YouSaid · the spoken record

Van Zeeland

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS VAN ZEELAND

lines on the record: 147
first: 1949-09-24
most recent: 1953-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Allow me to recall — and surely it is worth while doing so — that the European countries, with the help of their friends across the Atlantic, have, in order to ensure the rehabilitation of their economic position, performed deeds and taken steps which required courage and boldness. The process has involved three main stages. 39. First, the eighteen countries of the Organization for European Economic Co-operation succeeded in reaching an agreement — and it is not so easy for eighteen countries to agree — to eliminate up to 60 to 75 per cent of the quantitative barriers to the circulation of goods. 40. Secondly, they created among themselves a European Payments Union. This met with many difficulties; it worked under conditions which demanded an extremely lofty view on the part of certain Powers of their interests and duties.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Unfortunately, after an initial effort towards recovery — and I venture to think that its boldness has been under-emphasized — Europe began to stagger under the burden. Aid came to Europe from the United States in the form of the Marshall plan. The four years which the authors of the Marshall plan intended it to cover have now elapsed. In retrospect, I think it must be admitted that the plan was necessary and that it has fulfilled its purpose. But it is also probable that its authors were right to confine its conception and its aim to a limited period of time. It is clear that other methods of mutual co-operation should be found. I consider that the time has come to seek them in all frankness. 38.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“To all this was shortly added the necessary effort for defensive rearmament. 35. Europe’s economic recovery was of course essential to the Europeans themselves, but it was not less so for the nations of the American continent, and it was quite as pressing from the point of view of the economic and political equilibrium of the world as a whole. Such recovery depended on one condition, one major condition which was recognized by all, at least in theory; the need to transform Europe into a single market, to create one vast economic space where goods, merchandise, men and capital could circulate freely, with adequate safeguards. a 36. The Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) has devoted itself to bringing about this condition. It has been pursuing this aim unceasingly for years. 37.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“First I should like to speak of Europe which, despite considerable progress, has not yet resumed its rightful place in the world. There, we shall encounter one fact which dominates the problem: the reversal of the positions of debtor and creditor among the great economic Powers. Our analysis will then lead us logically to examine certain problems which face, on the one hand, the countries which are producers of raw materials and, on the other, the under-developed countries. Let us, then, begin by examining the position in Europe. 34. At the end of the war, the European peoples were truly confronted with an overwhelming task. They had, simultaneously, to rebuild their ruins, to put things into working order, to increase their production and to raise the standard of living of their inhabitants.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“In certain analogous cases, the same causes produce the same effects on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Thus, for example, the Soviet economy is suffering like our own from the inevitable consequences of large-scale rearmament; I might compare this rearmament to an ogre whose appetite is satisfied only at the expense of the standard of living of the people, irrespective of the regime under which they live. 32. However, in order not to start unnecessary discussion, let us confine our observations to the free world. The analysis of this economic interdependence of the peoples can be approached from many angles. I shall consider only two or three, while recognizing that other angles of approach would be quite as important and as useful. 33.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“No matter how confused and complex the present world economic picture may appear to the observer, one outstanding truth can be reaffirmed with greater assurance than ever; that is, the close and striking interdependence of all regions and all national economies, no matter which. 31. Of course, in speaking as I do I am thinking particularly of the free world, that is to say, of that part of the world which is not held in the autarkic grip of the communist regime. This does not mean that the communist countries, despite their wish to isolate themselves, escape completely from the rule I have just mentioned. If we went to the heart of the matter, we should soon see that a number of major laws — for example, those relating to the increase of productivity — prove to operate under the communist system as in the free regimes.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“All backward peoples whose advancement is in the hands of representatives of a more highly developed race have the same rights; they ate entitled to the same protection. Under the League of Nations, they received it; why should we deprive them of it in the United Nations? To claim that only some of them ought to receive the rights proclaimed in principle in the Charter would be unfair to all the rest. Such, in our view, is the meaning and scope of our; Charter. Let us all see to it that its greatness is not diminished. 30. Let us turn now to the economic and social aspect of this brief analysis.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“An immense effort is needed to inspire them with confidence, disarm their hostility, pacify them, eradicate barbarous customs, build roads, introduce hygiene, combat illiteracy and so on. We are familiar with these problems too, because we have been trying to solve them in the Belgian Congo for generations. 28. However, since these problems are common to all States which bear the sacred trust spoken of in the Charter, what basis is there for distinguishing between them? Why, so far, have only a few of these States sent information to the United Nations, and not the rest? Is it not obvious that they should all be invited to pool the results of their efforts, so that they may reap the benefit of each other's knowledge and experience? 29.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Is there one among them which would think of being indifferent to the fate of these backward populations or disregarding the character of its obligations towards them?! do not think so, and I am glad to be able to note that several of them have already established services which apply themselves to this task with enthusiasm and devotion. By way of example, I might mention, among others, the authority responsible for the Scheduled Tribes in India or the service for the protection of Indians in Brazil, 27. There can be no doubt that these great countries and the services they have set up realize the difficulties of such a "sacred trust", the patience and perseverance which it requires — above all in the case of peoples living in tropical forests or almost impenetrable jungle.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“In saying this I am thinking of the systematic exertions made by a highly developed people with the object of helping the backward indigenous peoples under its administration in their efforts towards political, economic, social and educational advancement. 26. The Charter itself regards this action as a "sacred trust” — this is the term it uses. In our eyes, this sacred trust is not limited to the few States which administer the territories hitherto known as colonies. It is a trust binding on any State, no matter which, in whose territory there live native peoples who have not attained the normal level of civilization. If I am not mistaken, more than half the States represented in this Assembly are in that position.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“As long ago as 1909, King Albert I said in his speech from the Throne: "For a people who love justice, the effort in the colonies can be nothing else than a civilizing mission". We have followed the path which had been mapped out for us. We abhor all forms of exploitation of labour, and more particularly of labour supplied by backward indigenous peoples. But we believe that with a few rare exceptions — which, incidentally, do not always occur where people tend apparently to look for them — this type of colonialism is obsolete. 25. I hope that no one in this Assembly will confuse colonialism as thus defined with a different and indeed contrary activity, based on the highest motives and entirely consistent with the provisions of the Charter.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“During the last few years these debates have taken a form which is ill in keeping with the spirit of co-operation that the Members of the United Nations pledged themselves to maintain among themselves. The resulting uneasiness might, in the long run, even injure the United Nations itself. 23. We often hear colonialism spoken of as an evil which should be eradicated with the least possible delay. If the evil still existed, I should agree with those who denounce it. The word “colonialism", as traditionally used, conjures up a picture of the exploitation of people at a lower stage of civilization by others at a higher stage. 24. Belgium is among the resolute opponents of that kind of colonialism. It has fought against it, not only with words but with deeds.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“On balance, it seems to me that, notwithstanding the repeated disappointments and misunderstandings, wisdom requires that we should leave every door open. 21. So much goodwill is being lavished on efforts to find a formula which, while respecting the principles on which our action is based, would give the parties on either side the guarantees they demand, that it cannot be wasted. Perhaps we are on the eve of a decision which, if favourable, would be a first step towards a just peace. The day such decision is reached, the principle of collective security will once again have been vindicated. Let us therefore wait and hope. 22. I should like to express before you our feelings on another subject. I refer to the debates concerning the Non-Self-Governing Territories.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“It is in defence of this ideal, that is, for the protection of peace, that United Nations troops are fighting in Korea. Unhappily, the Korean drama is being drawn out. The quest for the terms of an armistice — surely the object of all our hopes — still continues. This is certainly neither the time nor the place to repeat what has been so clearly and sometimes so courageously said in the First Committee, where there have been long debates on the last remaining obstacle to an armistice — the forced repatriation of prisoners of war. Yet I cannot help noting, with surprise and sadness, that some of our conceptions of human rights do not appear to meet in all quarters with the response which their generosity should have evoked. Still, in spite of everything, we are not debarred from cherishing the hope that a settlement will be reached.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Taking a modest part, on behalf of Belgium, in this joint effort of the Members of the United Nations, we shall try to distinguish a few guiding principles. They will be divided into two groups: the first concerning political and moral problems, and the second some important economic and social questions. 19. In the political sphere, the overriding question to which we are forced to return year after year, and each time in the same atmosphere of harrowing anxiety, remains unchanged: the defence of peace. The fundamental idea on which the United Nations is based — the idea of collective security — seems to us today to be wiser and more necessary than ever. Is there one among us who is not profoundly convinced that if for any reason the ideal of collective security were to grow dim, the danger of war would be immensely increased? 20.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“What has not changed, however, is the power of ideas. In our times, as in all others, men are closely dependent on ideas. In the final analysis, the civilizations that survive, grow string and endure in the ones that succeed in evolving the highest and purest motives, while maintaining the closest possible contact with human realities, material or other. 17. It is for this reason that I believe in the value of general discussions, such as those which take place in this Assembly year after year. They are useful not only because they offer the occasion for explaining certain things but also because they allow us to set forth before the most representative audience in the world the principles on which our actions are based and the facts to which they are applied. 18.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“Economic activity remains intense in large areas of the world, but even where the danger of inflation is not increasing, there is a feeling that the balance is precarious because no lasting solutions have been found for the fundamental problems of economic relations among peoples. In many countries there is an apprehension, if not of crises, at least of recessions, some of them actually taking place, some only potential. 15. Never have the rights of man been so widely proclaimed, but it can hardly be said that they are being satisfactorily implemented. 16. No doubt it might be replied that an equally gloomy general picture could be drawn of any period in human history. Our era, however, has one characteristic which sets it apart from all others: never have men been so much responsible for their own fate as they are today.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“When we try to understand our times, we soon find ourselves in a bitter quandary. The simplest questions remain unanswered. Are we at peace or at war? Are we living in a period of economic progress or of recession? Are the principles of law and justice in which we believe gaining or losing ground? 13. The United Nations is fighting in Korea; men are dying every hour of the day. Where men are not killing one another, the tactics of the cold war fray men’s nerves and harden their hearts. Even the most peace-loving nations are forced to rearm on a gigantic scale to ward off an ever-growing threat which hampers postwar recovery and retards or even prevents the advance towards better standards of living. 14.”
1952-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 7 (1952)
“The very foundations of life and happiness are being constantly called in question. We avoid one danger only to fall into another. And yet we feel that this tide, which sweeps us giddily onwards, may lead us afar — we know not where — but it may be to better, just as likely as to sorrier times. 47. It is for us to stand firm. As you entered the Palais de Chaillot, you will have read, inscribed in letters of gold on the façade, these admirable words of Paul Valéry: “Il dépend de celui qui passe que je sois tombe ou trésor”. We have a clear and direct policy. It is ready for any eventuality, good or bad. Let us keep faith in ourselves; let us remain calm and strong, wise and persevering. The future will be what we make it.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Let more fortunate peoples not forget that many European countries have twice within the span of one generation known the ravages of battle and the exhausting rigours of enemy occupation. 44. That is why, having made and continuing to make its full contribution to the joint effort, Europe can without humiliation, demand of others that they should be generous in assessing their own share, so that the joint effort may be made in time and in such a way as to guarantee its success, that is to say, the peace. 45. I now come to my conclusion. Can we draw any conclusion from these general considerations? Perhaps, and perhaps even a conclusion of practical value, since it would amount to a rule of behaviour. 46. There is no doubt that we are living in a dangerous, bewildering age, an age of transition.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“I believe that they will find a balanced formula which will enable them to create ere long both the European coal and steel union and the European defence union. In so doing they will display once more their desire to contribute, at the price of enlightened but none the less far-reaching sacrifices, to the free world’s mighty effort to defend itself. When the present turmoil is spent, a new Europe will arise, a united and harmonious Europe, able once more to devote all its venerable prestige to the greatest of all causes, the building of a better world. 43. If the Europeans follow that path, you will surely agree with me that they will have acquired a new right to the gratitude and respect of all those States which share with them the responsibility for western civilization or for, what is greater still, the dignity of man.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Nations do not embark on such a course unless they can no longer achieve by other means, that is, in national isolation, the primary aims of every human society. 41. It is doubtless wise to go no further along the road to unification than is necessary to attain the ends in view. Yet, even with these reservations, even within these limits, public opinion in the European countries must show rare political maturity and weigh the needs of the moment with exceptional insight, if it is to be capable of the act of faith, the act of courage, which these new policies demand. 42. For my own part, without wishing to make rash prophecies, I should like to express one conviction: I believe that the countries of western Europe will have that courage and that wisdom.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Both are demonstrations of Europe’s resolve to restore its unity and to do so if necessary by new methods. Either, if it succeeds, is calculated to add greatly to the strength of the free world and also to remove the restrictions on the military, economic and social effort to which European States have set their hand to further by co-operation the common cause. 40. Is it not clear that in following these bold and rugged paths, the peoples of Europe are demanding tremendous exertions of themselves? Such undertakings require courage, great courage; in some countries they call for the sacrifice of legitimate individual interests to a lofty ideal of the common interest. No doubt in the long run such sacrifices will serve the greater interest of each and every one.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Nevertheless, the countries of Europe, impelled by the strong current of public opinion, have made a magnificent recovery. The Council of Europe is in operation. It is far indeed from fulfilling the hopes of its founders or meeting the new needs of our time. But ideas evolve and take shape; in the orbit of the Council of Europe there is a chain of organizations at work. They are, I agree, as yet insufficiently co-ordinated, but they are at work defining problems, seeking and sometimes finding solutions, and, at all events, preparing the way for the future. 39. Two great experiments, the credit for initiating which belongs to France, are under way: the European coal and steel union (the Schuman Plan) and the European defence union (the Pleven Plan).”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Foolish indeed would be the nation that hoped to remain neutral and escape the consequences of so gigantic a struggle between good and evil. Yet, it is certain that the first to be exposed, the first to be attacked and perhaps the most cruelly afflicted would be, as so often in the past, the countries of Europe. Fortunately, they have realized the danger in time. For years now Europe has been seeking to organize a single line of defence in order, with the assistance of friends in other continents, to safeguard its freedom and fulfil its high vocation. 37. Do not, I beg you, forget that Europe is among the most seriously disabled victims of the war. The body of Europe is still suffering from cruel mutilations; of the twenty-six nations of Europe only fourteen are now represented among us here in the United Nations. 38.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“We are engaged in building up the Atlantic community within the framework of the United Nations and in accordance with its rules. We hope therein to find a common strength which will exceed the sum of the forces of its individual members in the defence of peace. 35. It was the same concept that gave birth to and must never cease to guide that splendid co-operative scheme set forth in the plans for technical assistance to the underdeveloped countries. 36. If this argument is generally speaking true, if it is true for all the free democracies, it applies a fortiori to Europe, to free Europe. Why “a fortiori”? If a catastrophe should befall, if an act of aggression were committed, the conflict would doubtless soon extend to the entire world.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“There is nothing new in that conclusion. We have all understood and accepted it. The lesson of the last two wars has been clear enough, the lesson that taught us the abiding value of the notion of collective security. 32. It is in application of that same rule that the forces of the United Nations are waging a hard and heroic fight against aggression in Korea. A speedy end to the struggle there would be one of the finest achievements that this General Assembly of the United Nations could place to its credit. 33. The same need to join together in defence of our ideal of freedom has impelled us, as I have already said, to unite first in the Treaty of Brussels, and later in the North Atlantic Treaty. Watching closely and reacting to the situation as it develops, we are at this very moment reinforcing and extending those common bonds. 34.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“In the first place, the effort must be a co-ordinated, a harmonious effort, placing in a common pool the resources of all those concerned and taking into account the capacities and the weaknesses of each, in order to get the most out of the community as a whole. 30. Secondly, though this effort must be immediately developed to the greatest possible extent in view of the urgency of the danger, it is nevertheless restricted by limits beyond which it would wreck the economic equilibrium and disrupt the pattern of society and so tend to destroy itself and to weaken instead of strengthen the forces of freedom. 31. As we see it, the solution to the problem I have thus stated can be summed up in a single fundamental rule: the manifold efforts put forth by the free countries must be more and more closely integrated.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“None of the free nations, no matter how powerful in the economic and military fields, is capable of defending itself single-handed. Even less can it assume responsibility for defending all the rest of the world. The effort of the free world must necessarily be a co-ordinated effort, one that engages the whole community. And that is why we are striving constantly to extend and render more effective the defence pacts in which the free Powers have joined together. 27. In the conditions governing contemporary life, any such endeavour inevitably reacts upon all factors of national and international existence; it has a direct bearing on the economic equilibrium and social standards of every country. 28. Two immediate consequences derive from these premises. 29.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“We are now creating those facts. As we approach balance of power, the fears of those on our own side will diminish and the chances of aggression from any quarter will subside; our voice will be heard more and more clearly and our intentions be better understood. That is why, with the same unflagging resolution, on the one hand, we must persevere in the offers of agreement and disarmament that have been made, in other words, unceasingly confirm the offers we have set down in the record of international relations; and on the other hand, we must pursue and achieve without delay, without losing a day , and by the most effective means, our plan for a balance of armaments. 26. There are, however, certain essential conditions which are vital to the success of the effort of the free nations.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“The second gives rise to the noble words, instinct with charity, pronounced by President Auriol; the new disarmament proposal put forward by the three great Powers, on which President Truman has so admirably commented; and countless gestures of goodwill, countless words of understanding that have testified time and again to the spirit of tolerance and charity which is still the lamp of our civilization. 24. But for such a policy to succeed it must be evenly balanced and the two pillars supporting it must be equally strong. To dare speak, as we do at this moment, of agreement, understanding and disarmament, we must be strong, we must feel ourselves strong. If the language of goodwill and charity is not to be misunderstood it must be based upon facts so patent that no one will be tempted to see in it a sign of weakness or indecision. 25.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“The aim is and remains peace: peace for all, with order, and with respect for the rights of others. To ensure that, the balance of forces must be restored and maintained; hence the necessity for the Western World to make a mighty, an urgent effort to rearm. Yet, sure of the road they are taking, the free countries remain ready to talk., to resume discussions at any time on equitable conditions, equal for all and in the full light of day. 21. Thus the parallel lines of a long-term policy emerge: to secure the might required for the service of the right, and at the same time to keep alive the proposals for agreement, joint disarmament and international meetings. 22. To the first of these lines belong the Five-Power Pact, the North Atlantic Treaty and the efforts to organize defence throughout the world. 23.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Lastly, I believe that in its present form the proposal has this further advantage, that it can be applied immediately even in the present state of acute world tension in which we find ourselves today. There is no obstacle to rapid action. It would be possible at once, while assessing the opposing forces, to try to work out and develop by mutual agreement objective criteria which could be applied as soon as the basic data were known and determined. If only the preparatory work were begun with a minimum of mutual goodwill, the effect would soon be apparent on the state of men’s minds throughout the whole world. And it would be a very powerful effect, I feel sure. 20. The broad outlines of the free countries’ policy seem thus to stand out more and more clearly.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“18. Moreover, the present proposal is an advance on all the others, at least in one respect: it places all arms of whatever kind on the same footing; the atomic weapon is no longer excepted. For the first time someone has had the courage to propose that what has hitherto been a jealously guarded secret should be revealed. True, the ideal would be an embargo on all arms, atomic and all the rest, and a ban on recourse to violence. But we know full well that we must proceed by stages. We know that the only chance of succeeding is to ask that both sides accept the same rules, the same inspection, the same progressively applied commitments. I sincerely believe that at the present juncture a fairer proposal could not be made, with so many prospects of success. 19.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“The object is to pave the way for a reciprocal change of attitude, or, even better, to make it possible to proceed to disarmament forthwith. Suppose for a moment that at a given point of time the opposing forces were found to be balanced, then surely neither side would have any advantage in continuing an effort that would obviously be neutralized by a parallel effort on the other side. Would not the folly of an armaments race be apparent to both? Would not a new chance thus be given to the world, and to peace? 17. There is, of course, nothing extraordinary about ideas like these; they are merely applied common sense. But common sense so applied amounts to an act of great wisdom. It was necessary that at this very moment the voice of reason and moderation should be heard in commendation of concrete proposals to be realized step by step.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“It goes without saying, that to be useful, a census must command confidence. Exactitude is not enough; no one must be able to challenge its accuracy. It must therefore be subject to inspection, verification and certification, and this certification must be performed in open court with all the parties on the same footing. Here again those who have nothing to fear, those whose policy is honest and loyal, can do no other than welcome and develop such measures of inspection, subject to complete equality of treatment. 16. Needless to say, a proposal of this kind to catalogue and publish for all to read the strength of the opposing forces is not made with the intention of promoting or perpetuating a policy of competitive armaments.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Vyshinsky could not fear the publication of such data, for he said in his speech: “...the Soviet Union is utilizing its entire resources, not in order to expand its armed forces... but in order to expand to the full its civilian industry...”. 14. I ask you again, which of the two parties, if its statements are correct and its policy sincere, could find a single good reason for not informing the whole world of what is happening in its own country at the same time as in the territory of the other party; why should it not say, just as the other side would say, what its forces are and how, why and to what extent it is increasing them? 15. We, for our part, are delighted that the Western Powers, in making this proposal, have furnished proof of their goodwill and sincerity.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Very wisely, care has been taken not to put the cart before the horse; no ambitious scheme is suggested for an immediate reduction of armaments. The proposal begins at the beginning, with the suggestion for an evaluation of the various armed forces, for a complete census of them, of every class and kind. That is obviously the first condition if we genuinely wish to succeed. Such an objective and comprehensive inventory of existing arms and armaments, and of future programmes, would in itself do much to help us to see clearly. Would not knowledge of one another’s forces tend to dispel suspicion? Might it not eventually reveal the existence of a state of balance which would allow both sides to speak the same language without any hint of a threat? 13. Certainly Mr.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“We are ready not only to welcome, but even to propose, any method which may, with a clear vision of the facts, bring us closer to lasting peace. 11. Let us now turn to those disarmament proposals which have been put before us [A/1943], We welcomed them gladly so far as we are concerned, because they open the door to a policy of multilateral disarmament. The proposals, I am aware, were from the first greeted by some with a scorn and even a sarcasm which, in our view, there is nothing to warrant. We Belgians may be too simple-minded, but we see nothing to laugh at in proposals which may ultimately lead towards peace and away from war, proposals which spell life or death for millions of human beings. 12. Briefly, what is the crux of the proposal?”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“But let there be no mistake. A decision taken in cold blood, in the full knowledge of what it will cost, is no less firm, no less unshakeable than one taken in a fit of enthusiasm or in the stress of a passing emotion. 10. That certainly does not mean that any of us regards a policy of competitive armaments as an ideal of international life, far from it. Among those who, in the face of implacable necessity, recognized that it was unfortunately necessary to enter upon this course, there are many — and I am one of them — who have never abandoned the hope of revival of the prospect of genuine disarmament, that is to say, a supervised, concerted, general and balanced disarmament. No manoeuvre, no pressure, will turn us from the goal we have set ourselves, but we mean at all times to keep an open mind.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“It was because of this reversal of the balance of power, because of the threat it represented in itself, that we had finally to enter upon the road to rearmament in our turn. Paralysed by the abuse of the veto, the Security Council had ceased to offer us sufficient guarantees in the exercise of collective security. We had, at all costs, step by step, to seek new guarantees and we sought them in agreements for legitimate defence which we have explicitly concluded in conformity with the United Nations Charter and in the spirit of its principles. 9. The democratic nations were slow to recognize the danger to which they were exposed by the change in the balance of power. They were slow in making up their minds, for nothing — as you well know — was so repugnant to their wishes and to their dearest hopes as a new armaments race.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“The answer of course is, no. We are making it only because we have realized that in such an effort lay our only chance of preserving in peace our own conception of life and human dignity. We do not shut our eyes to what it has already cost us or to what it will yet cost us in sacrifices, in the wastage of strength and precious material. 8. By whom has this effort been forced upon us? We do not intend to reopen here the interminable argument about responsibilities, but in the interests of objectivity it must be said that it was not we who began the armaments race. No one, I believe, will deny what happened after the war. While the western nations demobilized and disarmed rapidly, and almost completely, others kept their military forces and continued their efforts to expand them.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“But because of the very grandeur and logic of our ideals, we can have no designs, and we have no designs for imposing them on others. They need a climate made up of mutual respect, of understanding, of peace and order. The peace and order we claim for ourselves, we desire no less whole — heartedly for all men, whatever their ideals or the system of government under which they live. 7. That the free world yearns for peace and prays for peace with all its heart, that it turns away from those who threaten peace, can be gainsaid only by those who are deliberately blind to the facts. We know full well that this is so. And yet the free world, which so thirsts for peace, is at this moment in the throes of a colossal and arduous effort to rearm. Do we want to make that effort? Are we making it with a light heart, or with any sort of enthusiasm?”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Eden, to analyse the disarmament proposal which was made to us by the three great Powers; and under the last heading I shall endeavour to analyse the efforts at integration of the free nations and particularly of the nations of Europe. 5. Here is the problem: two systems, two conceptions of the world and of life stand brutally confronting each other. They clash in act and in deed, in argument as in feeling. 6. We who are free believe passionately in the value of our principles. They are the justification of our existence. We prize them a hundred times more highly than our property, than our comfort, than life itself. We will defend them, if attacked, against all comers until victory has been won; and as we are convinced of their justice, we know in the bottom of our hearts that, even if we must fall, they will not perish.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Since we cannot charge anyone with intent to deceive, we are forced back on the assumption that there is, in the methods envisaged, a conflict which, whether intentional or not, is yet sufficient by its mere existence to pave the way to disaster. 4. And therefore, despite a score of failures, let us take up the problem once again. I shall endeavour to sum up, under three heads, the points which I should like to make. Under the first I wish to speak of the balance, or the restoration of the balance, of the armed forces; secondly; I should like, in accordance with the suggestion of the United Kingdom representative, Mr.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“Nowhere else is clear thinking so much at home as here in France. That is why I, in turn, shall attempt to take stock of the situation amid the opposing trends by which the world is shaken this way and that. I shall endeavour to express the opinion of a small country that has consistently throughout its history prized honesty and sincerity. 3. The essential task to which the United Nations has dedicated its organization is the preservation and maintenance of peace. This fundamental concept is embodied in our documents; it recurs in every speech delivered from this rostrum, whoever the speaker may be. Yet this unanimity in the expression of peaceful sentiments deceives no one. We are at present living under the threat of war, if not in a state of war itself.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“The man of goodwill who tries with an honest mind and a simple heart to follow the work of this distinguished Assembly must at times feel sorely perplexed. We ourselves, large as is the volume of additional information at our disposal, often have a very mixed impression, made up in unequal and indeed varying parts of disappointment and yet hope, of bewilderment and the resolve to succeed in spite of everything. 2. For those who desire to serve and to build there can be no hope of success unless they see clearly, and that is why, in spite of the time it takes, and of the customary contradictions and repetitions, a general discussion of this kind is still useful and even necessary. By good luck, the hospitable invitation extended by France has enabled us to meet in a spot where the mind of Descartes, the mind of Pascal, is still alive.”
1951-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 6 (1951)
“And perhaps eventually our generation, on completing its task, will leave to its successor a world which is better ordered, in which the past may be thought of with gratitude and pride and the future may be contemplated without anxiety and even, perhaps, with calm and steadfast hope.”
1950-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 5 (1950)
“155, As you see, I find myself impelled to repeat, in concluding these remarks, the great and noble words I used at the beginning — universal peace, international stability, progress and prosperity. But why, after all, should we fear these words, since we are sincere? It is for us to give them their true meaning, scope and prestige. 156. We are none of us under any illusion as to the effort which such an undertaking will entail or the serious risks which we shall continue to run, perhaps for a long time to come. But what does it matter? Our duty is plain. Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. Let us act.”
1950-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 5 (1950)
“When peace has been assured, when an effective organization of international relations has given the peoples security for the future, when it has become possible to reduce the crushing burdens imposed on national budgets by the struggle for equality of armaments, the resources thus released must be used to sustain an immense and common effort to make available to the less advanced nations the means of overcoming their backwardness and of attaining full economic and social development. This is an idea which is at once generous, realistic and fruitful. The sooner it can be carried into effect, the sooner will the world regain stability in peace and progress.”
1950-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 5 (1950)