Sylvia Lim
Singapore
“Thank you, Speaker. I have a supplementary question for Senior Minister of State on PF. It was pointed out in the FATF report that representatives of foreign flag states have a very low understanding of their PF obligations.”
“Thank you Speaker. I have noted what the Minister is proposing that the House do. I am not standing up to object to it. But I think it is important for me to also state that my response on some of the issues that she mentioned, I have made them on 14 January during the debate on the Motion of the Leader of the Opposition, and I do not thi…”
“Thank you, Speaker. A clarification for the Minister. I think it is quite clear that we are not denying that services were provided and residents had benefited from the services. I also would say that we do appreciate that MND did this internal review to undercover this problem, if I can say that.”
“Thank you, Speaker. I have one clarification for the Senior Parliamentary Secretary, and that is on the necessity for the retrospective legislation.”
“Sir, regardless of which country may have primary jurisdiction over a particular case, both governments may feel pressured to retain cases involving their own nationals. This could be for various reasons, such as the differences in law and punishments or to give their nationals better access to justice in their home countries.”
“One clarification for the Minister. This is in relation to when Singapore may have to give up its primary jurisdiction to Malaysia to investigate incidents and particularly on clause 39(2).”
The complete record
Every one of 1,794 lines we hold for Sylvia Lim, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 6 of 36.
“The intensity and consistency one needs to put in to represent Singapore at global competitions, facing off against the best in the region and the world, is beyond imagination. Top athletes, such as golfing legend Tiger Woods and basketball sensation Yao Ming, had their sporting careers prematurely ended or cut short by injury. The mental pressure is another aspect which we are still learning more about, thanks to the likes of Japanese tennis star, Osaka Naomi. As for sports-related physical injuries, they can persist for a long time, both in recreational and competitive athletes. A recent Straits Times article found that youths have been suffering from sports-related injuries in the post-pandemic period at a higher rate and that injuries sustained in youth are likely to recur in some form later in life. Frequent or severe sports injuries may also put youths at risk of longer-term wear-and-tear-related degenerative conditions, such as osteoarthritis. Orthopaedic surgeon Dr Tan Ken Jin shared his observations in a 2022 article entitled "10 Sports Injuries with Lifelong Consequences". The 10 lifelong sports injuries he pinpointed were sprains, hamstring strains, stress fractures, anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) injuries, patella or kneecap dislocations, meniscus tears, tennis elbow, shoulder dislocations, sciatica or lower back pain and fractures. These injuries could have resulted from improper training practices, wearing improper sporting gear or basic elements like not having proper warm-ups or stretching. Even with all these things done properly, getting injured is commonplace in competitive sports, particularly in high impact sports, such as basketball, soccer, badminton, tennis, volleyball, hockey and gymnastics.”
“Mdm Deputy Speaker, when I was in my 20s and 30s, I devoted time training and competing, particularly in middle-distance running. I was inspired by the athletes I watched in international competitions, pushing themselves beyond the limits of physical and mental boundaries, determined to fly their national flags high. I am often left in awe, in the wake of sporting excellence – from Olympic gymnast Nadia Comaneci scoring perfect 10s in 1976 in Montreal, to earlier heroes like Emil Zatopek, who won the 5,000 metres, 10,000 metres and marathon in the same Olympic Games in Helsinki in 1952, to our very own champions C Kunalan and Chee Swee Lee, to our Malaysia Cup winners playing the beautiful game. For me, sporting excellence was and still is a pure form of sincerity and commitment to the nation. Putting it lyrically, it is poetry in motion. By comparison, my own endeavours were modest. The pinnacle of my achievement was winning the ladies' section of the National University of Singapore's (NUS) mini-triathlon in my final year of undergraduate studies and, later, some cross-country runs in organisations that I worked for. Nevertheless, modest as my endeavours were, I paid a physical price. I aggravated a hip problem and sustained cartilage tears which plagued my quality of life as I entered my 40s and 50s. I stopped running, switched to modified and low impact activities like swimming and focused on recovery and strength building in order to age well. I share this experience to illustrate what is but a fraction of what our national athletes do to their bodies, over and over again, at higher intensities and on a much larger scale.”
“Madam, the fundamental clarification I am seeking is this: in domestic cases where arrestable crimes have likely been committed, can the Government assure the public that the Police will follow the usual criminal processes and not simply leave it to MSF to handle such cases under the Women's Charter? The second clarification I have is on the tremendous demand on manpower that the provisions will entail. The explanatory statement to the Bill has confirmed that the Bill will involve the Government in extra financial expenditure, the exact amount of which cannot at present be ascertained. Has MSF projected how many more staff will be needed to implement the provisions of this Bill? Some of the provisions will entail round-the-clock teams, such as DVERT. They also need to be highly trained, as attending to such cases will involve tense situations and may expose officers to physical danger. As for the Police, they are expected to support DVERT's work. We are all aware of the longstanding manpower challenges at frontline policing. How does the Government intend to meet the significant manpower demands that the Bill entails? Madam, that said, the Bill is a significant commitment towards improving the response of agencies to cases of family violence. I hope it will work well.”
“That said, I have two concerns that I wish to raise. First, the Bill makes it clear that MSF is the lead Ministry on domestic violence, with the Police and MHA playing a somewhat secondary role. For instance, my understanding of the 24-hour DVERT is that it will be staffed by MSF, with the Police coming along to attend cases. Furthermore, any emergency orders issued by DVERT will not be issued by the Police, but by MSF officers. This apparent secondary role for the Police leads me to worry that calls for Police assistance in domestic situations, however serious, may be passed on to MSF automatically or risk being no-crimed in the Police records. This would not be justifiable. Let me illustrate my concern with scenarios. Suppose a report is received that a person has threatened to harm his or her spouse with a knife and, upon agencies arriving at the scene, the presence of the knife is confirmed. This scenario should properly be classified as criminal intimidation, which is an arrestable offence. Or take another example. Someone calls for assistance due to domestic violence and, upon arrival, the response team sees that the injury is serious and may be a case of voluntarily causing grievous hurt, another arrestable offence. In these scenarios, would the Police handle the matter as it would normally do if the parties were unrelated to each other, that is, classify the cases accordingly as criminal intimidation and voluntarily causing grievous hurt, arrest the suspect and possibly charge the person in Court with the appropriate offence under the Penal Code? Or would DVERT see it as basically a case of family violence to be proceeded with under the Women's Charter, thereby inadvertently downgrading the seriousness of the incidents?”
“Mdm Deputy Speaker, this Bill tabled by MSF makes significant and detailed changes to the way family violence cases are handled. Among the key changes brought about by the Bill is the setting up of a 24-hour Domestic Violence Emergency Response Team (DVERT). DVERT will be empowered to issue emergency orders at the scene to require suspected offenders to leave domestic premises immediately and stay away for up to 14 days, while the victim applies to Court for protection orders. The Bill also gives the Court powers to issue a broader range of orders in domestic violence situations. In addition to the traditional orders, such as the personal protection order (PPO), expedited order (EO) and domestic exclusion order (DEO), the Court will additionally be able to issue "Stay Away Orders" to require offenders not to go to places where the victim will frequent, for example, workplaces. The value of this cannot be overstated if we recall a past incident in 2004 when an offender confronted his spouse at her workplace at Tuas and killed her there. Another new form of Court order is the "No Contact Order" that will protect the victim from being harassed by the offender, not just physically but through other means of communication. Another aspect of the Bill is more effective monitoring of orders issued, for example, possibly requiring those subject to orders to wear electronic monitoring devices. I believe that such certainty of detection will deter breaches of Court orders. Besides the contents of the provisions, MSF has also reviewed feedback from the public and consulted many stakeholders, including Family Service Centres, crisis shelters, healthcare workers and lawyers. Having considered all these, the Workers' Party (WP) supports the Bill.”
“Deputy Speaker, I have a clarification for Senior Minister Teo on the standards expected of our Ministers. I must say that I find it disappointing that he reduces the issue of conflict of interest into a legal argument. I mean, in the Code of Conduct for Ministers, it is stated quite clearly at the bottom of the document that the document does not have the force of law and whether there is a breach or not is not justiciable in a Court of law. So, does he agree with me that actually the Code of Conduct embodies the highest standards expected of our Ministers in the conduct of their public affairs and it should not be the subject of legal arguments or technicalities? The second clarification on a related point is, if one looks at para 3.2 of the Code of Conduct, it is stated very strictly, "A Minister, therefore, must never enter into any transactions where his private financial interest might even conceivably come into conflict with his public duty". So, that is what is stated there – never enter into transactions where his financial interest might conceivably come into conflict with his public duty. So, does the Senior Minister agree that it might be reasonable to interpret this to mean that actually the Law Minister should not have entered into this transaction with SLA, which is an agency under his charge, or, at the very least, it was imprudent of him to do so?”
“Coming back to the earlier statistic of not being able to prosecute more than 98% of money mules investigated in the last three years, what is MHA's assessment of how these changes will improve prosecution rates in future? Finally, on the new CDSA offence of assisting another person to retain the proceeds of crime under the proposed section 55A. It is stated in the explanatory statement to the Bill that the new section 55A is meant to criminalise certain acts that facilitate money laundering "regardless of a person's mental state". My concern here is about persons who may be manipulated into letting others use their bank accounts to transfer money. I encountered one resident recently who told me that her bank account had been frozen by Police as it had apparently been used to make or receive some suspicious funds. I tried asking her how her account got compromised, but she was unable to answer coherently. She appeared, to me at least, to be a person who was easily confused and cognitively impaired, and may have been made use of. I note that the proposed section 55A(3) and (4) provide a defence to a charge under section 55A if the person did not know or had no reasonable grounds to believe that the funds concerned were the proceeds of crime. Under the law then, a suspected money mule is expected to make some sort of reasoned assessment about the nature of the transaction. How will the authorities approach a case where the suspect appears to be mentally impaired? Sir, while we certainly want to curtail scams and money laundering, we also need to be fair to suspects who may also be victims themselves.”
“These Bills tighten the net around those who facilitate money laundering, including letting their bank accounts and Singpass accounts be used for fund transfers. Reducing the opportunities for syndicates to redirect the fruits of crime is a step in the right direction. As to how effective these provisions will be to disrupt the operations of criminal syndicates, only time will tell. That said, I have three clarifications and concerns about the CDSA (Amendment) Bill. First, on the difficulties of prosecuting money mules currently. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) press release of 18 April 2023, a large number of money mules arrested by Police could not be prosecuted due to difficulties in proving their intent to facilitate criminal activities. It was highlighted that between 2020 and 2022, more than 19,000 money mules were investigated but fewer than 250 cases were eventually prosecuted. I believe the Second Minister stated these statistics earlier as well. This works out to a prosecution rate of just 1.3%. Could MHA clarify whether the balance 98.7% of cases were all not prosecuted due to the difficulties in proving intention or does this number include non-prosecutions due to other grounds as well? Secondly, on the likely effect of the proposed amendments to reduce the mental element required to prosecute money mules. Clauses 3 to 6 of the CDSA Bill will amend sections 50, 51, 53 and 54 to criminalise acts of money laundering done unintentionally or unknowingly, if rashness or negligence can be shown. The punishment for such acts of rashness or negligence will be lower than for acts done deliberately or with knowledge.”
“Sir, in the past few years, Members of Parliament have encountered residents whose lives have been devastated by online crimes, such as scams. Not only have these victims lost significant amounts of hard-earned monies or retirement savings, they also lived with the mental anguish and guilt of being gullible enough to fall for such deception. Often, the victims were vulnerable in certain ways and susceptible to exploitation, such as those who live alone and are desperate for friends to chat with, or those searching for a life partner, who then become the victim of a love scam. Some may blame the victims for being foolish or authors of their own misfortune. But this ignores the fact that we are dealing here with perpetrators who are parts of organised syndicates who appear well-trained to find targets. Their criminal behaviour is truly despicable. After their ordeals, victims usually report the matter to the Police, hoping that their monies can be recovered or, at the very least, that the perpetrators would be arrested, prosecuted and punished. Due to the organised nature of scams, which are often transnational, Police have the unenviable task of informing victims that their chances of recovering their monies are often slim. Such news to a younger victim is certainly bad news, but at least he or she has the potential to recover from the loss. Such news to a retiree, however, can be crushing. Scams have become a major crime issue in Singapore, warranting the Police to issue separate scam updates in their annual crime reporting since last year. Sir, I, therefore, support the rationale for the CMA and CDSA (Amendment) Bills.”
“Yes, Sir, we have no reason to disagree with the Government's consistent stand from February last year to now.”
“Based on the Minister's last answer, he did not say whether the Government agreed with the Law Minister's view that the West and NATO were not uninvolved bystanders who had no role to play in the current situation. So, do I take it from him that he would rather not go into such historical matters?”
“Thank you, Sir. Perhaps one final clarification. Earlier, the Minister said that there is collective responsibility in the Cabinet and that the Law Minister's views reflect the views of the Government. In his speech, he actually said specifically that, in his view, the West and NATO were not uninvolved bystanders who had no role to play in the current situation. So, do I take it that that is the Government's view as well?”
“Thank you, Sir. One supplementary question. Would the Foreign Minister agree that, actually, the Government's statements on Russia's invasion on Ukraine have been consistent all this while and there has never been this attempt to say that the US or NATO has been somewhat contributory to the current state of affairs, which was something that the Minister for Law did say? So, I would like him to confirm that up to now, the Government has not taken this position and this is actually something new in the public domain.”
“Deputy Speaker, I am asking them to the Foreign Ministry because I would like to know the Government's view on this and the speech that was given covered foreign affairs. So, I believe that the views of MFA are very important.”
“Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I have three supplementary questions for the Foreign Minister. The first is to ask whether the Foreign Ministry was aware beforehand that the speech on 8 March was going to be delivered by the Minister for Home Affairs. So, the first question is whether the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) knew beforehand that the speech was being given and did MFA know the contents of the speech. The second question is, earlier, Minister Shanmugam mentioned that Indivisible Security is perhaps a concept in International Relations. So, I would like to ask the Foreign Minister what is the Government's view of such a principle of Indivisible Security. And last of all, does the Foreign Minister agree that accepting a principle of Indivisible Security is very risky for small countries like Singapore?”
“Yes, the second question related to the recent incident where it was reported that at ST Electronics, which is not a Government department as such, some information was leaked in the recent episode.”
“Thank you, Speaker. Two supplementary questions for the Senior Minister of State. To the best of my recollection, this is probably at least the third time where confidential or information shared with the US government has been leaked. I think we know of the earlier Wikileaks episodes and this is the third time. So, my question is whether our Government has made changes in the way that it communicates any sensitive information with the US, or other governments, to minimise the risks of such leaks? And the context of that is that in 2011, in the wake of Wikileaks, I had asked the then-Foreign Minister George Yeo about whether we would change the way we communicate on the diplomatic front and he had said that "Well, we have to because if it happens once, it will happen again". So, my question is whether the Government has actually changed the way it communicates information, especially sensitive information, with the US or other governments? The second question is, it was reported in this recent incident that information from ST Electronics was also leaked, and that is, of course, not a Government department as such. So, does the Government actually work with such entities that may have sensitive information, to minimise the risks of such information wrongly getting out in the public domain?”
“Thank you, Mdm Deputy Speaker. In fact, I had raised my hand with Deputy Speaker because I also went back to check and I realised that my recollection of the response was not quite accurate. So, I accept what the Minister has said – the Minister did not say that the people between 18 and 21 did not have the skillsets to vote, but what the Minister said was that there is a different rights and responsibilities for people between 16 and 21. But I believe the question still remains as to whether those between 18 and 21 should be empowered to vote. I apologise for recollecting wrongly.”
“To this end, it could well be argued that when we require male Singaporeans to serve National Service at 18 years, but only permit them to vote at 21 years, this is a form of age-based discrimination. As I said in February, in the 1960s, the movement in the United States (US) to bring down the voting age to 18 years gained momentum when youths below 21 were drafted to fight in the Vietnam War. The slogan ran: "Old enough to fight, old enough to vote!" Sir, let me conclude. For Singapore to fully harness the energy of every citizen, we must foster a dynamic environment where ageist stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are blown away. This is not something for the Government alone but requires marshalling the whole-of-society. Each of us needs to examine ourselves too, to see how we individually can contribute to this endeavour in our everyday interactions. If Singapore is to be built to last, we must, together, build a Singapore for all ages.”
“We must be careful not to pigeonhole young people's issues into a handful of areas and only seek to engage them on those. That would be a big turn-off and a disservice to our young. Besides not restricting the areas for youth participation, we must also ask what sort of participation would convince our young people of a direct role in governance and policy-making. There is some indication that the many conversations, so far conducted, have led to conversation fatigue and scepticism. Cynicism about talking and consultations is understandable, as these are simply input which will eventually either be incorporated or thrown out by decision-makers. Of course, the empowerment of young Singaporeans need not and should not be a top-down affair. Young citizens can and should seize the day and organise themselves around the causes they care about, adding to the richness of society through such ground-up initiatives. Nevertheless, I believe one change that should be made is to give younger cohorts a direct say in our national elections by lowering the voting age from 21 to 18 years. I raised this matter in this House 16 years ago and most recently again in this year's Committee of Supply debates. The Government's consistent response has been "no". This is despite Singapore being among a handful of countries in the world that has not reduced its voting age to 18 years, such as Bahrain, Cameroon, Tonga and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In the Government's latest response this year, the Minister basically said that those between 18 and 21 years old do not have the skillsets required to cast their votes. I wonder how many citizens agree with this assessment? Sir, it is worthwhile remembering that ageism can equally be directed against the young.”
“In the Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth's (MCCY's) addendum to the President's Address, it was further stated that the Government would encourage more youths to engage in constructive civic discourse, through platforms, such as the Youth Circles and the Youth Action Challenge. MCCY said it would continue to create new platforms to give youths the opportunity to shape Singapore. However, in a TODAY media report the next day, some young people expressed cynicism about existing forms of engagement. Several interviewees argued that the engagement had to go beyond just talking, but should enable young people to have direct participation in governance and policy formulation. One person doubted that the views of young people would be accepted unless those views aligned with the Government's own ideals. Whatever the views expressed, there was common ground that any engagement should foster in young people a sense of responsibility. I believe it is worthwhile to distil what the priorities of our young citizens actually are. What are the issues young people care about? While the President highlighted mental health and sustainability, it would be wrong to interpret this as meaning that young people only care about "woke" issues, such as climate change or discrimination. In my past work as a polytechnic lecturer, I could see in my students' concern about their parents, making ends meet and how to improve themselves and their families' station in life. In an article published in the Workers' Party (WP) Hammer last year, WP Youth Wing President Nicole Seah also shared that young people had many concerns that crossed generations, such as the affordability of public housing, cost of raising a family and employment opportunities.”
“For our students, we could review our education curriculum from primary to tertiary, to remove any ageist stereotypes and dispel any misconceptions about certain age groups. On employment, I note the efforts of MOM to encourage our employers to hire older employees and embrace multi-generational teams. The Government should always lead by example. Another aspect is to watch our public discourse, including debates in Parliament. Ministers and Members of Parliament should avoid making statements that may inadvertently perpetuate ageism, such as: "By the year 2030, we will face a silver tsunami", which evokes all the wrong images. As for increasing inter-generational contacts, I fully support the HDB's move to evolve from building blocks with only senior apartments, to having mixed blocks of flats for seniors and flats owned by younger families. This provides opportunities for cross-generation neighbourly activities, such as gardening, games and mutual care. Another Singapore initiative was cited positively by the WHO – that of pairing seniors from activity centres with young people to play video games together. Research has shown that the benefits of such inter-generational contacts go beyond reducing ageist attitudes; they also benefit older people in improved health and psychosocial well-being, reducing distress and loneliness. They also strengthen inter-generational solidarity. We should continue to promote more inter-generational contacts. From older people, I next move on to the young. In the President's Address, the President highlighted that youths showed a strong interest to take action and initiate change on issues they cared about. She affirmed that the Government would engage the ideas, dynamism and energy of young Singaporeans.”
“A United Nations independent expert, Dr Claudia Mahler, noted that the pandemic restrictions and lockdowns had resulted in a wave of ageist comments and hate speech; older persons were blamed as the reasons for lockdowns and labelled as vulnerable and burdens to societies. To combat ageism, the WHO highlights three strategies: first, through laws and policies; second, through public education; and third, by increasing inter-generational contacts. How is Singapore doing in these aspects? At the official or policy level, there are positives in Singapore. We see many health-related initiatives toward active ageing, including the latest Healthier SG initiative. The Government is also looking into more options for seniors to age-in-place instead of in an institution and for assisted-living accommodation that preserves the individual's autonomy to make decisions. Such preservation of an individual's autonomy is a precious tenet that we can also see in legislation, such as the Mental Capacity Act (MCA). Under the MCA, donees and deputies must give weight to the preferences of the incapacitated person, as far as possible. On the employment front, there are policies to incentivise employers to hire older workers through wage offset schemes, such as the Senior Employment Credit. Nevertheless, for stronger protection for all workers, we are still eagerly awaiting the anti-discrimination legislation, which the Prime Minister announced nearly two years ago. Apart from laws and policies, the other two strategies that are likely to have more impact are public education and increasing inter-generational contacts. As far as public education is concerned, what more can be done?”
“Finally, ageism could be self-directed, when it is internalised by those who are discriminated against, who then accept it and behave in ways that make it a self-fulfilling prophecy. Sir, there is ageism everywhere, though we may not call it such by name. Here are some instances. One of my residents, who is 97 and in excellent health, likes to go around asking anyone she meets in Teochew: "I am 97 years old this year. Are you afraid of me?" When we hear of someone so senior, some of us would, with good intentions, overprotect the person or assume that the person needs help without stopping to think that everyone ages differently. We have also come across single elderly people who need to rent rooms to stay, due to disagreements with their family, but are rejected by landlords in view of their advanced age. Think also, of the millions of dollars spent on hair dyes and anti-ageing products, so as to present a younger image of ourselves, for fear that we might otherwise not be taken seriously. There is also a sexist element to this, where professional men with grey hair are respected, but women with grey hair doubted; but that deserves a more detailed discussion on another day. Ageist attitudes are also familiar in the workplace. How often do we hear of middle-aged jobseekers who report that once their age is revealed to the prospective employer, they would receive a polite response to wait for a follow-up call, which does not come? Indeed, in a survey released last March, the Ministry of Manpower (MOM) confirmed that ageist attitudes were still prevalent in the Singapore workplace, affecting older workers. The recent global COVID-19 pandemic, too, saw ageism rear its ugly head.”
“Mr Speaker, as someone born in the 1960s, my cohort-mates and I find ourselves straddled between our seniors and the young. On the one hand, we are young enough to use many forms of social media, but not young enough to use youth slang like "OOTD", outfit of the day; and "IYKYK", if you know, you know. [Laughter.] We are old enough to remember the feverish days of the Malaysia Cup; but are a little too old to banter about the latest K-drama heartthrobs – though to be fair, I can name one or two. Thus, placed between seniors and the young, I wish to focus my speech today on these two demographic profiles that bookend society at the opposite ends. I wish to ask how we could give greater confidence to seniors and the young, to assure them that they are indispensable parts of our social fabric. Put another way, how do we build a country for all ages? One attitude that will erode solidarity across generations is the tendency towards ageism. Ageisim can be directed against both older people and the young as well. I will touch on these today. First, on seniors. According to the World Health Organization's (WHO's) Global Report on Ageism 2021, about one out of every two persons worldwide habours ageist attitudes. Ageism manifests itself in our minds, when we stereotype people based on age; it manifests in our feelings, when we harbour prejudice; and finally, it manifests in our actions, when we discriminate against people. WHO notes that ageism can exist at three levels. First, at the institutional level, when laws, policies and social norms restrict or disadvantage individuals based on age. Second, ageism exists at the interpersonal level, in interactions between two or more individuals.”
“But there will be new ones where, if we have not got any confirmation, we will not arrest the person. [Please refer to "Clarification by Minister of State for Home Affairs", Official Report, 21 March 2023, Vol 95, Issue 94, Correction By Written Statement section.] We will have to see how the structure of it and if the psychoactive effect is confirmed, then we will be able to take any action. In this case, with the new amendment, we will look at the psychoactive effect. There are, from the scientific point of view, procedures involved, to test the psychoactive effect. Once we do that, we will be able to investigate further and work with the industry before we make and carry out any action. So, I want to assure Ms Lim that we will carry out a robust set of tests and consultations before we take any action. This is consistent with the amendments that we make. We will be looking at the psychoactive effects of the substance.”
“Thank you, Speaker. I would like to have a clarification about the MDA. For MOF, I think I will follow up separately, after I have read in more detail what was said. My question for the Minister of State of Home Affairs is about the interim period when the Bill allows the enforcement agencies to proceed if a substance is found of a psychoactive effect, even though it has not been listed yet in the MDA First Schedule. It was mentioned that during this period, there would be industry consultations and so on, to determine if there has been any legitimate use for this product. If there is a legitimate use, then it will not be listed in the First Schedule. So, my question is, will there be any risk that people are arrested, charged or even sent for DRC? I am not sure, based on the general definition of psychoactive substance, based on what they have, but eventually the substance after due industry consultation is found to have a legitimate use and, therefore, it is eventually not listed in the First Schedule. I mean, will there be such cases and how would they be dealt with? Assoc Prof Dr Muhammad Faishal Ibrahim: Sir, as I have shared earlier, this is not something new. We also referred to overseas jurisdictions – the United Kingdom and Australia. What I want to assure Members is that, we have a robust and very careful analysis system. We work very closely with HTX and HSA. In fact, since we shared about the need for this amendment a few years ago, we have been working very hard on the ground from the operational point of view as well as our capability aspect, to determine how we can detect NPS. Like I said, NPS is ever-changing. What is key is that with the capabilities that we have built and those that we have detected before, we will be able to test quickly.”
“He highlighted that any amount advanced by the Minister for Finance to meet urgent expenditure would thereafter be included in a Supplementary Supply Bill or Final Supply Bill, which would be presented to and voted on by Parliament as soon as practicable. This is an important process as Parliament is briefed on the items being spent on and will vote on whether to pass the Bills or not. In today's Constitution (Amendment) Bill, we are dealing with a situation where excess monies parked in the Contingencies Funds are being returned to their parent funds. As the reductions in the balances will also require a reporting to Parliament, will the Minister explain what form this reporting will take, such as what information will be provided and how Members can participate in this process?”
“He noted that, with the return to normalcy, he wished to reduce the balance of the Contingencies Funds from $16 billion to $6 billion. He assessed that this would ensure adequate resources for exigencies, while retaining discipline in how our finances were managed. He then highlighted that this Constitutional amendment was needed, as there was currently no mechanism for a reduction of the balances of the Contingencies Funds. There are two new sub-articles being introduced to Article 148(c). The proposed sub-Article 5 will enable the Minister for Finance to make transfers out of the Contingencies Funds, back to the Consolidated Fund and Development Fund respectively. This will be allowed if the Minister, after proper inquiry, is satisfied that the sum to be transferred back is an excess of what is likely necessary to meet an urgent and unforeseen need from that Contingencies Fund. As to how Parliament will be involved in this process, the proposed sub-Article 6 will require the Minister to present a report of every transfer as soon as practicable after the transfer is made. Logically, there is no reason for us to object to a transfer back of the sums to the Consolidated Fund and Development Fund, if these are assessed to be no longer needed for contingencies. Nevertheless, it is useful for the Minister to clarify the role of Parliament in this process. In the May 2020 debate on the Fortitude Budget, Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat had explained the role of Parliament when it came to drawing on the balance in the Contingencies Funds.”
“Our strict anti-drug policies have broad-based support among Singaporeans, especially those who have lived through the earlier years when heroin and opium destroyed many families. However, there appears to be a desire in some segments of the population for a more nuanced approach, especially towards younger people who are influenced by peers to try drugs. It is not an approach I would advocate, but it will be important to engage with such sentiments. I believe the Member Mr Zhulkarnain made a similar point earlier. I now move to the Constitution (Amendment) Bill. There are two substantive amendments. Clause 2 concerns the amendments to the MDA, while clause 4 seeks to plug what the Finance Ministry sees as a gap in the law. As regards clause 2, as mentioned earlier, the Workers' Party supports the rationale for tackling NPS. The MDA Bill envisaged a supervision, treatment and rehabilitation regime that may involve the detention of individuals without a court conviction. Sir, we are always wary of any laws that enable arrest and detention without a court process. Nevertheless, in this specific circumstance, we are able to support the amendment to Article 9 to give effect to the treatment regime for NPS misuse. I now move on to clause 4 of the Bill. This is an amendment to Article 148C, concerning the powers of the Finance Minister to make transfers between the Consolidated Fund and its Contingencies Fund, and between the Development Fund and its Contingencies Fund. During the Budget debate this year, Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong reminded the House that in May 2020, the Government had raised the Contingencies Funds balance from $3 billion to $16 billion, in anticipation of needing unforeseen and urgent cashflow due to the COVID-19 pandemic.”
“As to why this change is being tabled, the Ministry has stated that CNB have observed that abusers were purchasing larger quantities of drugs, which would have "significantly contributed to the local drug demand situation". These amendments deal with drug possession. The changes will separate the punishments into three tiers, depending on the weight of the drugs. For the lowest tier of weight, no change to the punishment is being made. For the middle and upper tiers, the punishments are being enhanced. In trying to make sense of this, I studied the changes relating to the possession of diamorphine, or heroin. I note that, under the existing law, there is a presumption that a person is a drug trafficker once he is in possession of more than two grammes of diamorphine. In this Bill, the lowest tier of punishment for diamorphine cuts off at a maximum of 10 grammes – much higher than two grammes. No change in punishment for this tier is being proposed. As for middle tier, the cut-off weight is set at between 10 to 15 grammes, while the upper tier is set at more than 15 grammes. It is worth noting that, under the current law, trafficking in more than 15 grammes attracts the death penalty. For these two higher tiers, the punishments for possession are being increased. It is important for the Ministry to justify these increases and elaborate on the local drug demand situation. Further, would it be correct to infer that these changes are actually targeted at cases where the suspects are charged with trafficking, but the trafficking charges somewhat fail in court? Sir, before I end on the MDA Bill, I would like to make a general observation.”
“First, a question on NPS coverage. Out of the thousands of psychoactive substances, how will the Ministry decide which ones to regulate? Besides the UNODC advice, are there other forms of reference? Do we have our own scientific analyses? My second query, relates to the listing of NPS as controlled drugs. NPS are currently listed in the First Schedule to the Act. The Minister of State earlier stated the Ministry's concern that, due to the rapid emergence of new substances, there will be a time lag of about one year before these substances are listed as prohibited. During this interim, law enforcement and prosecution agencies are currently powerless to act. Hence, the Ministry is introducing this Bill to enable agencies to act on a more general definition of what counts as a psychoactive substance. Can the Ministry confirm that it is the intention to list every NPS of interest in the First Schedule to the MDA? Put another way, how will we handle cases where someone is investigated for an NPS offence, based on the general broad definition, but the substance concerned is eventually found after industry consultation to have a legitimate use? It is good for the Minister of State to explain this, because, I think, earlier in his Second Reading speech, he mentioned that if such a legitimate use were to be determined, then such a substance would not be listed in the Schedule to the Act. So, some clarity on this would be quite necessary. Next, I move to the second thrust of the Bill, to increase the punishments for unauthorised possession of larger quantities of certain controlled drugs. There are eight drugs in question: cannabis, cannabis mixture, cannabis resin, cocaine, diamorphine, methamphetamine, morphine and opium.”
“Mr Speaker, I will first speak on the Misuse of Drugs (Amendment) Bill before moving on to the Constitution. Sir, the MDA Bill has two purposes – first, to regulate psychoactive substances, and second, to increase the punishments for possession of larger quantities of certain controlled drugs. I shall touch on both these areas. First, on NPS. Sir, the Workers' Party is aware of the increasing threat posed by NPS. There has been rapid development of new synthetic substances with narcotic or psychotropic effects. These effects are reportedly similar to those of drugs, such as cocaine and cannabis. Most of these substances also carry a risk of addiction. As these new substances may fall outside the ambit of existing drug laws, those taking them are able to get "legal highs", which accounts for their demand. There is a vast array of new substances, with some more harmful than others. To assist governments to decide which substances to regulate, UNODC has been sharing toxicology information with laboratories and governments, highlighting the substances deemed more harmful to the individual and social health. Sir, we have had decades of experience with the abuse of controlled drugs. We have seen families whose lives have been upended by drug addiction, with cross-generational effects, such as absent parents and young children growing up in institutional care. We owe it to Singaporeans to minimise such scenarios. In view of the evidence of the harms caused by NPS, the Workers' Party supports the rationale for regulating NPS in Singapore. This includes providing a regime for the supervision, treatment and rehabilitation of NPS abusers, without charging them in court. That said, I would like to seek two clarifications on the new framework to regulate NPS.”
“Thank you, Speaker. I have two supplementary questions for the Minister. Earlier in his answer, he mentioned that CPF Board intends to remind members who have gotten divorced to review their nomination. So, does he mean that the CPF Board will keep track of divorce orders and make sure that letters are sent to members who undergo divorce proceedings? That is the first question. The second question is, I would urge the CPF Board to relook at this phenomenon where CPF nominations are not revoked upon divorce. One of the arguments which I hope the Board will consider is that, in a divorce proceeding, CPF funds are actually liable for distribution as matrimonial assets. So, in other words, spouses who have accumulated CPF funds during the marriage, at the point of divorce, it is up for division if the court feels it fit to award a spouse part or all of the CPF funds accumulated during matrimony of the other spouse. So, in that sense, an ex-spouse would already have his or her share of the CPF funds of the spouse at the point of divorce. So, it is actually not logical that most members would want the ex-spouse to have another legacy at the point of death when that spouse has already had the division of the CPF funds at the point of divorce. So, I hope the CPF Board will look into this as well.”
“Thank you, Speaker. Two supplementary questions for the Senior Minister of State. Earlier, he mentioned that the junior doctors were being consulted as part of this review, but could I ask him whether there are any junior doctors on the committee itself, the National Wellness Committee? And the second question is some doctors who had spoken publicly earlier have mentioned two key areas to be reviewed, which are mandating rest days and also to move away from 30-hour calls. So, I would like his confirmation that these areas are being looked at with some priority.”
“Thank you, Speaker. I have one supplementary question for the Minister to aid understanding of what he said earlier. I think the question was posed to him by Mr Leong about whether the Police had actually issued an order to Mr Lee Hsien Yang and Mrs Lee to attend the interview. And his answer was that they were emailed, and they said that they would cooperate. Do I read from that that actually, the Police had not gotten to the stage when an order under the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) was actually issued to them?”
“Speaker, we request our abstention to be recorded.”
“Yes, let it be recorded. [(proc text) Question put, and agreed to. (proc text)] [(proc text) Bill accordingly committed to a Committee of the whole House. (proc text)] [(proc text) The House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill. – [Mr Chan Chun Sing]. (proc text)] [(proc text) Bill considered in Committee; reported without amendment. (proc text)]”
“Record our abstention, yes. We will stand.”
“Mr Speaker, for the Presidential Elections Bill, as I mentioned earlier, the Workers' Party Members of Parliament would like to record abstention on the Bill.”
“Speaker, I have got two clarifications for the Minister. The first concerns what he mentioned in his main speech that the Minister's powers to make regulations or adjustments due to disruptive events, I think he mentioned that this is going to be removed from the main Act and put into subsidiary legislation for more flexibility, if there is a disruptive event. So, I have two questions concerning this. First is that, is it the intention that Minister will actually issue subsidiary legislation well ahead of the election to cover as many scenarios as possible? And during the election, he alluded to the fact that there may be a need to issue some further regulations, for example, a transport incident – that was what he mentioned. Does he foresee that since the Minister will be a participant in the election itself, that there will be any issue with the issuance of those sorts of regulations? So, that is the first thing about the regulations concerning disruptive events, that most of them will be issued well ahead of election, and during the election, it would be limited to extreme exigencies; and whether there is any issue with the Minister being a participant in the election, issuing those regulations. And lastly, just a clarification on nursing home voting. Will the ELD be conducting special voter education at the nursing homes to be chosen for the pilot, for the reasons which I mentioned earlier?”
“However, there was no consultation or prior information about the changes to election advertising, which are the provisions that impact the work of political parties most directly. Looking at the Bill, these changes to election advertising are very detailed and must have been under consideration for quite some time. Yet, the changes were announced just a month ago, just before the Budget Statement and the Committee of Supply debates, which just concluded a few moments ago after 70 hours. The timing of the Second Reading debate on this important Bill may account for the few speakers we see listed today, just two of us from the Workers’ Party and, of course, Member Louis Ng. Is this ideal? Sir, all in all, the provisions of this Bill have the potential to enhance our election process, especially those that enable more Singaporeans to cast their votes either in nursing homes or overseas via postal voting. However, I would like further elaboration on the changes to the counting of votes and election advertising requirements. Finally, for the avoidance of doubt, I should clarify the Workers’ Party’s position on the Presidential Elections (Amendment) Bill. The Workers’ Party maintains its position on being opposed to the office of the Elected President. The reasons for this position have been canvassed over the decades since the 1980s, and I do not intend to repeat them. As such, we are not speaking on that Bill, and will vote to abstain then. 5.37 pm”
“Sir, I would like the Minister to clarify why the identities of campaign staff and the marketing firms will be required to be published. In the case of campaign staff working on campaign slogans, it is useful to take a typical scenario for clarification. If staff brainstorm on a slogan, and the final approval of the slogan is given by the candidate or the party, I would assume that there would be no need to name the staff involved. After all, campaign staff helping political parties ultimately take instructions from the party leadership. As for marketing firms, they are commercial entities who take on briefs for reward. Such firms can have multiple clients from different political parties over time. Sir, for all election advertising, I believe the buck stops at the candidate and the political party. They are responsible for the content put out, and will be held liable for its contents. Is this not sufficient for accountability? In relation to traditional election advertising, the new section 61G will require that banners, flags and posters will only be allowed to be displayed in permissible locations. It is stated in the Explanatory Statement to the Bill that there will be a “positive list of permissible locations”. Could the Minister clarify what practical difference this will make, compared to past elections? What assurance will candidates and parties have that there will be adequate space in prime locations for all participants? Sir, before I end, I wish to make an observation about the process leading up to this Bill. Last year, ELD reached out to political parties on the proposal to expand voting to include postal voting and voting at nursing homes. This was a welcome and useful process.”
“At that time, ELD was at pains to emphasise that the counting machines were not connected to the Internet and that there were also other safeguards, such as repeating the counting process using different machines. Clause 21 appears to contemplate that the counting machines would be connected to the Internet. If so, this raises concerns about the security and integrity of the counting process. How will counting agents be able to audit the counting process? Sir, as vote counting determines the outcome of elections, the transparency and auditability of counting should not be compromised. Finally, on election advertising. I move on to the amendments relating to Election Advertising. By clause 30, this Bill introduces numerous provisions which ELD says is to increase the transparency and accountability to voters and to enhance traceability of communications of election advertising. This will impose additional requirements on candidates and political parties. Currently, section 61(1)(c) of the Act simply requires election advertising to include the names of the publisher and printer. This Bill significantly enhances those obligations on election advertising to include the identities of various other persons. To appreciate what these new requirements will entail, I will refer to the examples given in the Explanatory Statement to the Bill. For instance, for printed handbills containing a slogan, candidates and parties will be further required to include the identity particulars of the election agent of the candidate and the candidate’s senior campaign staff who approved the content of the slogan. In another example, if a party engages a marketing firm to run its election campaign, the identity of the marketing firm will have to be stated in various situations.”
“On a related note, it is stated by the proposed section 47A(4) that voting at such special polling stations should be conducted, as far as possible, in the same manner as that in an ordinary polling station. I note, for instance, that at an ordinary polling station, there is some randomness in the allocation of the ballot paper, and also privacy at the time the vote is marked and cast. How will this be assured at the nursing homes, especially when mobile teams go to the voters’ bedsides? I would also like the Minister’s confirmation that polling agents from political parties will be admitted to these nursing homes to safeguard the voting process, similar to ordinary polling stations. Next, on the counting of votes. Clause 21 expands the methods of vote counting. The proposed section 49(4A) states that counting may be done manually or by mechanical or electronic means. What is meant by "electronic means"? Clause 2 will define electronic means as using an electronic service, and electronic service is, in turn, defined to mean services that allow end-users to access content or receive content, including a social media service. Potentially, this is a grave and far-reaching amendment, as it contemplates votes being counted using electronic services which are online. In ELD’s media release on this Bill issued on 6 February 2023, there is nothing mentioned about this change at all. There is some concern that the use of online services to count votes potentially exposes the vote counting process to hacking and glitches. According to the Explanatory Statement to the Bill, the intention of clause 21 is to simply enable the use of counting machines as part of the counting process. During the last General Election in 2020, standalone machines were used for vote counting.”
“Under the proposed section 47A, the Returning Officer (RO) will decide whether to include a particular nursing home for special polling arrangements, depending on the likelihood of “a significant number of electors” who are residing there and who are unable to travel out to the ordinary polling stations, but are able to vote within the nursing home. Earlier, the Minister clarified that, for a start, nursing homes with more than 50 residents will be considered to pilot, if you like, this nursing home voting at the coming Presidential Election. My question here is how will ELD determine whether voters in the nursing homes have the necessary mental capacity to cast their votes? Will ELD, for example, start gathering data from these nursing homes well ahead of the elections, including categorising the residents to determine who are mentally well enough to exercise their vote independently? Will the nursing home pre-screen those who have dementia or Alzheimer’s, or will it be left to the mobile teams to do this assessment at the point of voting? Sir, we should also ask how the integrity of the voting process "by the bed" will be ensured. There is a need for assurance to nursing home residents that their vote is secret and should be freely exercised. This is particularly important as, unlike other seniors, residents of nursing homes are more frail and dependent on the care they receive, often at subsidised rates. Some residents may worry about the consequences of their vote. These fears may be irrational, but I believe assurances to them about the secrecy and freeness of their vote are critical. What measures will be taken in this regard?”
“Mr Speaker, I wish to speak on the Parliamentary Elections Amendment Bill. I will cover three aspects: first, enabling more Singaporeans to vote; second, on the counting of votes; and third, on election advertising. My party colleague Gerald Giam will speak later on voting by persons with disability and seek some other clarifications. First, enabling more Singaporeans to vote. The Workers’ Party is in support of enabling more Singaporeans to exercise their right to vote at national elections. In principle, we welcome the changes to enable more Singaporeans overseas and those in nursing homes to cast their votes. As far as overseas voters are concerned, the Workers’ Party supports the implementation of postal voting to enable more Singaporeans abroad to vote. The current scheme of requiring overseas voters to physically turn up at only 10 polling stations in six countries severely limits the ability of overseas Singaporeans to vote. Under the Bill, overseas Singaporeans can vote from presumably any country with postal connections with Singapore. This is a positive development. It has the potential of empowering many more overseas Singaporeans to have their say in our national elections. As far as nursing homes are concerned, this will enable those who need residential nursing care to participate in elections. The Bill provides for special polling stations and for mobile teams to be deployed at nursing home premises to facilitate this. It is envisaged that the mobile teams may issue and collect ballot papers “by the bed”. I am aware that this is implemented elsewhere, such as in the United States. I have a few clarifications concerning the proposed arrangements at nursing homes.”
“Chairman, in the last two years, there has been much press on the bad working conditions of junior doctors and nurses in the public healthcare system. There is also evidence, both anecdotal and from statistics, that Singapore is losing experienced healthcare practitioners to other countries and to private healthcare. One of the most often cited reasons is burnout and bad work-life balance. As Singapore's population ages, the expected number of healthcare professionals needed to meet the rising demand for healthcare is increasing in absolute terms. Thus, this attrition in healthcare staff is clearly not sustainable. I would like to ask the Minister for Health three questions pertaining to healthcare manpower issues. First, what are the measures in place to retain experienced staff, including those from foreign countries? Alternatively, are there active plans to encourage experienced staff that have left the public healthcare system to come back, by making their overall package and working conditions more attractive? Secondly, regarding the 2021 National Wellness Committee for junior doctors, have any recommendations from it been implemented so far? Is there a similar committee for nurses and allied healthcare professionals? Lastly, are there concrete performance indicators that the Ministry sets to measure the work-life balance of junior doctors and nurses, for example, a target average number of working hours per week? Healthcare Manpower”
“Madam, the current formula for road tax for EVs consists of two components. The first requires a computation based on car’s power rating. 7.00 pm The second is a figure to be added, called the additional annual fixed component (AAFC). The AAFC is fixed from this year as $700 per year. This has caused some unhappiness among EV owners due to the weakness of the principle behind imposing the AAFC. In the Parliamentary answer to Sengkang Member of Parliament Mr Louis Chua in May 2021, MOT stated that the AAFC sought to put EV users on par with those using internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. As ICE vehicle users paid fuel excise duties at the pump, but EV users did not, AAFC was added to put both categories of vehicle users on par. MOT stressed then that the AAFC was not punitive but was an interim measure. However, some EV owners find it punitive as the AAFC arbitrarily raises their road tax by as much as one-third despite the whole-of-Government avowed push towards green policies and clean energy. I understood from the Budget Statement in 2020 that the end game for road tax on EVs is distance-based charging using the next-generation Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) system. However, in a Parliamentary answer to Member of Parliament Mr Louis Chua in 2021, the Government stated that it was studying different approaches and options for distance-based charging that were fuel independent. Would the Ministry clarify what this means exactly? Electric Vehicles”
“I quote, "we do not reject or accept applicants based purely on income. Applications are reviewed holistically taking into account household size and individual circumstances." And that is what we have done. We say that most of our applicants have a household income of below $1,500, and if yours is above this, you can still submit an application and we will evaluate your eligibility accordingly. So, our officers have done so. I work very closely with my colleagues in the rental section and this is something that we have been helping fellow Singaporeans on.”