Ian Byrne
MP for Liverpool West Derby · Labour · United Kingdom
“In the years after Hillsborough, one question followed me everywhere. It is a question every survivor knows—every survivor of Grenfell knows it; every survivor of a public disaster knows it.”
“Then came the chant that echoed around the stadium: “Justice. Justice. Justice.” Not because it was a slogan, but because it was all we had left. For two decades we had been lied to, families had been ignored, survivors had been smeared.”
“The families, the survivors and the people of Liverpool will never forgive those who deliberately vilified innocent people and orchestrated that cover-up. They will never forget what Rupert Murdoch, Kelvin MacKenzie, The Sun , Norman Bettison and South Yorkshire police did not only to the victims and survivors, but to an entire city.”
“Truth without justice leaves a wound only partially healed. The families deserved justice. The survivors deserved justice. We never got it for Hillsborough. Then, Bishop James Jones gave us not just a report, but a warning that should echo through every public institution in Britain: “The patronising disposition of unaccountable power”.”
“Back in 2015, I had the number 96 tattooed on my wrist. It was not simply a tattoo; it was a promise. It was a promise that whenever life became difficult, I would never forget one simple truth: I was one of the lucky ones. I walked away from Hillsborough, but 96 did not. Today we remember the 97.”
“The Hillsborough law was born from that understanding. Its purpose is simple: never again should a grieving family have to fight the state simply to discover the truth. In 2021 I was asked by my friend, now my right hon.”
The complete record
Every one of 602 lines we hold for Ian Byrne, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 5 of 13.
“There is a long list of MPs, Ministers and Prime Ministers on both sides of the House who enabled the establishment cover-up at Hillsborough, which denied justice to the victims and survivors. There have been only a few honourable exceptions of politicians who did the right thing. The establishment is a powerful force, and it takes real courage to confront its deep-rooted fear of accountability. Given that the Government have so far failed to deliver their promise to enact the Hillsborough law, does the Minister recognise that this is a continuation of the betrayal of the Hillsborough families, survivors and all those affected by state cover-ups? If he does recognise that, will he support the Second Reading of the Hillsborough law that I have tabled tomorrow —and if not, why not?”
“Does the Minister agree that the report shows why the Government must honour their pledge and promise to enact the Hillsborough law in full and end the culture of cover-ups, which does so much damage to the innocent victims and their families, and to the country’s reputation?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement and for his powerful words, but the publication of the report confirms the heartbreaking scale of the human impact of this shocking miscarriage of justice. The concealment and cover-up of the Horizon scandal follows a familiar pattern. Institutions deceive and distort because they put their reputation before truth and justice, as we have seen before in the infected blood scandal, the nuclear test veterans scandal and, of course, the Hillsborough disaster, among many others. The law that bears that disaster’s name would end the culture of cover-ups that we have heard about today.”
“Ordered, That Ian Byrne, Kim Johnson, Paula Barker, Peter Dowd, Derek Twigg, Sorcha Eastwood, Siân Berry, Liz Saville Roberts, Jeremy Corbyn, Stephen Flynn, Tom Morrison and Richard Burgon present the Bill. Ian Byrne accordingly presented the Bill. Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time on Friday 11 July, and to be printed (Bill 280).”
“They do not want another whitewash or betrayal; they want integrity and action. Let me close with this. The law cannot bring back the 97, erase the decades of pain or undo the trauma inflicted by callous lies and institutional neglect, but it can stop this ever happening again. It can give truth, fight injustice and restore some of the faith lost not just in the system, but in the very idea of justice. I say loud and clear to the Prime Minister: do not let this moment slip away. Do not let your promise made in Liverpool be broken in Westminster. Let us honour the 97 and so many others with not just remembrance, but change. I call on the Government to back this Bill—the real Hillsborough law—and I commend it to the House. Question put and agreed to.”
“Let me be absolutely crystal clear: this law will not weaken public institutions, but strengthen them. It will protect the vast majority of decent, hard-working public servants who, if pressured to conceal the truth, will finally have the law on their side. It will deliver justice more swiftly and affordably, reducing the need for drawn-out and expensive inquiries and inquests that cost the public purse hundreds of millions of pounds. This legislation is right here. It is written, ready and requires no redrafting and no more stalling. What it requires is political will. Just last week, 166 MPs and Lords from across these Houses signed a letter urging the Prime Minister to honour his pledge. The support spans parties, regions and generations, and that cross-party unity reflects the will of the public.”
“The resulting report was not ambiguous—it was entitled “All or Nothing”—yet the Government returned with a hollow offering that delivered nothing of what was promised. Following widespread outrage from campaigners, that draft Bill was thankfully and rightly shelved, but we understand that a new replacement Bill, still without the key provisions of the Hillsborough law, could be imminent. This time, it will not be shared with the families or campaigners in advance. What does that say about the lessons learned? The resistance to the Hillsborough law is rooted not in legal complexity, but self-preservation. It is being led by those with the most to lose: senior officials and institutions who fear scrutiny more than they value accountability.”
“Despite the promise in 2022, in March this year the Government brought forward a watered-down version—a replacement Bill, not the Hillsborough law that the Prime Minister promised. They presented it to the legal experts who wrote the original Bill, and those experts said unequivocally that it fell far short, because it had no legally binding duty of candour, no provision for equal legal funding during inquests and inquiries, and loopholes allowing public bodies to avoid disclosure. Worse still, that draft followed a family listening day, organised by the brilliant organisation Inquest, at which Ministers heard directly from the families of the bereaved, including Hillsborough families. Those families made their views crystal clear, and their expectations were even clearer.”
“Make no mistake: this Bill is the Hillsborough law—the one drafted by Pete Weatherby KC and Elkan Abrahamson. It is the one originally introduced by Andy Burnham in 2017 and shaped by the families, for the families. It includes a statutory duty of candour on public authorities, enforceable with criminal sanctions. It levels the playing field so that families are no longer the underdog in the courtroom. It creates genuine accountability mechanisms, so that state cover-ups are much harder to conceal and the truth is much harder to bury. This Bill is for the 97, but also for the victims of every other state failure, and for every family who might in future face the nightmare of being left alone to fight for truth and justice.”
“As the parliamentary lead for the Hillsborough Law Now campaign, I am proud to reintroduce this legislation, the Public Authority (Accountability) Bill. I am proud but deeply disappointed, because this Bill should already be in law. In 2022, my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Holborn and St Pancras (Keir Starmer) stood before the people of Liverpool at the Labour party conference and pledged that “one of my first acts as Prime Minister will be to put the Hillsborough Law onto the statute book.” He said the same again as Prime Minister in September 2024, and mentioned not a Hillsborough law, but the Hillsborough law. That pledge filled our hearts with hope, and promised an end to the culture of denial and delay, and the decades of deceit.”
“That is what those families faced, and still face to this day. This is not just about Hillsborough, although the legislation bears its name. For decades, we have seen the same institutional playbook used time and again—the cover-ups, the smears, the hostile briefings, and the dragging out of justice until people simply give up or pass away. We have seen Grenfell, Manchester arena, the Post Office Horizon scandal, infected blood, the “Truth About Zane” campaign, covid-19, nuclear test veterans and so many more. Each time, we see the same weary expression on the faces of the devastated families, and the same exhaustion etched on to the faces of those battling a system designed to protect itself. Each time it happens, a little more faith in this country’s soul is lost. Today we have the power to change that.”
“Grieving families fought for justice while the institutions responsible were protected at every turn by a system designed to shield itself. It was not a broken system; it was a system working exactly as it was designed to—a system in which the establishment protected its own, and in which ordinary people, like my dad and thousands of others, were treated as an inconvenience. Through “The Real Truth” legacy project, we teach schoolchildren about Hillsborough and other examples of state injustice, because this history must not be buried; it must be understood. Crucially, it must never be repeated. When I speak to students about the fight for truth, I compare it to somebody who is blindfolded, and who has their hands tied behind their back, having to go toe to toe with Tyson Fury.”
“At inquests and inquiries and in media briefings, supporters were blamed for the death of their fellow fans. Time and again, false narratives were repeated and legitimised by those in power, and we will never, ever forget or forgive the disgraceful headline in The Sun . While the families and survivors scraped together funds for legal representation, those responsible were shielded by some of the finest legal minds in the country, insultingly paid for by the state. I remember vividly my dad, who was seriously injured that day, fundraising in the Breck, our local pub near Anfield, for the Hillsborough Justice Campaign. That grassroots organisation was powered by ordinary people, not the Treasury, and the contrast could not be starker. I am very proud that he is here today.”
“We have all witnessed the bravery, determination and anguish of the Hillsborough families and survivors, who are fighting tirelessly for truth and justice in the face of repeated state obstruction. We never sought revenge or asked for special treatment; we just wanted what anyone would want in our shoes—the truth about what happened to our loved ones and a fair chance at justice. Instead, we were met with walls of silence, decades of lies and a legal system stacked against us. I am so honoured that some of those tireless campaigners and giants of justice are in the House today, watching as we fight once again to end the injustices they have endured for more than three decades. Police officers knew who was responsible and where accountability lay, yet lie after lie was told.”
“Little did I, or anybody else there that day, know that we were walking into a national disaster that would leave 97 men, women and children dead, hundreds more injured, and countless families devastated for generations. What unfolded that day was not a tragic accident. It was a disaster caused by police failures and compounded by one of the most shameful state cover-ups this country has ever seen. Like so many others, I was just a working-class lad who happened to be there, but like so many others, I was dragged into a decades-long web of establishment denial, distortion and deceit. That day shaped me and the course of my life, and it is the reason I stand here today.”
“I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to set a requirement on public institutions, public servants and officials and on those carrying out functions on their behalf to act in the public interest and with candour and frankness; to define the public law duty on them to assist courts, official inquiries and investigations; to enable victims to enforce such duties; to create offences for the breach of certain duties; to provide funding for victims and their relatives in certain proceedings before the courts and at official inquiries and investigations; and for connected purposes. On 15 April 1989, I entered Hillsborough stadium, an innocent 16-year-old full of hope and excitement, to watch my beloved Liverpool football club in the FA cup semi-final.”
“The Government’s own figures say that this Bill will push at least 150,000 more people into poverty and 100,000 more people into absolute poverty. It will create a cruel two-tier welfare system, where support depends not on need, but on when someone was assessed. That is not just unworkable; it is absolutely morally indefensible. Madam Deputy Speaker, some votes define us in here. They reveal who we are and who and what we stand for. This, tonight, is one of those votes. I say to colleagues, especially to those on my own Benches: do not ignore the voices of the people who need us most; stand with them. Stand on the right side of history. Vote against this Bill and hold your head up high.”
“Madam Deputy Speaker, I ask myself how can I look them in the eye and tell them that they are wrong, because the truth is that this Bill is an absolute shambles. It is immoral. It has been rewritten on the fly. Policies affecting millions and millions of disabled lives have been made up in this Chamber over the past couple of hours. We are being asked to vote on a Bill, as legislators, without full impact assessments, without proper scrutiny, without even knowing what the final version will be. How can we vote for something so absolutely consequential for so many people in our constituencies across the country without the data, without the analysis and without everything that we need as legislators to make informed decisions? What we do know, though, is devastating.”
“They told me not just of their anger, but of their fear, their sense of betrayal and—I do not use this word lightly, Madam Deputy Speaker—of their terror. They are far from alone. At a recent citizens’ assembly in my constituency, disabled constituents and families came together to discuss this Bill. Not one person supported it. Yesterday, I asked the Secretary of State whether she could name a single disabled people’s organisation that supported this Bill. She could not name one—not one. Disabled people in my constituency tell me that they feel abandoned and punished. Perhaps most heartbreakingly, they believed that, after 14 years of Tory austerity and attacks, covid, and the cost of living crisis, a Labour Government—their Labour Government —would protect them. That belief has now been shattered.”
“I just need to clear up a few things. This vote tonight is on the Bill that we have in front of us, which include includes restricting eligibility for PIP. Even with what the Minister has just said, three quarters of a million low-paid, sick and disabled people will lose the health element of universal credit, costing them £3,000 on average. That is £2 billion-worth of cuts even after what the Minister has just said. If the Government want to change it, they should pull it and start again. I know how frightened disabled people must be watching this debate tonight and seeing the shambles rolling out in front of us. Last night, I stood outside this building with people from Disabled People Against the Cuts, many of whom had travelled here despite the heat and the real hardship.”
“These so-called concessions go nowhere near far enough, and tomorrow I will be voting against these cruel cuts, but I want to ask this. Can the Secretary of State name a single disabled person-led organisation that supports this legislation?”
“It is absolutely right to call for de-escalation at this extremely dangerous time; however, the Foreign Secretary will know that the United States’ attack on Iran has raised serious questions about violation of international law, and Israel’s genocide in Gaza and its occupation and settlements in the west bank are of course also illegal under international law. So can the Foreign Secretary tell me if the Government still profess to believe in the international rules-based order, or are we now admitting that we are content to support countries that act outside it?”
“Mr Deputy Speaker, I ask for your guidance on whether the draft can be first shared, as it was before, to give us a chance to raise any concerns before there is another betrayal of Hillsborough families and survivors, and all victims of state cover-ups.”
“The Prime Minister missed his 15 April deadline after a replacement Bill was shown to lawyers involved in the campaign, who made it clear that it contained none of the key provisions of the Hillsborough law and did not deserve the name, and it was rejected out of hand. It is rumoured that the Government could be about to table another replacement Bill, still without any of the key provisions of the Hillsborough law and without allowing Hillsborough lawyers, families or survivors to see it. Government officials have even suggested that parliamentary procedure means that they are not permitted to first share it, despite the fact that that is what they did with the previous draft in March.”
“On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. Speaking at the Labour party conference in Liverpool in 2022, the Prime Minister said: “one of my first acts as Prime Minister will be to put the Hillsborough law on the statute book”. The Prime Minister said “the Hillsborough law”, not “a Hillsborough law”. This was an actual Bill that had its First Reading in March 2017, tabled by Andy Burnham and written by expert lawyers. As the parliamentary lead for the “Hillsborough Law Now” campaign and a Hillsborough survivor, I want to put on record the campaign’s grave concern about the status of the Hillsborough law.”
“The Government got it completely wrong when they cut winter fuel payments last year, forcing them into a damaging U-turn this month. Does my hon. Friend agree that, rather than make another gross error by pushing through brutal cuts to disability support, the Government should admit their mistake, withdraw the plans and introduce a wealth tax instead?”
“Will the Leader of the House allow time to discuss this matter, so that the Government can hear loud and clear the message from this place that a failure to introduce a Hillsborough law worthy of the name will be seen as a continuation of the betrayal of families and survivors of Hillsborough, and of all those affected by state cover-ups?”
“Last September, in Liverpool, the Prime Minister promised my city and all those affected by state cover-ups that a Hillsborough law would be introduced before 15 April this year, the 36th anniversary of the Hillsborough disaster. Almost two months have passed since the Prime Minister missed that deadline. This is particularly disappointing, since a draft Hillsborough law written by legal experts and endorsed by survivors, families and campaigners is ready to go—it was proposed in Parliament by Andy Burnham.”
“Here in Britain we also often see the pattern of state cover-ups and the refusal to accept wrongdoing and accountability. That is why we desperately need a Hillsborough law in the UK, ending the culture of cover-ups where state bodies commit acts against their own people only to try and hide them from those very people. I conclude by reiterating the call for Philomena’s law and by calling on the Government to introduce a Hillsborough law worthy of the name, as a legacy for all those who have suffered at the hands of the state. I hope my Government are listening intently to this, because we will accept nothing less than what the victims of all state cover-ups deserve.”
“When I first read about what happened at Irish mother and baby homes, watched the film and saw how people in power initially responded, it really resonated with me. I have also seen at first hand the playbook that is used when institutions cover up wrongdoing and hide their mistakes. For me, it was Hillsborough where, just as with the mother and baby home scandal, we saw state institutions treat working-class people with contempt, only to deceive and conceal their wrongdoing. In this case, the institutional cover-up lasted for decades, with victims such as Philomena, who did not get the truth until her son had tragically passed away without ever knowing the love his mother had for him. The lack of accountability and justice for those victims and survivors lasted for far too long, but this is far from an isolated case.”
“The proposed Philomena’s law would address that injustice by ringfencing compensation that is accepted so that it would not affect benefits or social care calculations—stopping a further injustice. I place on record my support for the Mother and Baby Institutions Payment Scheme (Report) Bill, and I join my hon. Friend in urging the Government to take up that proposal. I also place on record my thanks to that magnificent institution in my city, the Liverpool Irish Centre—a vital part of Liverpool’s social fabric and an institution I have enjoyed working with and visiting over a long time; I am extremely proud to frequent it on the odd occasion. I am very pleased to say that the Liverpool Irish Centre is working with Fréa to help those affected by the scandal, and I thank it for everything it does in this area.”
“One of the survivors who came to England was Philomena Lee, after whom the law is of course named. Her father would not take her back after her time in the Abbey, so the Church sent her to work in a delinquent boys’ home in Liverpool. Philomena lived in my great city for the first two years of her time in England, before moving back. I join colleagues in welcoming Philomena’s daughter Jane and her grandson Josh, who are, as has been mentioned, in the Public Gallery today. My hon. Friend the Member for Beckenham and Penge highlighted that, as things stand, when survivors of the scandal who live in Britain accept the compensation owed to them, they risk losing access to means-tested social security support. Some face the choice between accepting the compensation and receiving the means-tested benefits they are entitled to.”
“It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Ms Jardine. I am proud to speak in this debate, secured by my hon. Friend the Member for Beckenham and Penge (Liam Conlon). I applaud his tremendous dedication in campaigning for Philomena’s law. I am also here to represent Liverpool’s Irish community and diaspora, in particular the survivors and victims of the Irish mother and baby homes scandal. The survivors faced appalling treatment in those homes. I join colleagues in welcoming the Irish Government’s compensation scheme for survivors of the scandal. Many survivors came to England as a direct result of their experiences, either to flee their past or because they were sent overseas on leaving the homes. The Liverpool Echo reports that up to 40% of the 38,000 former residents eligible to apply for the compensation scheme now live in the UK.”
“Yesterday, the United Nations human rights chief, Volker Türk—this must have broken everyone’s heart in this place—said: “Palestinians have been presented the grimmest of choices: die from starvation or risk being killed while trying to access the meagre food that is being made available through Israel’s militarised humanitarian assistance mechanism.” I feel like a broken record. What concrete actions will we take in this place, so that the Minister stands at the Dispatch Box and does something to change Israel’s psyche so that it listens to the world?”
“The Minister has touched on the UK Government supplying the global pool of components for F-35 jets for international security and peace. Considering that we are seeing the live-streaming of a genocide against the Palestinian people—F-35s are a crucial part of that, and are being used to bomb civilian camps and hospitals—are the Government considering whether Israel, given its actions, should be part of that global pool?”
“The Government’s analysis shows that they will drive 250,000 more people into poverty and many others deeper into deprivation. This is not what the Labour party was formed to do. I conclude with this appeal to the Minister. We were elected last summer on a promise of change. These cruel cuts are not the change that people voted for. Last week, we saw the people’s judgment on unpopular, unnecessary and immoral cuts. For the sake of disabled people in Liverpool West Derby, and for the sake of basic decency and morality, abandon these cruel cuts, deliver the progressive change our country needs and stop austerity.”
“Last week, I held a citizens’ assembly in my constituency on the Government’s plans, and dozens of disabled people told me how frightened they were. Laurence, a disabled man who led the debate against the cuts, said: “Parliament is legislating to assist my suicide…while legislating to stop me from being able to live.” The fear in his words—they are his, not mine—cut through the room. I held a vote at the end of the meeting, and every single person voted against the cuts. If the proposed cuts are brought to Parliament, then, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell) said about Tory cuts a decade ago, I will swim through vomit to vote against them. I cannot express to the Minister the scale of the devastation they will cause for disabled people in my constituency and across the country.”
“Israel is starving Gaza to death. I am sorry, Minister, but when Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war and Palestinians are being ethnically cleansed before our eyes, mere words of regret or condemnation from the Government are simply not good enough. We in this House will be judged in history for failing the Palestinian people, so I urge the Minister to listen to the consensus that is being built across the House today and act. We do not need words; we need action for the Palestinian people.”
“They would like to see an amendment passed to this Bill, the Everton clause, giving the new regulator a backstop power to require the Premier League to rerun a PSR process if there were concerns about its fairness. As a minimum, supporters of all clubs should have the ability to appeal to the regulator to ensure fair and due process in PSR cases to prevent any perception of unbalanced treatment.”
“Today, on Workers’ Memorial Day, it is apt to remind the House that evidence shows that former professional footballers are four to five times more likely to develop dementia or other neurodegenerative conditions. Football families for Justice is now looking to Parliament to intervene, and I hope the Minister will listen to its calls and look at the amendments. Finally, it would be remiss of me not to mention how PSR—profitability and sustainability rules—are perceived by many to have unfairly targeted certain clubs, including the blue half of my city in the form of Everton. Many Evertonians believe that the Premier League’s handling of their case represents an abuse of process.”
“There is no income problem in football; it is an expenditure and mismanagement problem that needs to be addressed. I therefore ask the Secretary of State to consider amendments to ensure that the new independent football regulator has involvement in ticket pricing, including by reporting on that activity in its “state of football” report and ensuring that fans have genuine input into their club’s ticketing policy through the structured engagement that it will oversee, and that the IFR undertakes a review of concessionary rates across the game to ensure that loyal younger and older fans are not priced out of their sport. We can never allow the greed of some owners who have no idea about the importance of this working-class game to the communities it should always serve.”
“For fans to put aside sectarian differences and campaign in such a way shows the level of concern about ticket prices. It has been a privilege to stand alongside many of those supporters. Despite the news that prices are frozen, the reality is that those prices are already too high, especially for younger fans. Thousands of young working-class supporters were priced out of Anfield yesterday, as some tickets were going for over £1,000. It remains of great concern that we are seeing a gradual reduction in season ticket and general admission numbers in favour of a growing number of hospitality and one-off admissions, at prohibitive costs for the regular fan. In 2025, the Premier League’s global and domestic commercial and broadcast revenue has gone up by 17% to £12.25 billion.”
“I thank Arne Slot, the team and staff at LFC for that wonderful achievement of putting our club back on the perch, and for giving all Red supporters a day—and a night—that will live long in the memory. The long-awaited Football Governance Bill represents an opportunity to fix the game once and for all, but I will touch on three areas where I feel we could strengthen the Bill for all who play and watch the beautiful game. We need a Bill that will tackle the pricing-out of working-class supporters. Of those announced, the majority of prices for 2025-26 have been frozen at premier league clubs, but that has only happened following a concerted and co-ordinated effort by fan groups, led by the Football Supporters’ Association. I commend the supporters who have driven that campaign—so many groups and people deserve a mention.”
“I thank the Secretary of State for introducing the Bill to Parliament and building on the great work of former MP Dame Tracey Crouch. I am sure that Dame Tracey is, like me, absolutely bewildered by the new-found opposition of the shadow Secretary of State, the right hon. Member for Daventry (Stuart Andrew), to the Bill—unbelievable. I congratulate Lower Breck, a fantastic non-league football club in my constituency, on winning a thrilling game on Saturday to reach the play-off finals of the north-west counties premier league. It would of course be remiss of me not to mention the historic achievements of my beloved Liverpool football club, who yesterday won an incredible 20th league title.”
“I urge the Government to get behind those amendments and this policy. That would positively change the future chances of millions of working-class kids, giving them a chance to live a long, healthy and productive life. Surely, Minister, that was what the Labour party was created to do, and it is certainly why I am in this job.”
“Later today, MPs will vote on the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill. I warmly welcome the Bill’s introduction of school breakfast clubs, but I am supporting amendments to go further in tackling child poverty. I have tabled an amendment to put the holiday activities and food programme on a statutory footing, ensuring that children from the poorest households continue to have access to meals in school holidays into the future. I am also supporting an amendment to make free school meals for all primary pupils a reality throughout England. I finish by saying this to the Minister. When the country finally voted to get rid of the Tories last summer, it was not voting for child poverty to continue to rise; it was voting for change. The change this country desperately needs includes transformative policies such as universal free school meals.”
“I will put that fact to the Minister when I meet him later this month, with other MPs and the leader of Knowsley council. Councillor Morgan and the chief executive of Knowsley council have committed their borough to any pilot scheme with the Government to tackle this public health issue. If we fix this in Knowsley, we can roll it out nationwide. I hope the Minister listens to our arguments for a universal free school meal pilot in Knowsley when we meet him in a couple of weeks. If we add up the benefits, the economic case for universal free school meals is straightforward. According to research by PricewaterhouseCoopers, for every pound invested, there is a £1.71 return. Unlike tweaking eligibility rules, universal provision combats the stigma attached to those receiving free school meals.”
“Studies show that free school meals improve children’s concentration, behaviour and academic attainment, benefiting children from deprived backgrounds most of all. Research from Sweden shows that free school meals improve children’s lifetime earnings. It is a no-brainer. There are also benefits outside the classroom. There are wards in my constituency with the highest child obesity rates in the country, and they are also some of the most economically deprived. That link between poverty and obesity is most clearly seen in children. Children in the most deprived fifth of the population are more than twice as likely to be living with obesity than those in the richest fifth. Children with free school meals consume more fruit and vegetables. Studies have shown that universal provision leads to reduced rates of obesity and health inequalities.”
“When the Right to Food campaign ran a consultation across the country during covid, so many parents said they were just above the threshold, living in struggling, difficult times. Those were my reflections when we drew up the Right to Food submission for Henry Dimbleby, but the picture varies across the country. As my hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool Riverside (Kim Johnson) touched on, universal provision ends after year 2 throughout the rest of England, but in London and Wales, and up to year 5 in Scotland, all primary pupils are entitled to free school meals. The evidence showing the benefits of that is growing by the day. After universal free school meals were rolled out across London’s primary schools thanks to Sadiq Khan, 84% of parents stated that the policy significantly helped to manage family finances.”
“The case for universal free school meals is overwhelming and undeniable. Free school meals for all will ensure that every child has a hot, healthy meal each day, allowing children to eat, learn and grow together. That would tackle child poverty and disproportionately help working-class families, alleviating hunger and freeing up money for other essentials. That is why universal free school meals are a central demand of the Right to Food campaign, which I am proud to lead in Parliament. As colleagues will know, eligibility for free school meals is incredibly restrictive. Household incomes must be less than £7,400 to qualify, which means that almost 1 million children in Britain are living in poverty but are not eligible for free school meals.”