit media publication of their judgments as far as possible even if the identifying details are anonymised. Madam, notwithstanding the good intention behind clause 10, I am concerned that having private hearings as a default position for family cases will lead to less public understanding of family law and potentially a mistrust of the Courts. I believe clause 10(1) is too wide in scope. The Government should monitor its effects very closely and review it for greater transparency. Even if clause 10 remains as it is, I call upon the Family Justice Courts to make additional efforts to release its papers and decisions in the public domain to promote greater public understanding of family law and instil confidence in the Family Justice Courts.”
“Even in the current Juvenile Court that handles cases of youths in trouble, the Children and Young Persons Act permits the presence of bona fide representatives of news agencies. What is the rationale for this change? There is one paragraph in the report on the recommendations of the Committee for Family Justice, stating that family cases were private matters which should not be covered by the media, hence the provision for in camera hearings. Personally, I used to support such as starting point and I still see the need for in camera hearings for some types of family cases, particularly those involving children and other vulnerable persons. However, the issue is not straightforward and there is a significant downside as seen from the experience of family courts elsewhere. First, is it clear that the media should not report family cases at all? It should be remembered that there is a wide spectrum of media. While we may justifiably dislike media angles that are intrusive, sensationalist and inaccurate, there is a clearly a place for accurate, fact-based reporting of family-related Court disputes which serve an important public education purpose. An accurate media report can increase public awareness of family law, Page: 51 rights and obligations. There will also be a greater understanding of family law principles, for example, what constitutes a valid will, the laws of inheritance and so on. It is in public interest that the layman has some understanding of family law principles and how the Family Court works, since it is an area of law touching all our lives directly.”
“Madam, this Bill builds upon the specialisation of the existing Family Court set up in 1995 to pull together more family-related matters such as youth-at-risks and probate cases to be handled by the new Family Justice Courts. An important aspect Page: 50 of the new Family Justice Courts is that their approach should be different from other Courts, less adversarial, enabling the judge to probe beyond the symptoms to find the root cause of problems. The Family Justice Courts should thus be judicial bodies with therapeutic and diagnostic orientation. To this end, I am glad to see some indication of this in the Bill. Clause 17 provides that the Family Justice Courts will have, attached to them, officers including counsellors, social workers and psychologists to support its work. Under clause 26(9), the Family Court can also order any person to undergo mediation or counselling or to attend family support programmes or activities. I am in general support of the Bill, but I have two concerns. The first relates to clause 10 on hearings in camera and the second, touches on the Courts' use of assessors under clause 27. First, hearings in camera and open justice. Clause 10(1) provides that sittings of the Family Justice Courts shall be heard in camera unless the Court orders otherwise. This will be a significant departure from the open justice concept applicable to the other Courts, maintaining the Courts as open and public and to which the public shall generally have access. Having a closed court is also a change from the current situation pertaining to family cases where many family-related proceedings are heard in open court such as divorces, contested maintenance applications and protection orders and contested inheritance cases.”
“Page: 101 In the Ministry's press release of 28 May on the Bill, there was a mention that the substitute property confiscation order is meant to apply where the defendant has dissipated or disposed of the instruments of crime. However, in the Bill itself, the section will kick in so long as the instrument of crime is not held by the defendant; there need not be any dissipation by him. Sir, I have no issue with the benefits of crime and instruments of crime being subject to a confiscation order in every case. However, in the case of substitute confiscation orders, the confiscation of other property of equivalent value to an instrumentality is less clear-cut for the reasons I mentioned. It seems that the Public Prosecutor is expected to be the gatekeeper of this provision, since he is the one who decides whether to apply for the substitute confiscation order. Even so, would it not have been possible to give the Court limited discretion to refuse to make the orders if they would operate unjustly in particular cases? At least, the defendant should be allowed to make some representations to the Court before his substitute assets are confiscated. 6.05 pm”
“Their purpose is to ensure that crime does not pay, by reducing the economic incentives and increasing the pecuniary loss from criminal activity. While I appreciate the efficacy of such provisions to cripple syndicates financially, I believe the clause, as worded in the Bill, could operate too harshly in certain circumstances. First, under the Bill, the instrumentality used to or intended to be used to commit the crime need not have belonged to the defendant at all, as the section simply requires that the defendant used or intended to use "any property" for the crime. Secondly, property used for the crime can encompass a wide range of scenarios. Under the CDSA, "property" is defined to include "money and all other property, movable or immovable". Property used to facilitate crime thus includes not just firearms or getaway vehicles, but even premises used for commission of the crime. Thirdly, the property used or intended to be used for commission of the crime may have been used just once for the crime but was generally used for legitimate purposes, for example, a flat used as a dwelling. To take the example of a flat being used for drug dealing, if section 29B is triggered, the defendant will be liable to pay the full value of a flat he may have no share in. By comparison, the model policy for confiscation of substitute assets proposed by the American Legislative Exchange Council allows asset substitution only if the State proves by a preponderance of evidence that the defendant intentionally transferred, sold or deposited property with a third party to avoid the Court's jurisdiction.”
“Almost 50% of laundering cases reported concerned non-cash payments, such as wired funds and credit terms, while only 10% of cases seen involved cash as the sole method of payment. In this regard, FATF observed that there might be a need to scrutinise non-cash transactions as well. Page: 100 Next, Sir, I move on to substitute property confiscation orders. Under the existing Act, proceeds or benefits of crime are liable for confiscation. Clause 5 of this Bill introduces a new Part IVA on Substitute Property Confiscation Orders, which will apply when a defendant has used or intended to use any property, called "an instrumentality", to commit the offence and the instrumentality is not in the hands of the defendant. The new provisions will allow confiscation of other properties of the defendant of equivalent value to the instrumentality. An example would be where a defendant used a car to deliver drugs and the car is not in the defendant's ownership. The new section 29B would enable the Court to confiscate other properties belonging to the defendant of equivalent value to the car, say, money in the bank or furniture. In addition, the new section 29B (3) and (4) make clear that the substitute confiscation order will be for the defendant to pay the full value of the instrumentality, that is, the full value of the car. Thus, if the substitute property confiscated is realised for less than the full value of the car, the defendant is still liable to pay the difference. The wording of section 29B makes it mandatory for the Court to make the substitute confiscation order if the Public Prosecutor applies for it. Sir, provisions for confiscation of substitute property are found in the laws of other countries as well.”
“Businesses would clearly benefit from information sharing by Government authorities on matters, such as which countries are of higher risk, how money launderers have abused dealers in actual cases and even certain intelligence information. The requirements placed on such businesses should also not be too onerous as there are compliance costs involved; businesses would need to build expertise through training, seek professional advice and keep records. I understand that at a recent local seminar on "Know Your Customer" requirements, even corporate service providers, like corporate secretarial firms, were wary and worried about how to do risk-based assessments of their clients, the extent of record-keeping needed and how much their business costs would increase. PSMDs in Singapore encompass a wide range of businesses, from those with international reputations like De Beers to small family-owned gold or jewellery businesses and pawn shops. Requiring such businesses to assess the risk of their customers and to do appropriate reporting and tracing may be novel and unfamiliar. The proposed reporting requirements appear rules-based, requiring reporting of cash transactions above a certain value. How far will PSMDs be required to assess risk rather than just follow rules? How will the Suspicious Transactions Reporting Office (STRO) or other Government agency assist such dealers to understand what is required and to make any necessary risk assessments? One final observation about PSMDs. Under the Bill, due diligence is required only for cash transactions. However, in a report by FATF last year, it was noted that the usage of cash in the diamond trade had diminished.”
“This Part will require prescribed persons to perform customer due diligence and internal control measures before entering cash transactions exceeding a prescribed amount. Though the class of persons has not yet been prescribed, it is clear from the Ministry's media release of 28 May this year that it is to apply to dealers of precious stones and metals (PSMDs). PSMDs are within the FATF list of Designated Non-Financial Businesses and Professions considered vulnerable to money laundering. Diamonds and gold are high-value commodities. FATF noted in a special report in 2013 – the Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing Through Trade in Diamonds, October 2013 – that by changing proceeds of crime into diamonds and jewellery, criminals can conceal proceeds of crime over long periods of time Page: 99 to avoid seizure and confiscation, transfer very high value across borders while keeping their investment relatively safe and use them as a form of payment later. Alternatively, it has been found that syndicates may use the bank accounts of diamond dealers as conduits to transfer large sums of money to persons not in the diamond trade. Domestically, the Government has identified pawnbrokers as a sector needing attention, as they are dealing in gold on a cash basis. It thus makes sense to require PSMDs to take extra care that they are not unwitting accomplices in money laundering by criminals. However, in order for businesses to do due diligence and suspicious transaction reporting, they need to have a sound understanding of the risks and be able to exercise sound judgement.”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, as crimes are increasingly cross-border and the proceeds of crime are easily anonymised, it is important that we continue to address weaknesses that may make Singapore an unwitting facilitator of organised and transnational crime. To this end, the global Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has been prolific in its issuance of guidelines and mutual evaluations to help countries tighten up their system weaknesses. Singapore has been subject to such evaluations and criticisms by FATF, and has been responding to them. In recent years, the Government has introduced or supported due diligence and reporting requirements to specific sectors that may facilitate money laundering, for example, corporate service providers and the legal profession. On the enforcement side, the Director of the Commercial Affairs Department (CAD) recently revealed in a Business Times interview on 30 June 2014 that CAD had tripled its financial investigation resources as it was seeing a trend of overseas criminals seeking to launder money through Singapore bank accounts. Given the challenges we face as an open economy, the amendments being proposed in this Bill are another anti-money laundering measure meant to bring Singapore in further compliance with the many recommendations of FATF. I support the principles of the Bill. That said, I have some comments and clarifications about two aspects of the Bill. First, cash transaction reporting for precious stones and metal dealers and, second, substitute property confiscation orders. First, cash transaction reporting for precious stones and metal dealers. Clause 19 introduces a new Part VIB on Cash Transaction Reports.”
“Madam, the answer is obvious. We do not want damage to property or loss of life, but peaceful protests are arguably a freedom and civil liberty we want to project.”
“I think that Race Course Road is a boundary. On the west side, it is policed by Tanglin; and on the eastern side, it is policed by Central. Will the Police be looking at whether this can be a complication as in, if something were to happen, who is to take charge, for example? Did this boundary, for example, cause DAC Lu, in the sequence of events, to try to marshal resources from "E" Division, when "A" Division resources were actually quite nearby? Would Page: 71 the Police be looking at whether a more seamless management of such hot spots under one division would be a better way? Last of all, the riot control doctrine was discussed during the COI and we were told that the incident manager was supposed to assess the crowd intent, sentiments and so on. I would like to ask whether there was actually in the plan the requirement to provide a psychologist or other assistance to the incident manager to help him make this kind of difficult assessment.”
“Madam, I will try. In 2008, for example, when there was an incident of an attack of a woman at Clementi Woods, what the Police did was to round up the nearby construction workers, 200 of them, to take blood samples from them. Looking at the methods used, I mean, there may be an impression created that there is a certain stereotyping, for example, by the Police in their actions. Commissioner of Police also mentioned that in Geylang, there was hostility and antagonism towards the Police. Would the Police be looking at their policing methods? The third question is about training of the frontline officers. The COI recommended that the frontline officers should also be trained and equipped to deal with some public order disturbances. I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether he agrees that no amount of training really can be a substitute for actual practice in policing such incidents. In this light, would he consider, for example, that the Police should allow more peaceful protests in Singapore in certain designated roads, so that the Police can actually, on a regular basis, test their policing capabilities in terms of policing cause-based crowds? Riots, of course we do not want that, but they progress, basically, from some sort of cause-based protest. I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether he would consider that. The fourth clarification is whether the Police will be looking at drawing up specific incident management plans for hotspots, such as Little India. It was not clear from the COI findings whether there was any incident management plan drawn up prior to the incident. So, is this something that the Police are looking at? Fifth, if you look at the map, there is a boundary between two Police Divisions in Little India.”
“The second clarification concerns one of the findings of the COI about the causes of the riot. The COI mentioned that one of the main contributory factors was a misperception by Page: 70 the crowd that they were being discriminated against by the responders and so on. There were some quotes by workers asking if their lives were worthless and so on. I would like to ask the Deputy Prime Minister whether he agrees that it is important for us to look at the way we do our law enforcement on our foreign workers. In other words, are we harsh towards them or do we give them a certain level of respect? In this regard, I would like to cite two examples: one is that I filed a PQ in 2008 —”
“Thank you, Mdm Speaker. Madam, I have six clarifications for Deputy Prime Minister Teo. The first clarification concerns the issue of manpower shortage. I think it is not a new issue and we have discussed this in Parliament for quite a number of years. As Deputy Prime Minister mentioned, the first time it was taken seriously in that sense was in 2008. That was when the House had to face the fact that there were several security lapses, for example, the escape of Mas Selamat, ICA clearing people with the wrong passport and people escaping from Court. And now we find that we are confronting this issue again because of another major incident, meaning a riot. I would like to ask Deputy Prime Minister Teo whether he himself was personally surprised at the Commissioner's statement that, in his assessment, 1,000 more officers were needed by the Police to be effective. Is this indicative of any communication gap between the heads of departments and the Ministers, for example? In one of my recent Parliamentary Questions (PQs) in 2012, I had asked the Government about policing resources, in particular, about community policing. And the Government did not seem to quite agree that there was a serious under resource problem. And yet during the COI, we find the Commissioner talking about robbing Peter to pay Paul to find resources, the SOC saying that they could not arrest people because they did not have enough manpower. So, I would like to ask the Minister whether he was surprised at this assessment by the Commissioner of Police and whether this indicates a communication gap. And also, whether there is some other more holistic way that the Government assesses resource deficiencies rather than to act because of incidents that occurred of such a nature?”
“Madam, I do not mean to belabour something which I know the Prime Minister knows, but this indicator is not about measuring an emotion. I think it is about measuring societal progress in a holistic way, and I am sure he agrees that that is something good for us.”
“Last of all, we can look at what the Government is already doing in areas other than the economy, like education, health and so on. All these things can be taken into account in the index. But the point is that the search for additional indicators to GDP is highly relevant.”
“I will try. Yes, Madam, thank you. Madam, I would like to clarify some points made by the Prime Minister because he referred to me specifically in his speech. I think he has read too much into my omission to talk about happiness and well-being in this recent debate. That does not mean that I have abandoned the relevance of such a measurement tool for social progress. The point which I made in 2011, using Bhutan as the precursor of this discussion, was that they had initiated a tool to measure social well-being that takes into account factors other than economic progress, and that is a model which can be used for other countries to adapt. And if we look at the Bhutan model, what they are talking about are quality of life and social progress indicators. Besides economic well-being, there is environment, physical, mental, political and social well-being. I think the Prime Minister would be aware that actually, internationally, this kind of search for a balanced index has taken an international momentum. I would like to ask him, with respect, whether he agrees that in 2011, Singapore actually sponsored this UN resolution which endorsed the search for alternative indicators to social well-being besides just GDP. Is he aware also that the OECD, for example, is now going headlong into it, looking at "How's Life" indicators, which look at work-life balance, civic engagement, life satisfaction, good governance and so on? When we talk about the search for national happiness or well-being, it is not about the feeling, but it is about the well-being of a society in a balanced way. Does the Prime Minister not agree that this concept is highly relevant to Singapore?”
“Mdm Speaker, I wish to clarify with the Prime Minister, if I may. I am sorry – I did not realise you were moving on.”
“Today, we are in a much better position to take on the various evolving challenges facing Singapore. A key challenge is how do we continue to ensure that our strengths, which are not pre-ordained, do not degenerate into immutable weaknesses? Our "3 to 1" Singapore Story of our country moving from Third World to First World in one generation has perhaps little resonance or significance for the millennial generation of Singaporeans who tend to treat the prosperity, the sheltered and good lives almost as a given, a birth-right. Page: 33 The President's Address is titled "Pledging Ourselves to a Better Singapore". That is and has always been our shared purpose. Crucially, how we get there and whether a better age awaits future generations of Singaporeans will depend very much on whether we have a wholesome, life-giving set of shared values and a system of politics that does what is objectively right and principled. Madam, on that note, I support the Motion of thanks to the President for his Address at the opening of the Second Session of this Twelfth Parliament.”
“What is critical to constructive politics is the average Singaporean's perception of the political system, which includes the electoral system. Singaporeans must feel enfranchised and have a deep sense of ownership in the political system. Singaporeans must also have the cognitive and affective connection to the political system. For this to happen, the political system must be buttressed by integrity and the unquestioned dedication to the greater good. Not only must it be fair but it must also be seen to be fair in its workings. In this regard, I hope the Government will take heed of the Singaporean desire for a fairer political system. Singaporeans care a lot for fair play. I sincerely hope that the Government will review the electoral rules and system with the aim of making it fairer. This will contribute immensely towards constructive politics. Let me conclude, Madam. The imperatives facing Singapore today remain very much the same as they were in 1965. The harsh reality for Singapore is that we always have to be relevant to the world. The moment we cease to be of relevance is the start of our decline and of our nation-building. But we must be relevant to the world on our own terms. While we must be alive to our constraints, we should not fear them. We have been able to turn our so-called limitations into strengths. These include developing our only resource, our people, for the global economy; transforming our severe lack of water self-sufficiency into growing self-sufficiency and, in the process, strengthening our sovereignty; creating an important global transport and supply chain node despite being located amid larger and better endowed and, from time to time, hostile neighbours.”
“As I see it, the emphasis on constructive politics reflects a concern that the largely decorous nature in this House is vastly different from the tenor and tone of political engagement and contestation outside of the House. Does the incongruence in political engagement in and outside of Parliament reflect the perception that the debates in this House do not quite capture the sentiments in the public sphere? Not at all. I see the elected Members of Parliament, the Non-Constituency Members of Parliament and the cross-bench Nominated Members of Parliament articulating a wide range of views on the various hot-button issues. A perusal of Hansard will confirm that this is so. Mainstream media reports of Parliamentary proceedings can certainly do better to capture not just the dominant view but also the range of opposing and alternative views canvassed and the atmospherics as well. Where Parliament may not do so well is with regard to the strident views and these views tend to be in their element in the online sphere. Due to the digital world's "echo chamber" effect, these extreme views tend to dominate and acquire a following of their own. An example of the stridency and the divisiveness can be seen in the online airing of views related to immigration. Because the online sphere is more accessible than Page: 32 Parliamentary official reports, there could be the dominant view that divisive politics is the tenor of Singaporean politics today. This is far from accurate in my view. Should Parliament then seek to articulate these strident unmeritorious views? Probably not. Instead, Members of Parliament and the Government should rebut these views with facts and reasoned arguments although this might give such views more publicity than they already deserve.”
“In similar fashion, the Central Provident Fund (CPF) is in need of a fundamental rethink and rejuvenation if this institution is to continue earning the trust, confidence and support of Singaporeans. The Government should not take it for granted that the virtues of the CPF system are self-evident. CPF requirements, such as the Minimum Sum and interest rates payable, are being actively questioned and even resented by some CPF members. Page: 31 If there is inadequate buy-in and engagement, we will see the whittling away of the legitimacy of these vital institutions. Madam, I move on to constructive politics. The call for "constructive politics" has, expectedly, met with spirited response since Monday. The President's Address is inherently political in that the Government is laying out its plans for the rest of its term in office. They will constitute some of the key performance indicators by which many Singaporeans will assess and judge the Government on its performance. "Constructive politics" defies definition. But what it speaks to us is the sort of politics that Singaporeans should demand from their politicians and the system of government. Every Singaporean has a stake and a say in the sort of politics in our political landscape. As a Nominated Member, I am privileged to witness and to participate in the robust debates infused with passion, conviction and the occasional rhetoric in the past two-and-a-quarter years. Despite this Parliament having the largest number of Opposition Members since the very first Parliament sat in December 1965, this House has set the appropriate tone in its debates and proceedings. Some Singaporeans may wish for more drama and excitement in this Chamber. But we must be clear that politics has real world consequences; it is not reality TV.”
“We should critically re-examine our system of meritocracy. Is our conception of merit too narrow, geared towards a privileged few? It has served us well but can we make it work better and infuse it with a sense of justice and fairness? Can we leaven our meritocracy so that it does not have a crushing effect on those who are not so meritorious under the current system? Can we ensure that our meritocracy ameliorates the harsh workings of the winner-takes-all mentality and the win-at-all-costs mindset? We must do all we can to ensure that Singapore and our way of life here continue to be immensely relevant and purposeful to her people. If we are not able to do so, then nation-building is imperilled and we will see two Singapores, not just within the geographical confines of this city-state but also in the hearts and minds of our people. A nation divided cannot be relevant to the world. As we are at the threshold of our 50 years of Independence, it is timely and necessary for the Government and Singaporeans to review the many policies, programmes and laws that have enabled us to transform into a thriving metropolis. What may have worked well in the last five decades needs to continue to be fit for purpose in form and in substance. There should be no sacred cows. In today's complex world, we should operate from the premise that there are no self-evident truths in policymaking. Hence, I welcome the deliberative process and the final report of the recently concluded Committee to Strengthen National Service (CSNS). Keeping National Service (NS) relevant and responsive to a new generation of Singaporeans is an existential challenge. We cannot take it for granted that NS will automatically secure the buy-in from all Singaporeans, including those of us who have served.”
“What is education for after all? It is certainly not to endow a sense of entitlement in the brightest. Have we become obsessed with degrees and achievements? What about the love of learning and the cultivation of a soul and of values that require us to remember that more is expected from the best and brightest? Madam, when equality of opportunity co-exists with strong inequality, it raises legitimate questions of how fair and equitable a society is. It also engenders in the successful a sense of what they get from a meritocratic system is what they have earned through their individual effort. For the not so successful, they may attribute their lot in life to either it being their own fault and/or, of greater concern, that the system is weighted against them, particularly if immobility acquires an inheritable complexion. I, therefore, urge the Government to consider whether our policies and programmes, in education and in other areas, undermine our quest for a society of "one united people" in a "democratic society based on justice and equality". Yes, the concerted efforts at providing an enhanced suite of Government transfers in recent years have a marginal redistributive effect reducing the Gini coefficient, which, unfortunately, remains high. But it begs the question of whether this remedial measure of Page: 30 Government transfers can be avoided in the first place through having a fairer system. We should not always have to play "catch-up", always chasing our own tails. Social structure is not easy to change. It has been likened to a constant rather than a variable. This means that society and the Government need to work together at ensuring that Singapore is not flatlining on social mobility and inclusivity.”
“Can the trade-off be less onerous and more equitable, such that we have greater social equity without compromising academic standards and ideals, something which I understand countries like Finland is able to do? I may look back with sentimentality at my formative school days at Raffles Institution (RI) in the 1980s. But what left an indelible mark on me was how the majority of my peers came from humble backgrounds and how the system provided relatively abundant Page: 29 opportunities to all of us and with high academic standards to boot. It was a school in which our home backgrounds did not matter. Instead, what mattered was how we disciplined our minds for academic excellence and how we filled our hearts with passion and purpose in the pursuit of our extra-curricular activities. My sense is that today's RI is perhaps less representative than it was in my time. Is my alma mater one that I am immensely proud of, less of a beacon of hope of Singapore's meritocracy? It does not seem to attract as many students from neighbourhood schools and Malay students as it ought to. Has its ethos changed such that RI has become forbidding in this regard? Prof Cham Tao Soon, the immediate past chairman of the RI Board of Governors, wrote in his book "The Making of NTU" that RI pupils "while brilliant in studies, from feedback, it appears that, generally, they lack a sense of humility and social consciousness. These are attributes we need to try to develop through a holistic education". I lament how this state of affairs has come to pass. Has the quest for superlative academic performance in our top schools dulled the sense of purpose and values expected of them? Have we valued value and materialism over values? Is this state of affairs replicated in other top schools as well?”
“Yet, there is international research to suggest that certain characteristics in an educational system tend to decrease intergenerational mobility. These include ability-based and school-based streaming, privatisation of basic and tertiary education and the expansion of tertiary education with increasing fees. These are found in varying degrees in the Singapore system. While there is greater effort towards interventions, such as more financial assistance and more affordable access to preschool education, we should recognise that these measures are essentially remedial. They kick in after a fact, and have limited efficacy and effectiveness in levelling up children from less well-to-do backgrounds if the overall system reinforces social immobility. I appreciate that our education and meritocratic system is premised on equality of opportunity, not equality of outcome. But the real question is whether every child, regardless of his or her socioeconomic background, is able to access the opportunities available. Does our system incentivise opportunity hoarding at the top? Improving social mobility requires upward mobility and, less appreciated, downward mobility from the top as well. Let me reiterate that there is much to praise about our education system. A key platform for socialisation of young Singaporeans, our education system has been a lynchpin of our progress. But we should always question the fundamentals to avoid policy blind spots and be mindful of unintended consequences. Even as the education system seeks to develop each child to his full potential, are we paying too high a price for that?”
“This, at a time, when there is a growing income and wealth gap, seeming social stratification and divide. Would our children inherit a Singapore that will continue to be an inclusive society, a land of opportunities, hope and confidence for all? Madam, we must do what we can now to ensure that Singapore does not become a society characterised by high inequality and low social mobility. This double whammy would mean social stasis and would fundamentally change the ethos of our society. In Singapore, education has long been viewed as the primary vehicle by which one can ascend the ladder of opportunity. When I look at the diverse education landscape today, I see a much envied system, but I also ask myself whether our system, in the name of different peaks of excellence, instead, acts as a source of and unwittingly perpetuates the inequalities in our society. Education, ironically, has become high stakes. Even the primary school admission exercise has become "high stakes" requiring many years of preparation and strategising like the national milestone examinations. The different peaks of excellence education model, undergirded through differentiation by streaming and by different types of schools with different fees and curricula, may actually Page: 28 have segregating effects that reinforce social immobility. At one end, we have the Integrated Programme (IP) schools, many of which also offer the school-based gifted education programme. Many IP schools are also independent schools. At the other end, we have the Normal (Technical) stream students who are primarily channelled to vocational studies. True, students have different abilities and talents and to expect them to progress at a similar academic pace is unrealistic.”
“We were encouraged to take an active part in extra-curricular activities. We led simple, dignified lives but we never felt deprived despite there being six of us on one modest Police officer's income. My parents' focus on sound values, hard work and sacrifices has paid off. With scholarships, my siblings and I were able to earn degrees from the National University of Page: 27 Singapore (NUS), the London School of Economics and Political Science, Oxford, Cambridge and Stanford universities. My older sister, perhaps hard done by the unforgiving education system in the 1980s, perseveres in ensuring that her two sons will have much better opportunities than her husband and her. My younger brother sailed for Singapore in the Southeast Asian and Asian Games. He became a full-time athlete after graduating from NUS Law School and went on to compete in two Olympic Games of 2000 and 2004. My other brother, the youngest, works in London's financial sector after having worked in Singapore and in Tokyo. Many Members would have similar personal experiences of the rapid progress experienced by their own families. I narrated mine not because it is exceptional but because it should strike a chord in each and every one of us. It should resonate with us that ordinary families can and must thrive under the Singapore sun. These stories of progress very much reflected the tenor of our society then – of growth with equity and inclusiveness, and of people progressing in tandem as the nation did. However, in recent times, I ask myself whether another Singaporean family today, in the same position that my parents were in, would be able to see their life chances and that of their children improve in one generation.”
“I hope these considerations will be the bedrock of governance and policy-making henceforth. Process matters as much, if not more, than the outcome. We will reach our destination in good shape and as one people, if we journey well and be true to our founding aspirations and ideals. We will be impoverished if wealth and asset enhancement are the be-all-and-end-all of the Singapore Dream. Indeed, post-material aspirations and concerns have grown in importance in Singaporeans' hierarchy of needs and increasingly define what it means to be Singaporean. In my remarks today, I will focus primarily on education and meritocracy and its impact on income inequality, social mobility and inclusiveness. I will also briefly discuss the urgent need to maintain and enhance the legitimacy of key institutions of our society and on constructive politics. On education, I welcome the call to keep pathways open to all. One vivid early childhood memory of mine was my family's move in 1974 from the Mount Vernon police quarters, where I spent the first four years of my life, to a new HDB apartment in Marine Parade. I recall the bare concrete floor of my new home, which remained bare for about a decade. With the third child due in end 1974 and a fourth in 1976, my parents felt that putting floor tiles was a luxury that should be deferred for more important needs. Besides, money had to be set aside for the imminent governmental fines for not stopping at two then! Today, my parents still live in the same flat, a home with rich memories for my family. Despite their limited educational opportunities, my "Pioneer Generation" parents did what they could for their children's education. They wanted my siblings and me to have as rich and holistic an education as possible.”
“The last few years have seen some significant policy changes in the field of law and home affairs. Five years ago, the Criminal Procedure Code underwent a major review, which among other things changed the pre-trial process to force more disclosure from both state and defence to enable better preparations for trial. In 2012, after decades of consistently defending the need for the mandatory death penalty to apply to many offences, the Government suddenly and without warning, announced in this House a scaling-back of the mandatory death penalty for certain homicide and drug offences. For many years before, the Government had been reluctant to provide criminal legal aid to those facing non-capital charges; this has also moved forward. Personally, having studied these issues and spoken for change for several years, I was pleasantly surprised that the Government was able to slaughter these cows that appeared sacred for too long. This is good for Singapore. We should not be afraid to change our minds and make U-turns. There are other areas for improvement. Protecting civil liberties, recognising crime victims' needs and rights, and better safeguards for suspects during Police investigations are but some. We should approach these and other issues with an open-mind. Ultimately, it is Page: 26 in our common interest to have a safe, fair and just society. 2.23 pm Assoc Prof Tan Kheng Boon Eugene (Nominated Member): Madam, the President's Address is notable for the Government's re-emphasis on the social dimensions of governance. I welcome the seldom asked "how" questions: how do we build a fair and just society? How do we live up to the founding ideals of this improbable nation? How do we act on our pledge for a better Singapore?”
“Page: 25 Madam, my point is that in order for decisions to be taken in a disciplined manner, the Government should be more open to gathering and sharing data on crime and justice issues. What I hope we can aim for is to have a culture of producing scientific papers on a regular basis for the public to better understand crime and justice issues. The British government has a strong research arm in Crime and Justice, which regularly publishes data and analyses on crime and law enforcement matters. Among the most important projects undertaken is the British Crime Survey, which is a population survey to ascertain the levels of unreported crime. Other topics include crimes of interest, the exercise of police powers and crime experiences of vulnerable groups. At home, I believe the MHA does have its research wings, but not many papers are published for public consumption. I hope this can change. Besides the Government's own research being published, there is also a need to facilitate and encourage other independent researchers, such as universities, think tanks and concerned members of the public, to conduct criminological research. It is important that at least some of the findings are seen to be independent of the Government, so that more can participate in our sense making and we can have wider ownership of the directions we take. Further, we should encourage school leavers to take up such studies and become researchers to add to the rigour of public discourse on crime and justice issues. The new full-time undergraduate degree of Bachelor of Arts (Honours) in Criminology and Security offered by the Singapore Institute of Technology and the University of Liverpool gives hope in this direction. Finally, Madam, let me make a few observations.”
“We know that foreign workers are subject to policing by auxiliary police, and how this affects the official recording of crimes is uncertain. To take another example of unknowns, we can look at the composition of our prison population. The Prisons Service publishes data on the number of inmates, segmented by type of offence, gender, and even educational level. But the Government does not reveal the ethnic composition or nationalities, and whether certain groups are over-represented relative to the general population. I filed a Parliamentary Question on this but was told the data could not be revealed. Madam, the reporting of ethnicity and nationality of prison population is a common practice elsewhere. The purpose of such reporting is not meant to embarrass certain communities, but to facilitate a holistic assessment as to why certain groups may be disproportionately incarcerated. With open data, public interest would be generated, and Parliament would more likely debate such issues. Publishing such data in other countries has led to law enforcement agencies and the courts reviewing their operational practices and decision-making, to ensure that they do not discriminate or stereotype people based on ethnicity or nationality. It has led to examination of social conditions and whether there has been fair economic opportunity. Well-meaning citizens would also take an interest to support families and children of at-risk groups. Government decision-making would be helped by those outside Government applying their minds to resolve the matter. I would argue that disclosure would promote social cohesion. In any case, I note that CNB has been publishing data on ethnicity of drug arrests for many years.”
“I hope the Courts will look more closely at the possibility of more non-monetary bail conditions being set, so that more of the poor can obtain pre-trial release. To this end, I have sent to the Government some research I did on this area, for further study. Finally, let me argue for a stronger culture of scientific decision-making in crime and justice matters. There is still relatively little data available to the public and even to Members of Parliament to make informed decisions about crime and justice in Singapore. Let me give just two examples to illustrate my point. Page: 24 First, do we really know the crime situation in Singapore? There is an over-reliance on Police statistics as giving the true picture. For instance, in a recent Police factsheet on the new COPS, it was stated that from 1997 to 2013, crime rates had gone down by 44%, concluding that the NPC system which started in 1997 had worked well to keep our neighbourhoods safe. But is there a clear cause and effect established? For one thing, not all crime is reported to the Police. In a rare population study in Singapore on offences of violence against women (Bouhours et al 2013, International Violence against Women Survey: Final Report on Singapore), it was estimated that less than one quarter of incidences of violence against women in Singapore was reported to the Police, meaning about 75% was unreported. The under-reporting of crimes is a global phenomenon, with varying reporting rates for different crimes. Even if crimes are reported, how the Police classify or reclassify the reports will affect crime rates. Another complication for Singapore is that there is a significant foreign population here.”
“However, there is a risk of persons taking certain courses of action out of ignorance or convenience, not realising they have a valid defence, and not being aware of the effect of certain types of convictions on their future prospects. To this end, the plea bargaining framework should include ensuring that persons entering such bargains are legally represented even if they cannot afford their own lawyers. Another important aspect of access to justice is bail. The ability to be released on bail before trial is important, especially when one intends to contest the charge. Being at liberty allows a person to keep his job; he can also prepare his defence more effectively. As bail tends to be set based on monetary amounts, this operates against the poor who may not have family or friends with such means. The consequences of not receiving bail would affect not only the suspect but also his or her dependents. In countries such as the US, studies have shown that not being released on bail may lead to higher chances of conviction and heavier sentences. This has led to some reforms to facilitate more poor people being released on bail, for example, by putting more information before the judges about the defendant's roots in the community, family ties and employment. With more information, judges were then more likely to remove or reduce the monetary condition and enable more of the poor to be released pre-trial. Turning to home, it was good that the Government set up a Bail Court in 2007 to focus on bail applications. Today, I still come across residents who say there is no way they can bail their son or daughter out due to the sums set.”
“Having legal representation when facing criminal charges is a necessity, as it is not easy for a layman to understand legal jargon and navigate his way through the various procedures. To this end, the Law Society had stepped up to fill a void left by the Government. The Society has been running its Criminal Legal Aid Scheme since the late 1980s to provide free legal representation to poorer accused facing non-capital charges. Despite the Law Society's most noble aims, the scheme had some limitations, as it covered only certain types of offences and only when the accused intended to claim trial. Thus, we have residents telling us they were turned away from the Criminal Legal Aid Scheme (CLAS) because their offence was not covered, for example, charges under the Immigration Act and Moneylenders Act, or because they wanted to plead guilty and only needed help in mitigation for a lighter sentence. To this end, it is heartening that MinLaw has changed its stance. The MinLaw Addendum specifically emphasises its funding to the Law Society's Criminal Legal Aid Scheme (CLAS) for direct assistance to poorer suspects. With greater and sustained Government support, the Page: 23 aim should be to provide legal aid to all accused persons of limited means. MinLaw's Addendum also talks of an impending Criminal Procedure Review to develop a plea bargaining framework for early resolution of criminal cases. I do not know what the Ministry has in mind at this stage. Early resolution of cases is good for the Court system and for public resources; it can also be good for the accused provided he is fully aware of the nature and consequences of his actions, for example, if he pleads guilty to reduced charges.”
“For example, the nationwide PolCam project will install CCTV cameras at lift lobbies, staircases and multi-storey car parks of HDB blocks. PolCam is now substantially implemented and has been very welcomed by the public. However, there is no equivalent of PolCam in the private estates. Though I do not think the residents in private estates expect that, they do have their crime concerns. When the new Community Oriented Policing System (COPS) was launched, one of the justifications was that it would enable the Police to cater to an ageing and diverse population. To this end, one of the innovations I am not sure of, is the revamp of the Neighbourhood Police Posts under COPS. The new NPPs, called e-NPPs or enhanced NPPs, offer electronic services, but are completely unmanned. I note that a pilot phase involving three NPPs began about six months ago. How did the elderly cope with the change to an unmanned NPP? I visited one of the revamped NPPs recently and noted online services at the e-kiosk are in English. Are the services available in other languages? With the e-NPPs, was there any change to the Police response times, compared to a physical presence at the NPP? I believe this needs to be assessed carefully to ensure there is no compromise in Police response. Next, Madam, access to justice. Much as we would like to think that justice is blind, it is a fact across the world that the rich and the poor access the criminal justice system differently. While the rich have the resources to engage expensive lawyers and experts to support their cases, the poor have to make decisions based on their means. This sometimes includes pleading guilty, when they do not have the time or resources to contest their charges. This problem is not unique to Singapore.”
“Later, an ICA officer shared with me that in the aftermath of that incident, some Singaporeans clearing Woodlands checkpoint found it amusing to ridicule the ICA officers by asking them to recheck their passports in case they were travelling on their father's or mother's passports. The officers had to take such jibes in their stride while focusing on the sheer volume of people and vehicles to process. The security manpower at our checkpoints is a complex ecosystem of ICA, SPF, auxiliary police, Central Narcotics Bureau (CNB), customs and LTA, requiring attention to segmentation of tasks and supervision. Today, I understand that Singaporeans are facing slower clearances at Woodlands, as the security procedures for checking vehicles have been tightened since the various security breaches there this year. I note that a Ministerial-level Committee is reviewing and strengthening the security measures at the checkpoints. As we plug the gaps, it is also important not to add more red tape to slow down the clearance process. I turn now to policing. Policing needs have evolved and undoubtedly increased; the MHA Addendum mentions a new Divisional HQ in Woodlands and two new Neighbourhood Police Centres in Geylang and Bartley. During the Committee of Inquiry into the Little India riots, the Commissioner of Police expressed his view that he would need 1,000 more Police officers. Can we ever find enough manpower? Since our local birth rate is low, will we be forced to turn to foreign manpower for policing? For instance, we have historically accepted Page: 22 Malaysians and Nepalese Gurkhas into the SPF. Will we be doing more of that? The need to leverage on technology to reduce manpower is a must, and it is good to note that the SPF has clearly been doing this.”
“Madam, the Government has always prioritised creating economic growth and nobody seriously disputes that growth is one of the ingredients for social progress. However, the surge in the population since 2005 has had its repercussions on our quality of life. Singaporeans were waiting longer to board public transport with less comfortable rides, wasting more time and petrol stuck in traffic jams, and increasingly feeling like strangers in our own country. Page: 21 As everyone fights for scarce resources, we must ensure that Singaporeans have the assurance that we live in a safe, fair and just society, and have access to essential services at a standard we can be proud of. To this end, I would like to highlight two areas we should pay attention to, namely, challenges for the Home Team and access to justice. I will later argue for a culture of greater research and gathering and sharing of data in crime and justice matters. First, I would like to talk about some challenges facing the Home Team. Let me, at the onset, acknowledge the tremendous pressure on the Home Team in recent years, as it tries to cope with the surge in population. With millions more residents and visitors to handle, there is an exponential increase in the number of encounters with Home Team officers, and with that, a higher risk of mistakes occurring, statistically. When mistakes happen, a measured reaction should be taken, to diagnose the cause and prevent its recurrence. Heads may need to roll, but scape-goating should be avoided. The public, too, should play a constructive role and not add to the problem. Why do I say that? About six years ago, a man managed to clear immigration at Changi Airport using his son's passport. This incident was widely reported and was the subject of much public criticism.”
“Madam, I have two supplementary questions for the Minister. I note his comments about the Ministry's efforts in the past and pending this year to educate the general public on the implications of the law. I wanted to ask whether the Ministry also tracks the outcomes of the efforts so far. In other words, what is the general awareness level existing in the population right now. Despite all these efforts, is awareness high, low or what is it? Secondly, I recently came across a case of a resident of mine who passed away and she qualified to be a cadaveric donor. The family narrated to me that Page: 42 they were very shocked about the implications of the organ donation law. I would like to ask the Minister whether such expressions of surprise or shock from families is commonplace in hospitals currently and is that how the Ministry is stepping up its efforts.”
“Madam, some senior doctors in public service are concerned that many Singaporean doctors are leaving for the private sector due to push factors, like having twice as many cases compared with the private sector, having to spend much time on non-clinical work and coping with stressful organisational and training changes, such as the residency programme. Nurses and other allied healthcare professionals, too, find conditions in the private sector better, with private employers spending more to attract locals due to foreign work pass quotas. While the Ministry in 2012 announced pay increases for public sector employees, many feel that this may Page: 78 not help much, especially in the long term. Failure to stem the tide of attrition means that Singaporean patients at public health institutions are dealing more often with foreign staff and experience some language barriers. Is the Ministry concerned and are there any further reviews to look at how to better retain Singaporeans in the public sector? Remuneration of Nurses”
“Thank you, Madam. Two clarifications for the Second Minister. First, regarding the cleaning of private estates, she mentioned in her reply where the constraints do not allow mechanised cleaning, manual cleaners are deployed to sweep up. That is not what my residents observed. Some of them are retirees, so they are able to observe this during the day. They find that there is an absence of such sweepers to do the work, so I do not know whether there is a problem in manpower or whatever it is. The second clarification concerns hawker centres in HDB estates. I understand that for such hawker centres, NEA is the managing agent for HDB to manage the hawker centres. As such, if there are any issues concerning table-top cleaning, I would imagine that NEA should be interested in it, as there may be public health concerns. I would like the Minister to clarify whether NEA should take a proactive stance to try to work with the relevant agencies, including Town Councils and so on, to try to resolve the problem.”
“I understand that since around 2009, NEA cleaning contractors utilise mechanised roadsweepers to clean the roads in private estates, with the relative absence of manual sweepers. However, in narrower roads with roadside parking, the service vehicles may not be able to clean effectively and may not even be able to pass through the roads safely. Trucks sometimes have to stop at the beginning of a road and require their staff to run down the road to collect trash bins to empty them onto the trucks. One long-term solution to the problem would be for MEWR to work with LTA and MND to redesign roads and kerbs in upgrading works. The kerbs could be level with the road or at a gentler gradient, for parking bays to be inset in the verge; this will allow more freedom of passage for moving service vehicles. Other options include using smaller cleaning vehicles or deploying sweepers on mini mobile vehicles to aid in the manual sweeping, subject to cost considerations. I urge the Ministry to review the situation.”
“Sir, table-top cleaning. Patrons at hawker centres sometimes face tables uncleared for long periods. Some table-top cleaning contractors are not able to clear tables efficiently, leaving patrons frustrated and presenting public health issues. For hawker centres in HDB estates, NEA leaves it to the Hawkers Associations to appoint and manage these table-cleaning contractors. As Page: 171 indicated in this House previously, this is not ideal as the Hawkers Association may not be able to manage the contractors. They also do not have economies of scale, especially if they do not enjoy the support of all hawkers, who may not join the contract arrangements made by the Associations. On the other hand, NEA manages table-top cleaning at 25 Ministry-owned hawker centres and has wide economies of scale and enforcement powers. The Ministry had previously indicated in Parliament that it would look into table-top cleaning in hawker centres at HDB estates. As the problem persists today, how will NEA improve the situation? Cleaning of Private Estates Next, cleaning of private estates. Sir, I have received regular feedback from residents of private estates in my division that they are dissatisfied with the cleaning of the roads in their estates by NEA cleaning contractors. They say that, often times, leaves and other debris on the roads are not properly removed, especially at the side of the kerb of cul-de-sac and narrower roads where parking is allowed either on one side or both sides of the road. I hasten to add that the residents by and large do not blame the workers, but believe that the inability to be effective is due to the constraints of the physical infrastructure and cleaning methods used.”
“According to the NEA, February 2014 is the driest month since 1869, breaking the past record set in February 2010. I have two main questions on the actions taken by the Ministry regarding the dry spell we are currently facing. How are we encouraging greater water conservation and our plans to manage water demand in the non-domestic sector? We are conscious about the significant progress made to manage domestic water consumption. I have met Singaporeans who shared that we should not worry about our water supply. They are happy that our efforts to enhance our water supply are indeed bearing fruit. However, on the other end, a few Singaporeans shared with me that they are concerned about our complacency and we may lose sight on water conservation effort. I understand that the PUB aims to achieve 147 litres per day by 2020 and 140 litres per day by 2030. Page: 166 Besides the current initiatives, what is the Ministry doing to encourage greater water conservation and that we are not complacent and lose sight of our efforts over the last few decades? As the proportion of water demand by the non-domestic sector grows, there is a need to continuously manage water demand in this sector. Can the Minister share on the outcome of initiatives, such as the Water Efficient Building (WEB) on the usage of water in non-domestic sector? What other initiatives is the Ministry taking to manage water demand in this sector?”
“Sir, I would like to commend NEA officers on their tireless door-to-door efforts and their work with local agencies to break the chains of dengue transmission and sources of mosquito breeding. Though it may be too early yet to celebrate, the drop in cases below the 200 mark in the last two weeks is a hopeful sign the latest and worst round of dengue epidemic may be abating. Page: 165 However, mosquito population and vector control is not a viable long-term solution. This method is not practised everywhere and we are an open global city vulnerable to transmission of the disease by visitors travelling from dengue-infected spots. Furthermore, this method is labour-intensive and prone to local lapses. I note that the spate of good news on progress in dengue treatment and vaccine development rose and peaked with the outbreak in the latter half of last year. Perhaps the most hopeful was the discovery in August of a new vaccine strategy by a research consortium supported by Singapore STOP Dengue Translational and Clinical Research Programme. I believe the Ministry's Environmental Health Institute is involved in the STOP Dengue programme. The last dengue epidemic in 2005 killed 25 people and the current outbreak has already claimed six or seven lives. I note that the STOP Dengue programme received $25 million in funding over five years since 2008. Is this level of support satisfactory, given the prevalence of the disease here and its sometimes deadly effects? Will the Government be providing more research support to dengue vaccine development? [Deputy Speaker (Mr Charles Chong) in the Chair] Water Conservation Assoc Prof Dr Muhammad Faishal Ibrahim: Sir, today, we are facing the longest dry spell in the region, which includes Singapore.”
“Sir, Singapore is overcrowded and the density of population causes discomfort and tension. In private estates, one recurring complaint is the shortage of car parking space. One trend compounding matters is the Government's approval of multi-unit condominium developments within mature landed housing estates to replace single household property. Such approvals are granted with minimal car park requirements of just one lot per unit. This trend has affected many residents, including those around Hillside/Rosyth and Kovan. Often, the access roads are two-way and narrow, with limited parking available. The quality of life in some areas has deteriorated due to parking shortages and road congestion. Prior parliamentary answers to my questions were that the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) would guide developers, if necessary, to improve their proposals before planning approval was granted. The Government said that, in some cases, developers might be required to carry out detailed traffic impact studies and adopt improvement measures to avert congestion. However, in at least one case I came across, traffic assessments were only required after approval had already been given. I understand that the formula for the maximum number of dwelling units for problematic Gross Plot Ratio (GPR) 1.4 estates is 30% lower than other GPR 1.4 estates. Telok Kurau Estate was designated a problematic GPR 1.4 estate in 2011 and Kovan in 2012, but traffic congestion remains a problem in these estates. I believe MND should work more with LTA at the pre-approval stage to assess if condominiums at congested streets need to make a more generous provision for parking beyond one lot per unit. In highly congested streets, a moratorium on further condominium developments may need to be imposed.”