YouSaid · the spoken record

Van Zeeland

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS VAN ZEELAND

lines on the record: 147
first: 1949-09-24
most recent: 1953-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“We have to do no less than to restore peace in the East and thus build up peace in the world. No effort can be too great to achieve such a purpose. 107. Risks must be taken, it is true. But our sincerity is so deep, our desire to restore order, equilibrium, justice and love throughout the world and in face of all obstacles is so strong and so ardent, that we shall endeavour, all of us, I hope, together, in the future as in the past, to make ourselves equal to the tasks before us, whatever may be the demands of destiny.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“As far as the Belgian delegation is concerned, we are making a similar effort: we are trying to express scattered ideas and to synthesize them. But it seems to us desirable that such an attempt should from the outset be a joint venture; the sooner that becomes possible, the better it will be. 105. I shall now conclude. I think that I have said enough to inform the Assembly of the spirit in which the Belgian delegation will participate in the work of the various committees. 106. Until such time as the wishes and hopes which I hive just put forward can take shape the United Nations will go on striving to bring to a successful issue the work of faith and courage which it has undertaken in Korea. Preparations for the political conference alone will demand an enormous amount of goodwill, skill and perseverance.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The international situation seems to us today more fluid than it has been for a long time. It doubtless conceals^ quite as many dangers, but it also offers more possibilities. Now is the time to bring constructive imagination into play. We should like concrete and positive proposals to be placed before international opinion. They would doubtless be criticized by some and rejected by others, but they might produce useful reactions; they might even produce possibilities hitherto unknown or unrecognized. They might perhaps place the negotiations on a realistic plane. 104. I should like to say here that I was happy to hear Mr. Schumann speak as he did today, because I thought I discerned in his statement certain signs which I felt were already pointing in the right direction.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization were to be weak enough to break off or to slow down their defence effort before the negotiations had begun or had produced any result, they would in my opinion be making a very serious mistake, because they would be robbing the negotiations in advance of one of their principal chances of success — that chance which always stems from approximate equality of strength among the parties concerned. 103. Once that has been said — or rather, repeated, for it is certainly not the first time that these self-evident truths have been proclaimed — would it not be agreed that the time had come to seek new formulas? Without going beyond the framework which we have just outlined, we think it is possible to find solutions adapted to the requirements of the moment.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I am sure that no one will be surprised if we take this opportunity to declare once more, with all the conviction and sincerity of which we are capable, that, in both its letter and its spirit, the North Atlantic Treaty has and can have one purpose only — to avert war by restoring the balance of power which renders aggression impossible or at any rate fruitless. It will never be put to any other purpose. It is our right and our duty to say that it is a work of peace; it is an indispensable safeguard for peace as long as the threats which it was designed to meet have not entirely disappeared.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the meantime, that is, until the negotiations have clearly led to final agreement, there can be no question either of abandoning any point or, above all, of changing policy or, more particularly, of relaxing the defence effort. The negotiations will have no chance of achieving favourable and lasting results unless both parties speak the same language, as between equals. 102. We find here some of the leading considerations which decided the Powers of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to combine their efforts to organize a common defence in the face of growing threats.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If, however, there is a real desire for negotiations, we do not think there should by any question of laying down in advance conditions whose acceptance by one of the parties at the outset would make it appear that the other party was in the right, even before the discussions had started. 101. A word of warning, however: although we must enter into negotiation with free hands and open minds, we must also do so with our position firmly determined and our main points beyond dispute. Just as it appears to me useless to lay down preliminary conditions, so does it seem necessary to determine with clarity and strength and with all the decision that arises from consciousness of a goon cause the positions upon which the exchange of views will be initiated.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But once principles are preserved, there is always a place for empirical solutions, based on a happy medium which must be found by dint of patience, tenacity and ingenuity. The whole life of democratic, free and orderly States is based on that conviction. 100. Of course, if negotiations are to be pursued and to be fruitful, they must first be organized. They need careful preparation. There can be no question of rushing headlong into something which can have no successful outcome. Negotiations without proper preparation are sometimes liable to do more harm than good. We still have disappointing memories of the Palais Rose.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We are well aware, however, that if we enter into negotiations, they will be not only long and difficult, but they must inevitably, if successful, result in a compromise formula. Does acceptance of the idea of a possible compromise mean that we are ready to sacrifice principles? Not at all, quite the contrary. There are lines drawn by convictions which are more precious than life itself or than any other good. Beyond those lines there are inscribed but two words, to which there is no reply and from which there can be no turning back: non possumus, “we cannot”. Never, at any price. We have clearly shown that that is our attitude every time we have taken up the challenge and repelled aggression, whether in Europe, Korea or elsewhere.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“That is the object of our hopes and endeavours too. But we have no illusions; we shall not achieve any concrete and lasting results in this direction unless we find a remedy for the underlying causes of the tension which has been created by a long series of events, of which the division of Europe, the Berlin blockade, and the Korean and Indo-Chinese wars have been only the most outstanding. 99. The armistice signed two months ago in Korea is of great importance in our eyes because we hope that it constitutes a halt in the sinister course of events to which I have just referred, and perhaps the first step in a systematic and continuous action which will enable us to regain the ground we have lost.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“It seems to me that the reasons which have prompted the Soviet Union to make such gestures are of little importance; whether those gestures are based on diplomatic tactics or on a more long-term strategy matters little. What is important is whether they constitute a new element, an opportunity for resuming discussion on a wider or on a newer basis. We are therefore prepared, until the contrary is proved, to accept all manifestations of goodwill at their face value, and we are prepared to respond to them in the same spirit. 98. We have therefore welcomed the manifestations of a more conciliatory spirit which have appeared in the course of the past few months. We have noted with satisfaction that the keynote of the spokesmen of Soviet policy has been action with a view to decreasing international tension.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Do they reveal a complete change of attitude, in short, a new policy? I must admit that I cannot answer those questions. I cannot enter into the minds of the leaders of the Soviet Union. How often have I not been completely baffled by their reactions! I myself do not think that the general line of communism has changed. I think it is still unwaveringly directed towards the ideological purposes and practices at which it has always aimed. 97. That, however, is not the question. We do not intend to abandon our principles either; we consider them right and we shall uphold them, come what may. The question now before us, the question of sovereign importance, is whether we can avoid war.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But is such an attitude to be found on both sides? During the early years after the defeat of nazism, we fed our hopes on illusions, and when we were compelled to give up those illusions and launch upon a policy of rearmament, a sine qua non of the balance of forces and therefore of peace, our was a cruel awakening. But the lesson was not in vain. Today we shall not run the risk of being mistaken. 95. Does that mean that we should go to the opposite extreme and believe in nothing? Certainly not. We must do neither the one nor the other. But we mean to act henceforth with prudence or, I prefer to say, with realism. 96. In that spirit, how should we judge the gestures which Moscow has been making for the past few months? Are they really indicative of a relaxation of tension?”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But despite these unfruitful and irritating discussions, it is obvious that a lie does not become the truth by being repeated twenty times over; it is not by repeating the same ideas ad museum that any progress can be made in an exchange of views; and, most important of all, it is not by holding rigidly to an idea or an attitude that we can keep pace with reality, which changes and develops as does every living thing. The least that can be said is that such an attitude is made completely obsolete by facts and events. 94. I should like to state our views on this subject. All negotiations imply and presuppose a minimum of goodwill on both sides — a minimum, I say. There is surely no need to refer once again to the sincerity, the complete good faith and the fervour with which the free peoples long for peace and loathe war.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“As he spoke, however, we had the impression of listening to the echo — fainter, and almost inaudible — of ideas, statements and proposals that we had already heard so often from this rostrum in recent years. Equally often we have put forward our arguments to the contrary, and we believe that our reasoning was decisive. To proposals which we considered illusory, we have each time replied with other proposals which were sounder and more equitable in our eyes and in the eyes of most of the non-Soviet nations. 93.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But we cannot disregard any factor, and, unless I am mistaken, we may conclude that the debate as a whole has shown that most of us, without attempting to delude ourselves, are nevertheless eager to keep every door open, or at least ajar, just in case. I am happy to see in this an indication of goodwill and perhaps a reason for hope. 92. But this same sincerity and this desire to see things clearly compel us to other, less comforting observations. We listened attentively to Mr. Vyshinsky, and we have carefully perused his speech. We would have wished — and perhaps we had even hoped — to find in it a new concept, an opening, no matter how small, in short, something different from what we had heard heretofore.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“It was to be noted in the fine speech with which the United States Secretary of State opened our general debate [344th meeting]. And did it not impress you, as it impressed me just now when listening to the moving speech made by the representative of France? It reflected moderation and good will from beginning to end. And I feel that this attitude of moderation has been maintained in most of the other speeches. I myself would even say that despite the excessive language and individual criticisms which we deplore, the USSR representative’s speech [438th meeting] was not altogether an exception to the rule if we compare its tone with that of his previous interventions. Is this sufficient? Certainly not.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Nothing will destroy my conviction that if the other side had shown one-tenth of the goodwill that we ourselves have never failed to show, the world would already be much closer to real peace than it now is. 90. But we have not the right to grow weary; we have not even the right to grow impatient. Those who negotiated the armistice in Korea on our behalf have given us an incomparable example of patience which we have not the right to disregard. If it is our policy to negotiate, how should this be done? Let. us first ask ourselves whether or not the atmosphere in this debate in the United Nations is favourable to such an undertaking. I see both good and bad signs. 91. One of the good signs is the moderation that has characterized many of the speeches.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We know, too, that a single individual can sometimes bring about war, and that in that case the only thing free men can do is to fight, and to fight on until victory is won. We know, moreover, that it takes two to make peace or to maintain it. 89. In the last analysis, however, if war is to be avoided there must sooner or later be negotiation, for negotiation, after all, is the only alternative to violence. That is why we have always declared ourselves ready to negotiate with those who do not share our views; that is why we are still prepared to do so, and we show that we are by our deeds. How often, since the last war, have we not extended our hand, in all sincerity, to the Soviet Union!”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We shall not be safe from the explosion until we have succeeded in putting an end to the cold war, that is to say, until we have succeeded in defining and achieving the conditions — even empirical — under which the two great ideological camps into which our poor humanity is divided may live peacefully side by side. 88. The words I have just used — and I used them deliberately — make it impossible and even unthinkable for us to resort to aggression or to preventive war, in a word, to violence, in order to settle these problems. We know from experience that war never solves anything, that its price is always terrible and that, once the war is over, the edifice of peace will still have to be rebuilt, as should have been done before the conflict broke out.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I am certain we shall have great need of all these qualities. 87. The political conference on Korea will endeavour to settle a specific problem in which the United Nations is directly and irrevocably involved. There is no doubt, however, that this problem, in common with all the acute issues arising in so many other parts of the world, forms part of a single whole. We have used the term “cold war” to describe this general situation. But we must beware, for beneath the cold surface the fire continues to smoulder — a fire which is neither more nor less than the danger of war.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Its existence, its future, and the principles which it embodies are at stake, and everything depends on the solution which finally will be found for the Korean drama. By the grace of God, the conclusion of the armistice has made it possible at least to envisage a solution which will demonstrate that aggression has been thwarted, will strengthen the principle of collective security and will restore peace to at least one corner of the world. 86. But while we may be allowed to take comfort from such hopes, it would be folly to close our eyes to the obstacles, the dangers and the delays which still separate us from this goal. Let us have patience, let us stand firm on our principles and let us be broad-minded concerning the methods to be used, let us show understanding and even generosity.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Worse still, however, is the fact that ever-increasing sections of public opinion are adopting a critical and sceptical attitude towards our efforts, our methods and our potentialities. We regard that, however, as one more reason for reaffirming our conviction. A universal organization working side by side with, as well as over and above, regional groups, is and remains a necessity in the narrow and divided world in which we live. 84. The fundamental principles on which this Organization is based -the peaceful settlement of international relations, and collective security — are today even more essential to human progress than they were before and will be no less so in the future, 85. At this moment the Organization is undergoing a decisive test.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“There have been abuses of the privileges and rights which the Charter reserves or grants either to the great Powers or to the Members as a whole. 82. Belgium has repeatedly raised its voice in protest against the restrictive interpretation which too many States place upon the provisions of the Charter concerning the non-self-governing peoples. At the last session I myself stressed the fact that to limit the advantages of such safeguards to a certain number only of those peoples was unjust to all the others. That is a mistake which the League of Nations never made. Our attitude on this point is well known and we had occasion quite recently to make it clear once again. 83. If we wanted to compile a list of complaints that have been made of the United Nations in one quarter or another, it would not be difficult.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“80. It is, of corpse, not easy at this stage of the general debate to offer any ideas which are both original and constructive. The general situation in which we find ourselves has been adequately and useful described in a number of statements to whose high quality I must pay a tribute. 81. My delegation was even reluctant to intervene in the debate, but we feared that complete silence on our part might be misinterpreted and might appear to some to indicate a diminishing interest in the work of the United Nations. Nothing could be further from the truth. The faith and hope that we have placed in the Organization remain unshakeable. Our faith is of course sorely tried from time to time. Let us admit frankly that many of our hopes have been deceived.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If peace is finally vouchsafed us, then, despite errors, setbacks and misunderstandings of every kind, we shall none the less succeed in translating into reality the principles of our civilization and the discoveries of modern science; and, little by little, our great dream will in the end materialize — the world of tomorrow will have a chance to be freer, wider, more comprehensive and more just for the children of man.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“If we progress both in the economic and in the social fields, we shall be giving those who do not share our ideas, but who do not deliberately close their eyes and their minds, a proof of the soundness of our principles and of the quality of our methods. Finally, if we are strong in every respect, if we do our duty everywhere, we shall not be attacked. And, if we are not attacked, peace is assured; for we ourselves Will never attack. 75.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“It is true that the difficulties before us are interconnected and interdependent. But, at the same time, our analysis shows that any effort made in one direction is equally helpful in most of the others, 74. Let us suppose that we succeed in reducing the threat of war and strengthening all the chances of peace; by so doing we make the solution of all economic problems easier and more effective. Conversely, by building up our economic strength, we reduce the risks of aggression. If we manage to produce more, our peoples will enjoy greater well-being. And by reducing social tension we will promote economic progress.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Who could help yielding, at times, to a feeling of discouragement? The problems are really too numerous. They are overwhelming. They appear under conditions where the experience of the past can often be of no assistance. Moreover, the solution of any one of these problems appears each time to be closely linked to the solution of all the others. No sooner do we try to grasp one of these problems than we realize that it is only a link in a long chain, and that any attempt to raise it involves dragging in the whole chain. Are we not entitled to wonder, at times, whether we can be equal to the task which fate has thrust upon us? 73. But perhaps it will be possible, after all, with all due humility, for us to view this complex of difficulties in a different light and to find some ground for hope.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“For example, we may mention once more, first, monetary problems in the proper sense of the term — relative currency exchange rates, the inter-convertibility of currencies — and, secondly, the distressing inadequacy of the production of the commodities required for feeding the peoples of the world. 71. But we must stop. We have mentioned a few practical suggestions concerning a few isolated points. Let us try to draw a general conclusion. In these general considerations I have felt it necessary to match, as in real life, ideas and principles on the one hand, and the most concrete realities and anxieties, on the other. The conclusion which emerges might appear either very disappointing or perhaps, and in spite of everything, encouraging, depending upon the angle from which it is viewed. 72.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“These investments ought to be freed from the risks which derive not from business .itself but from the will of the political authorities, that is to say, in the words of an old legal expression — which incidentally corresponds to a reality as old as the world — the hazards of acts of State. Shall we reach this goal? I do not know, but I would rather put the question in another way, why, after all, should we not reach it? 70. At all events, the sooner we face these problems squarely, the sooner we are likely to be able to solve them. What chance have we of solving them? Even the few points we have touched upon seem to form an intimidating array. And yet there are many other questions of equal urgency.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“But the problem of private investment throughout the world calls for the widest and most realistic approach. It concerns the under-developed countries, admittedly, but beyond them it affects the whole free world. Such movements of capital will be resumed only if a whole series of conditions is gradually fulfilled. 68. Some of these conditions are of a very general political nature. It is clear, for example, that the stronger the threat of war, the less inducement there will be for capital to look for probably advantageous but definitely risky opportunities of investment abroad, 69. Certain other conditions are luckily more within our reach.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“I am still convinced that attractive formula, though of limited scope, can be devised along these lines. 66. But when we review the totality of the problems which have to be solved, when we measure the magnitude of the needs to be met, we cannot but feel that all these means, however necessary and however useful, are still, even when pooled, entirely inadequate. If we do not wish to postpone until a too distant future the economic and social effects which we expect from these measures, there must be a considerable movement of investment capital. Is there a possibility of reaching the desired levels by using only the methods to which I have just referred? Certainly not. 67. That is why a fourth method has been mooted, the resumption and expansion of private investment.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Secondly, we have followed, perhaps with some scepticism, but certainly with sympathy, the suggestions put forward by certain countries for the establishment of an assistance fund, to make capital available to under-developed countries on terms which would constitute no more than a very small or negligible burden for those countries. If that is possible, so much the better. 65. Thirdly, we believe that the formula for the creation of one or more international financing institutions may, in certain circumstances, and for a carefully specified period" of time, be fully justified by the facts and make it possible to solve important individual problems. I would recall, in this connexion, that this idea was considered and extensively studied long before the war.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“It is therefore with sincere conviction that we wish to see an increase in economic production and an improvement in the standard of living throughout the world and the introduction of the best techniques of both agricultural and industrial production in all countries without exception. 62. This is the spirit in which we have followed the work relating not only to technical assistance but also to financial aid to the under-developed countries. Among the methods which have been studied there are four which, in our opinion, should be singled out for special mention. 63.. The first relates to the action taken by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. We are aware of the invaluable services already rendered by this agency, and we do not doubt that its activities will continue to expand in the future. 64.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Some first steps have been carried out, with initial success, and constructive solutions are emerging. This effort in international co-operation is of paramount importance, and we Belgians unreservedly support it. 61, We do so for many reasons, of which I shall mention only one. Since we have to export in order to live — to live in the literal sense of the word — we realize that we can sell only to those who are able to buy. We know — because we have experienced it so often — that the more goods a country produces, the greater its willingness, and the greater its ability, to buy other goods outside its own frontiers.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“I can speak about this, because I belong to a country that is, on the balance, a heavy wheat importer. I consider that the authors of this agreement found a practical formula. Why could not similar agreements be devised for other essential products? On this point, too, suggestions have come from various quarters; searching studies have been carried out, by the Organization for European Economic Co-operation among others, and the sooner these questions are taken, up, the better it will be. 59. We have now come to our last point. Let us for a moment consider the preoccupations of the Underdeveloped countries. 60. Due prominence should be given to the great efforts made in this field under the auspices of the United Nations to promote, first, technical assistance and, secondly, financial aid to the under-developed countries.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Yet producers and consumers alike are anxious to avoid abrupt and excessive fluctuations in the price of basic commodities. These fluctuations lead to dislocations and repercussions harmful Ho both parties, as has recently been proved by the bitter but convincing experience of the Korean war and rearmament. 58. Of course, such a result can be achieved only through carefully weighed and sound international agreements which take all the interests involved into account. By way of clarification I should like to offer a simple example: the wheat agreement. Is it a perfect instrument? By no means. Will it survive all ordeals, all difficulties? I should hesitate to make such a prediction. Nevertheless, as it stands, with its disadvantages and weaknesses, it has rendered undeniable services to all concerned.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Among these methods there is one to which I would once again draw your attention today. There is nothing new about it; it has been used before and fortunately, therefore, is supported by the results of previous experiments which, in my opinion, have been successful. I am thinking of the possibility of stabilizing the prices of some of the principal international raw materials. When I say “stabilize”, I am by no means suggesting that the prices of these raw materials should be frozen at an arbitrary level. On the contrary, we must find formulae to allow for justifiable and reasonable price movements. The economic value of such variations in certain, circumstances can easily be proved. It would be a mistake to attempt to put certain aspects of economic life into a straitjacket.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Let us therefore hasten to adopt it. 56. This brings us to another, aspect of our analysis. The flexible and vital equilibrium which we should like to see in international trade will, in our opinion, be reached only through a policy of expansion, not of restriction. It is true that we shall have to concentrate once more on the removal of barriers hampering the circulation of goods. We shall be faced once more with that all-too-familiar list — excessive, unstable or prohibitive customs duties, improper administrative practices, quotas, currency restrictions and so forth. All that is true. But is it not time to consider other, more direct and more constructive methods? Now, if ever, is the time for a constructive imaginative effort, not, as in the past, to curb but to encourage trade. 57.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“In short, one conclusion which in my opinion can be immediately deduced from the general views I have just set forth is that It is high time to find ways and means for bridging the gap between the dollar and the non-dollar areas. This is of equally direct interest to creditors and to debtors, and the experience of the past provides lessons which it would be well to examine without delay. 55. In order to do so, it would surely be common sense for the leaders of the main creditor countries to meet the leaders of the main debtor countries round the same table and together, in a spirit of mutual cooperation, to inquire how their own legitimate interests and, at the same time, the interests of the international community could best be served. This suggestion has been made before; it has been reiterated quite recently from both sides.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“If it is our true wish, as it is our duty, to restore conditions of economic equilibrium in the world which favour expansion and progress, we shall have to accept both the truth of these rules and the need for applying them. 53. The difficulties will, of course, multiply as we pass to the sphere of practical implementation. Thus there is no doubt that long-term investments, to be of real value, must be made at rates of interest and on terms of amortization which do not threaten to increase the debtor countries’ deficit before these new investments have succeeded in increasing their productivity. Be that as it may, I think I can state without fear of contradiction that a country which is mainly a creditor cannot hope to export more than it imports, to refrain from making large investments abroad, and at the same time expect repayment. 54.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Even when a creditor country, applying the first rule I have mentioned, imports more than it exports, the difference does not, save in exceptional cases, cover the aggregate of the sums due. This means that another factor is required to bring payments into balance. This other factor is. credit. I need hardly say that the credit used in this way can assume a great variety of forms. But in the case I am describing, one particular form is inescapable, it is the long-term investment of capital in the debtor countries. 52. These are fundamentals. They are well known to you. The international economy has never been able to evade them with impunity, nor will it be able to do so at any future time.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“I must apologize but, for the sake of clarity, I have to pursue this analysis a little further. 50. In order ultimately to discharge their accumulated debts, the debtor countries must therefore in their turn export goods and services to their creditors. However, before they can do so, they must first produce a surplus of exportable goods and, what is more, produce them at a cost which makes such exports feasible, acceptable and marketable. 51. On the other hand, experience dating back as far as our own statistics shows that there is no such thing as a perfect trade balance, either bilateral or multilateral; the balance always inclines to one side or the other, subject to reversal when the general trend shifts.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“We have experienced this ourselves, on a smaller scale, in Belgium. That position involves duties and obligations as well as rights. The creditor’s interests are closely bound up with the debtor's, and there are rules which govern the position of the creditor country at the international level, when that position is, on balance, a permanent one. These rules can, I think, be reduced to two. The first is that it is normal for a strongly and permanently creditor country to show an adverse trade balance, in other words, to import more goods than it exports. The second rule is that there is an inducement for the creditor country to export investment capital to the debtor countries, which is likely to help the debtor countries to produce the goods necessary for the satisfaction of the debt. 49.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“First of all, there is a normal consideration: in the final analysis, what has not been earned and deserved soon loses its value — if not its real value, at least its psychological value. But even from a strictly economic point of view, movements of goods with no immediate or long-term counterpart are not exchanges. In such circumstances, one of the necessary elements for the establishment of a true economic balance would be lacking. In the long run, its lack might prove to be of major importance, 47. Accordingly, if a country hopes, as it legitimately may, to benefit from its creditor status, it must agree to be paid eventually, a little sooner or a little later, in property, goods of services. 48. The creditor is indeed in a privileged position in our modern world, but his position is not as simple as might be imagined at first sight.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“It is no secret that most of the gold of the world is already concentrated in one place, and that the fraction of the precious metal which remains in the hands of the non-dollar countries is scarcely sufficient to enable their monetary systems to operate approximately normally. 46. Is there another way? The creditor country could, of course, waive payment. It could make the debtor a gift of the debt. But is this a long-term policy? Certainly not. The creditor could not entertain it, and neither could the debtor. From the point of view of the creditor, this would mean depriving him of the actual advantage of his position, of the fruit of his efforts to improve and to increase production. From the point of view of the debtor, the reason is perhaps less obvious, but just as weighty.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“In mentioning the dollar deficit, we have probably put our finger oh one of the most sensitive spots of the world economy. It is this deficit which reflects the lack of balance in the relations between the dollar and the non-dollar areas. Clearly, such a lack of balance cannot be permanent. The balance will have to be redressed. But how? 44. Let us begin by stressing the obvious fact — almost a platitude — that a creditor country can really benefit from its position only if it accepts settlement of its claim in any form. How, then, can the countries of the dollar area, and in particular the most powerful of them, the United States, receive the payment of their credit balance? 45. In gold?”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“A little more than a year ago, the Organization for European Economic Co-operation realized that success could be assured only if the eighteen member countries, uniting their efforts, were able to increase their total production considerably. They set themselves a target which they felt confident they could reach; a 25 per cent increase in five years; this was moderate, sufficient and necessary. But recent months have not borne out the hopes that had then been entertained. The total production of the European countries, instead of increasing, is, on the average, slowing down. The gap between United States and European production, which had begun to narrow, is once more widening, and the payments deficit in trade relations between Europe and the United States is still excessively heavy. 43.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“It has been in operation for about two years. It serves the economy of Europe every day. 41. Finally, some European countries found a way to link their economies more closely. You will excuse me if I recall the Benelux customs union, since it was the first one, From the very outset it was symbolic, and it is still developing; it would be unfair not to mention it. Today, however, I should like to emphasize the importance of the European Coal and Steel Community — by force of habit we still call it the Schuman plan — which was recently formed by six countries and with which we may hope that other European peoples will establish an ever closer and more organic relationship. 42.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)