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Subandrio

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS SUBANDRIO

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175

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1957-09-24

most recent

1964-09-24

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3

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un-general-debate

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1. “The peoples of Asia and Africa who fought against colonialism and struggled for their freedom and independence will clearly identify this attempt and manoeuvre of the Netherlands Government for what it is: neo-colonialism and the subversion of freedom and independence. 136. I believe I can speak here for Asia and Africa, from Dakar to Manila. Yes, to Manila. Permit me to quote from an editorial on the plan presented by Mr. Luns that appeared in fee influential Philippine nationalist paper, the Manila Chronicle, on 29 September 1961. It declares: "Indonesia is rightfully claiming West Irian, a part of its territory, and the Dutch proposal is, of course, intended to frustrate the Indonesians so that the Netherlands can keep her sole remaining colony in Asia.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

2. “It may appear incredible indeed, but we have a great responsibility towards our people, especially now towards our people in the province of West Irian. 134. Let me recall, in this respect, the statement of the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Senegal, in which he stated clearly; "From the very instant that a colonized territory accedes to independence, its new sovereignty must be exercised within the boundaries where colonial sovereignty extended." [1012th meeting, para.44.] This is exactly what the Netherlands Government has tried with their West Irian issue to undo and prevent in the last twelve years. 135.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

3. “The right of self-determination is not to be applied for the division of a nation, but for the national unity and growth of a strong and stable nation. This is very important in the special case of nations fighting for freedom from colonialism. The boundary of such a nation is decided by the boundary of the former colonial territory. This is a clear and simple issue, which should not be complicated. 132. Is it any wonder that my Government, knowing the anti-Indonesian measures and propaganda of the Netherlands colonial regime in West Irian, their same old propaganda of the right of self-determination is seriously asking itself whether this plan of Mr. Luns may not be designed to promote the setting up of a so-called "independent" West Irian against Indonesia?”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

4. “Under the cloak of self-determination they succeeded in creating at the time of the colonial war several small sub-States within Indonesia, headed by their puppets, to counter and subvert the Republic of Indonesia. 131. When this policy failed and the Republic of Indonesia survived this trial, they made another attempt in 1950. Supported by a revolt of Dutch colonial forces in the Moluccas, they created the so-called "Republic of the South Moluccas", which fortunately was crushed immediately by the Republic's National Army. 133. If Mr. Luns harbours such an Idea, it will indeed be against the natural growth of our people, against the logic and the real goal of decolonization for the building up of free nations.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

5. “Under this plan, the Netherlands will not relinquish its claim to sovereignty over West Irian until the right of self-determination for the people is "properly safeguarded". When will that be? Evidently no one knows except the Netherlands. 128. Moreover, the thousands of Dutch officials in West Irian will remain there indefinitely. This is, of course, nothing else but neo-colonialism. Another Congo. Another Katanga. 129. We say this because of our own bitter experiences in Indonesia when the Netherlands Government sold the slogan of "self-determination" in the various regions of Indonesia, in opposition to the already expressed self-determination of the Indonesian people as a whole, It was part of their policy of "divide and rule"; a policy we know only to well, and many Members of the Assembly also know it too well. 130.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

6. “In even harsher terms, Professor Duynstee described their so-called choice as "nothing but a swindle". 125. Yes, the Netherlands policy, including the present manoeuvre outlined in the plan submitted by Mr. Luns, has nothing to do with self-determination for the people of West Irian. Today, as in the past, it merely represents the self-determination of the Netherlands Government itself—with or without a Papuan Council. 126. What do we expect from Mr. Luns' plan? The Luns' plan as it is will not solve the West Irian issue, because it ignores the background, it ignores its conflict with Indonesia. The arguments on so-called decolonization and "right of self-determination" for West Irian are deceiving and may even be self-defeating, 127.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

7. “Professor Roling, in his book to which I already referred, wrote with respect to the debate on this issue in the United Nations—and I quote from page 72 of his book: "There were understandably —I repeat: "understandably" many delegates who definitely did not take the (Dutch) Argument on the right of self-determination of the Papuans seriously." 124. Further, a prominent member of Mr. Luns' own Catholic Party, Professor Duynstee of the Catholic University of Nijmeger, stated only last month in an address to the Utrecht student Association that the promise of the Netherlands government to give the people of West Irian the right to make their own choice about their future status – this so-called right to self-determination – and I quote what he said: in reality is nothing but a play upon words".”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

8. “Ismail pointedly stated that the Netherlands' promises on the exercise of self-determination ring hollow in the ears of colonial people". He went on to note: "When Abraham Lincoln freed the slaves in this country [the United States], he did not do so after waiting for those negro slaves to express their will and to have the opportunity to decide for themselves. Abraham Lincoln abolished slavery because it is a crime against humanity. The United Nations must apply the same standard in considering the case against colonialism.'' 123. This enlightened view is shared by many. In the Netherlands itself, there are many people—well-meaning people—who think the same way.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

9. “A few years ago when the question of West Irian was debated in the United Nations, the representative of Iraq pointed out rightly: "Apart from being a completely irrelevant argument, this game of self-determination, as played by colonial Powers, is nothing but a hypocritical endeavour to prolong their presence in colonial territories. Before taking such a position, it would be wise for the Netherlands Government to go over its negative record involving self-determination over the past ten years. 122. And may I remind the Assembly of what the representative of the Federation of Malaya, Mr. Ismail, said in respect to this aspect of the West Irian question during the last Assembly debate on this item in 1957. Mr.”

   1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

10. “Again, as late as August 1961 the Netherlands delegation withheld its support when the people of Tunisia demanded their legitimate rights in the case of Bizerta. 120. No, I am sorry to say that we cannot take the Netherlands notion of self-determination too seriously. Let us not be deceived by this slogan of self "determination now so conspicuously advanced in Mr. Luns' plan with regard to West Irian. As a matter of fact, its fallacy has been noted before, both in the Assembly as well as in West Irian itself, and even now in the Netherlands itself. 121.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

11. “It has not supported this right for the people of Algeria. It has not supported this right in the case of South West Africa or of any other Non-Self—Governing Territory. It has never cast its votes in the United Nations for the actual implementation of the right of self-determination. 119. Even though it did vote for Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) in December 1960, the record of the Netherlands delegations since that time shows still a curious reluctance to support the right of self-determination of peoples. In April 1961, the Netherlands delegation withheld its support from a resolution [1603 (XV)] affirming the right of self-determination for the people of Angola, although this resolution is explicitly based upon resolution 1514 (XV) and seeks its application in regard to Angola.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

12. “If the Netherlands slogan of " self-determination" in the present Netherlands Government plan still sounds 'rather appealing to some Members of the Assembly, which I doubt after knowing the real record of the Dutch colonial regime in West Irian, let me add the official Netherlands Government record in the United Nations itself. 117. When in 1955 the Third Committee included $he right of self-determination of peoples in article 1 of the draft Covenants on Human Eights, the Netherlands delegation opposed it. The further record Of the Netherlands delegation on other various items involving the exercise of the right of self-determination in the Assembly shows the following; 118. It did not support this right for the people of Morocco. It did not support the right for the people of Tunisia.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

13. “Well, are the people of West Irian to be educated for independence or for perpetual dependence? This cable of the Papuan Council, though not surprising, is truly a remarkable indictment of the Dutch colonial mentality. Again it shows that the Dutch policy in West Irian is a colonial policy, pure and simple, And I may add, a rather old-fashioned one in this era of decolonization. 115. No wonder, therefore, that thinking people find it very difficult to accept seriously the pronouncements of the Netherlands Government on self-determination. 116.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

14. “Luns completely and conveniently ignored this paragraph, which is especially applicable to the situation in West Irian. 113. Self-determination without freedom is, of course, absurd. It was not surprising to us, therefore, that the first action of the so-called Papuan Council was of a rather peculiar character. The first decision of this Council is, in fact, very revealing. It consisted of a motion proposed, if not dictated, by the Netherlands Chairman and naturally adopted by the Council as a whole, to send a cable to the Netherlands Government at The Hague expressing, on behalf of the people of West Irian, the Council's abiding allegiance to the House of Orange—that is, to the Netherlands Crown— and its sentiments of strong ties with the Netherlands people. 114.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

15. “It is evident that the Netherlands Government will tolerate the right of self-determination, if at all, only for West Irianese who can be made pro-Netherlands, who are led and guided by Dutch officials and often intimidated by Dutch military forces, 111. As a matter of fact, the entire colonial administration and policy in West Irian can only be sustained by Netherlands military power. 112. It is interesting and pertinent in this connexion that the plan presented by Mr. Luns is silent on the cessation of all armed action or repressive measures of all kinds directed against independent peoples, as required by paragraph 4 of resolution 1514 (XV), in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence and so that the integrity of their national territory shall be respected. Mr.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

16. “109, The Papuan Council, established only on 5 April 1961, is naturally headed by a Dutch official, appointed by the Dutch colonial Government, The same holds true as regards the Executive Secretary of the Council, Needless to say, the work and policy of this advisory council—which, by the way, is composed mostly of Netherlanders and pro-Netherlands West Irianese, induced in various ways to become pro-Netherlands and most of them are officials of the colonial administration-is entirely under the guidance of the Dutch Chairman and Executive Secretary. Is there any sort of self-determination of the people of West Irian in such a Council? 110.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

17. “Roling, a Netherlands professor of International Law and a member of the Netherlands delegation to the United Nations for several years until 1957, in his book: New Guinea, a World Problem, published in the Netherlands in 1958. 108, Let us look closely, for instance at the so-called "Papuan Council", set up by the Netherlands Government, of which the Assembly has been informed. It was set up in West Irian as a supposedly representative council of the people. According to Mr. Luns, it constitutes a first step towards self-government.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

18. “The facts of history as regards this issue, the Dutch policy of political expediency in this matter, should have shown the Assembly that the Netherlands policy on West Irian had and still has nothing to do with the right of self-determination for the people in West Irian. The people of West Irian were never asked for their consent, nor even their opinion, when the Netherlands Government recolonized them in 1949, and in 1952 annexed their territory into the territory of the Netherlands Kingdom. This new argument of self-determination for the people of West Irian was only adopted by the Netherlands as a matter of political expediency, to be used for international consumption. This has been so rightly pointed out by Professor V.A.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

19. “For that reason, the so-called decolonization plan of Mr. Luna does not impress us too much. It loses its moral ground. Its submission may only be attributed to an attempt by the Netherlands to get out of an untenable situation in West Irian, created by their own short-sighted and despotic colonial policy. Nevertheless, if it represents a serious attempt now to escape from his Government's dilemma, my Government will welcome it for the sake of our people in West Irian who have been suffering already too long from the prolonged Netherlands colonial rule in that part of Indonesia. 106. However, this "escape" policy should not have an anti-Indonesian spirit, the design of promoting the forcible separation of West Irian from the Indonesian national body, even under the banner of "self-determination". 107.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

20. “Because of these two basic mistakes, his plan-if adopted—can and will solve nothing. It will not resolve the dispute, the conflict, with Indonesia which is the crux of the problem. Mr. Luns cannot with impunity ignore his counterpart in the conflict, the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, and, indeed, the people of my country. If he thinks he can, he is making a very grave mistake indeed. 104. What does he really want? What doe he really mean? What kind of solution then does he really envisage? He wants a "decolonization" of West Irian. Is this not sixteen years too late, or at least eleven years? It does not seem too progressive to us. When West Irian—as part of Indonesia—was decolonized by the Republic of Indonesia, it was in fact his Government, the Netherlands Government, that afterwards recolonized this territory again. 105.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

21. “Not only will the struggle for independence be completed, not only will peace and security in our region no longer be in danger, but, more than that our relations with the Netherlands can be normalized, and subsequently the mutual inhibition in the relations between the West and Indonesia can be removed. 100. Unfortunately, one thing struck us immediately in Mr. Luns's plan. In my view, he has allowed himself to make two grave mistakes, 101. In the first place, he presented this plan for a solution of the West Irian issue as if it had no background of a conflict with my country—that is to say, as if it were a clear case of decolonization, as if he could come here with clean hands. 102. Second, he tried to suggest that a peaceful solution of the issue could be attained without a participation or co-operation of Indonesia. 103.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

22. “The Netherlands, after relinquishing its last vestige of colonialism in Indonesia, will no longer be inhibited from developing the best relations with Indonesia in particular and with the countries of Asia and Africa in general. The 700,000 people of West Irian itself will at last be allowed to share the national security of their 90 million compatriots within the Republic of Indonesia. The People of West Irian at last will be able to practise their full measure of local autonomy, as in other parts of Indonesia. Certainly, the Republic of Indonesia as a whole is also one of the beneficiaries of this peaceful solution. 99.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

23. “"Our task is to preserve peace in this part of the world, but the Netherlands and the United Nations should also give their urgent contribution to achieve this aim." 98. Let us now examine Mr. Luns's plan carefully. Let us see whether it could serve to bring about the best solution of the problem, not only viewed from the standpoint of my Government and the real situation in West Irian, not only from the viewpoint of the best interests of our people in West Irian, but also as regards the best interests of the people in the Netherlands, as we understand them. We are convinced that, especially at this present juncture, this problem can be solved peacefully in a way that is satisfactory and beneficial to all parties concerned.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

24. “It is still a question of freedom for West Irian in the framework of Indonesia's freedom and independence, as I have explained before. The best solution remains, therefore, also the same. 97. President Sukarno, commenting on Mr. Luna's plan, stated, on 27 September: "The best way for the Netherlands is to transfer immediately its authority directly to Indonesia, But if the Netherlands for different reasons would prefer the medium of the United Nations for the immediate transfer of authority to Indonesia, Indonesia is prepared to consider seriously that proposal. "If not based upon this assumption, any intervention of the United Nations may only make the problem more acute and explosive. The problem of the urgent transfer of authority to Indonesia is becoming a security problem in this region of the world.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

25. “We exercised this right sixteen years ago. We have fought for it—it was not a matter of charity—and we won it only with blood, sweat and tears. We are now determined to defend this right which we have gained so bitterly, with all our strength and all the means at our disposal. 96. The Foreign Minister of the Netherlands, Mr. Luns, has now come to the Assembly to present a plan to solve the West Irian problem, the same problem his Government has left unsolved for eleven years. These eleven years have destroyed the relations between the Netherlands and Indonesia, to no one's benefit, certainly not to the interest of the Netherlands people themselves. They have not brought any change for the better to the people of West Irian itself, This is tragic. Yet the solution remains basically simple. It is basically a colonial question.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

26. “Schools, hospitals and roads will be built; industries will be founded, as in all other parts of Indonesia. Many native sons and daughters of West Irian are now already being educated or are finding work in other parts of Indonesia. For those who remain in West Irian, special attention and priority will be needed, indeed. This awaits only their liberation from the Netherlands' colonial grip. We cannot forget the human aspect of the problem. No one can be more concerned than my Government about the future and welfare of the people of West Irian, of people in our own province,, our own people. 95. And let no one tell us what is best for them, or begin to tell us about the fairy tale of "self-determination", when he himself has never believed in it. And why should the right of self-determination for our people be decided by others?”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

27. “He was released only last April, and he can tell you what is the real situation in West Irian: the reign of fear and frustration, the oppression and intimidation inherent in a colonial regime and the mockery of democracy and self-determination, so loudly proclaimed by the Netherlands Government. 93. West Irian remains backward, and the gap between the free development of this area and the other regions of Indonesia is ever widening. What is more, the people remain constantly subjected to fears frustration and confusion. This is a human problem in itself. 94. As far as the Republic of Indonesia As concerned, West Irian as a province has naturally been included in the Eight-Year Overall National Development Plan of the Republic, now already under way.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

28. “West Irian is already represented by its own sons in the Indonesian Parliament, in the Supreme Advisory Council, in the People's Congress—the highest body of the Republic—and all other constitutional organs of the State, including the State Planning Council. 92. A native son of West Irian is also represented in our delegation to this session of the General Assembly. Yes, a native son of West Irian, representing the free, sovereign Republic of Indonesia of more than 90 million people. Mr. Dimara—that is his name—has served seven years of imprisonment in a Dutch colonial gaol in West Irian, only be cause he wanted his people in West Irian to enjoy the freedom that the Republic of Indonesia has gained.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

29. “West Irian, as I have said, constitutes a province of the Republic of Indonesia, one of the twenty-three provinces into which the Republic of Indonesia is divided administratively. It is true that our administration cannot be fully exercised in the main island of West Irian so far. But we do have a provincial government of West Irian, seated near the main island of West Irian, but still within the administrative territory of the West Irian province. 91. The provinces of the Republic of Indonesia have full local autonomy. They have their own local assembly, the administration is headed by Governors from their own local people, and even the territorial military commanders >e have gone so far—are chosen from the local population. This principle applies equally in the province of West Irian.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

30. “We are preparing to face the worst vis-à-vis the Dutch in West Irian. This is our task, our national task, from which we do not shrink. 88. One might not be aware that in reality, West Irian, as part of my country, has never been actually separated from the Republic of Indonesia, despite sixteen years of protracted colonial occupation by the Netherlands in that Territory and its endeavours towards that end. It has never been separated from the Republic of Indonesia, politically, socially or even constitutionally. 89. Subject only to restrictions imposed by the emergency Situation of continued Dutch occupation, we have treated West Irian as an integral part of our country. It has its rightful place in the Republic. 90.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

31. “My Government holds the view that the best solution still would be the transfer of administration in West Irian to the Republic of Indonesia, to end colonialism completely in Indonesia in the best interest of the relationship between the two countries. A normal relationship between the two countries would thus be restored, with all its beneficial possibilities for the two countries. Moreover, we would be contributing to stability and peace In an important area of the world, 87. But so far we have not seen any sign of realism from the Netherlands Government. Meanwhile, Our .efforts to regain the freedom of our people in West Irian, to end colonialism in that part of the country, cannot be lessened. It has become a matter of peace and security for my country and for our people.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

32. “My Government, and President Sukarno himself, appreciate the endeavours of these well-meaning Netherlands people, sincere as they seem to us, and representing presumably the more realistic and honest Netherlands view held by important groups in the Netherlands national life. 86. As far as my Government is concerned, and my President recently, and indeed repeatedly, has declared, if the Netherlands Government indicates-due to the changed circumstances—that it is now prepared to relinquish its so-called sovereignty over West Irian and to seek a satisfactory solution of the dispute with the Republic of Indonesia, my Government is prepared to enter into new negotiations to solve the problem at its very roots.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

33. “They are agreed on the transfer of authority over West Irian, in order not only to restore the territorial integrity of the Republic of Indonesia, but also to make possible the re-establishment of normal relations between the Netherlands and Indonesia, especially in the economic field. 84. In this process it has been suggested that in no way should this settlement be interpreted as a victory for one of the party and a loss of face for the other. We in Indonesia are fully aware of this problem, and we will do everything to accommodate the Netherlands in this respect, even at the sacrifice of some of our own national prestige. 85.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

34. “Indeed, obstacles which existed in 1949 in the Netherlands, which at that time was responsible for the Netherlands policy of expediency to retain colonial hold on West Irian, today exist no longer in the Netherlands. 83* A number of Dutch people, some prominent and representing a discernible body of public interest and option in the Netherlands, have, during the last two years, made persistent efforts to approach my Government, and indeed President Sukarno himself, so as to contribute to a satisfactory solution of the West Irian dispute in the light of the changed or changing circumstances.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

35. “So this West Irian dispute, and conflict with Indonesia, has now become a real liability for the Netherlands people and budget. Serious doubts about the wisdom of the Netherlands Government in maintaining its colonial hold—in West Irian—against its greater interests in Indonesia and in the world as a whole, have been growing. And, as we are told, it has gone so far already that the Netherlands Parliament now would consider the definite relinquishing of Netherlands authority—sovereignty, as they say—over West Irian. 82, Well, many people in the Netherlands now think that the time has come for West Irian which is, after all, part of Indonesian territory, to be fully restored to the Republic of Indonesia.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

36. “Indonesians who disagree with the colonial policy are expelled and sent to Republican territory at the rate of a hundred a month. An exodus of Dutch officials and settlers has already taken place, during the last two years—they have been either returning to the Netherlands or emigrating to Australia. Up to June last, 13,000 Netherlands people in West Irian had left this inhospitable country—inhospitable for the Netherlands, that is to say-for Australia. More than 1,000 Netherlands people are expected to leave this year for the Netherlands. At this very moment, 400 of these people are sailing back from West Irian to Holland. 81, The theory of a "safe haven" for Indo-Netherlanders, as once envisaged, has turned out to be a complete failure.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

37. “They realize now that this West Irian issue between the Netherlands and Indonesia has brought the Netherlands people only trouble, only hostility from Indonesia, no sympathy from the peoples of Asia and Africa and, indeed, no sympathy from the greater part of the world. 80, The loss of the greater interests in Indonesia is very evident. And let us not forget the trouble in West Irian itself. Fear, unrest and uncertainty prevail among the population in West Irian; not only among the native population, but also among the Netherlands officials and settlers. The thousands of men and women jailed because of their anti-Netherlands actions is only evidence of the failure of the Netherlands colonial adventure in West Irian.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

38. “Feelings of hostility and disillusionment might prevail, indeed, amongst sections of the Netherlands people after Indonesia's accession to independence. 78. Goodwill and understanding had to be built up on both sides to establish new, friendly relations between the two peoples—based now, however, on the mutual freedom of their two countries. However, the West Irian issue, which became ever more serious, was detrimental to these efforts. The relations between the two Governments became worse until all relations, including naturally, economic relations, were broken of entirely. 79, Row is the public opinion in the Netherlands now? Now many people—well-meaning people—in the Netherlands realize what this all means, what interests are really at stake.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

39. “Relations with the Netherlands have already been broken off entirely. 76. In the meantime, we are happy to have been able to consolidate our national political and physical strength, and embark also upon a national over-all development programme for the rapid economic and social development and emancipation of our peoples. West Irian is not excluded, although the materialization of the programme there is hampered by the prolonged Dutch colonial occupation of that territory. 77. Indonesia's freedom has always been posed as a spectre to the Netherlands public. We know it is not easy for a colonial Power to lose its colonial territory, though it is for the sake of human freedom. In fact, we had to gain our freedom bitterly through a colonial war, from 1945 to 1949.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

40. “We have every reason to believe that gradually their colonial policy towards Indonesia came to be no longer based on the consideration of the preservation of Netherlands interest in that region—nor even upon the standard of national prestige—but that the emotional anti-Indonesian sentiment of some of the leaders in the Netherlands was becoming increasingly the irrational guiding principle of the Netherlands Government's approach to Indonesia. 75. My Government thus embarked on a policy of total confrontation vis-à-vis the Netherlands, not only politically but also economically and militarily. We took the necessary measures against their economic interest, a hold-over from colonial days; their military build-up in and around West Irian, a base of intimidation and subversion, we faced with the building up of our own military strength.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

41. “That would have been an anomalous situation. Their military and repressive measures in West Irian, their subversion of the freedom and national integrity of the Republic, which, in fact, started with the very independence of Indonesia-all this had to be stopped, The colonial policy which, even after the establishment of our Indonesian independence, they still harboured in their minds, had to be eliminated, once and for all, from Indonesian soil. 74.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

42. “The United Nations, unable, or more correctly, not wanting to lend its assistance in the solution of this problem, left my Government with no other alternative than to find a solution in our own way. In the present world, it meant relying basically upon our own national strength. It was, however, a comfort that the great majority in the Assembly supported our case—our case for freedom for our peoples. That strengthened our determination to continue our struggle for the freedom of the people of West Irian with all the means at our disposal. 73. Patience and goodwill found no place any more in the strained relations between Indonesia and the Netherlands, The Netherlands contention, previously held, that they could retain their economic positions in Indonesia—a kind of privileged position indeed— could no longer be maintained.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

43. “However, the Indonesian Government showed patience in seeking the possible peaceful solution of the question, vital as that was to the freedom of its people. 71. In the following years, despite the ill-will of the Netherlands, the Indonesian Government again followed its peaceful course of action, through the United Nations. Apart from that, we permitted the Netherlands to preserve its privileged economic position, a position which it still maintained after the recognition of the Republic of Indonesia at the end of 1949. 72. Again, however, we only met with Dutch opposition and resolutions for a peaceful solution of the dispute could not be adopted by the General Assembly. When that happened, in 1957, our patience and goodwill were really exhausted.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

44. “When bilateral negotiations with the Netherlands completely and finally failed in 1954, owing to the adamant refusal of the Netherlands to negotiate the real issues at stake, we turned to the United Nations, still seeking the peaceful solution of the dispute between the two countries. The conflict became more and more serious. It had become a purely colonial problem. The Netherlands Government contested United Nations competence to deal with the question* but that failed. However, the deliberations in the United Nations General Assembly came to no result. A draft resolution,!/ merely expressing the hope for further negotiations, was strongly-opposed by the Netherlands, and its adoption by the Assembly was blocked. 70.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

45. “Everything was done to educate the people of West Irian in an anti-Indonesian direction. 68. Against this background, it was no wonder that negotiations to settle the West Irian issue with the Netherlands could only fail. It seemed that the Netherlands Government now harboured the intention of keeping its colonial grip on West Irian, with a view to separating it definitely from the free, independent Indonesia. The Netherlands attitude was a flagrant violation not only of the agreement and understandings, but, indeed, of the spirit of the agreement on Indonesian independence reached at the end of 1949. 69.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

46. “While speaking of educating the people of West Irian for the exercise of the right of self-determination, the Netherlands colonial regime in West Irian, supported by military force which it still retained in that part of Indonesia, oppressed and crushed the Irian party for Indonesian independence, imprisoned their leaders or forced them to flee into "safer haven" in other parts of Indonesia. They reopened the notorious concentration camp "Boven Digul", familiar from before the Second World War. Led by old colonial officials and the police, they embarked upon a regime of terror to "de-Indonesianize" that part of Indonesia. They started to educate the poor people of West Irian in the Netherlands language, in colonial fashion, in order to make them good colonial subjects whom they could govern.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

47. “Gradually, however, we were confronted with a Netherlands position which showed not only reluctance but, in fact, ill-will about settling the issue, which had become a serious dispute indeed. The Netherlands claimed sovereignty over that part of the territory of Indonesia. '66. Though speaking about the right of self-determination for the people of West Irian, the Netherlands Government conveniently proposed a bill to its Parliament in 1952 to annex West Irian to the territory of the Netherlands Kingdom. 67.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

48. “It is true that they were partially suppressed after Netherlands troops had reoccupied that territory, but, nevertheless, their sentiments as part of a great Indonesia were never in doubt. The local leaders of West Irian were happy that Indonesia, their own country—of which West Irian had been part for centuries—had become a free, independent country. 64. The issue for Indonesia, then, was not to let down its people in West Irian, and to bring about the restoration of West Irian to the control and administration of the Republic of Indonesia as soon as possibly This was a national issue of great importance to my Government and my people. 65. In 1950, negotiations started between the Netherlands and Indonesia to settle the issue. However, they failed to settle it within one year. Further negotiations were necessary.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

49. “' 62, To Indonesia, this political expediency of the Netherlands meant that the whole Indonesian people— numbering about 70 million at that time—would freely enjoy the independence of their country, except the 1 percent, about 700,000, living in West Irian. But we took some comfort from the fact that this setback could soon be corrected, by negotiations with the Netherlands Government within one year. Never was there a demand by the people of West Irian—to the Netherlands Government or to the Indonesian Government—for separation or secession in favour of any other country. Why should they have made such a demand? 68. In fact, the population of West Irian participated fully in the defence of the Independence Proclamation of 17 August 1945.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)

50. “What did this issue of West Irian, thus created, mean to the Netherlands and to Indonesia? 61. To the Netherlands, it may have meant a success in political expediency, adopted to a certain kind of colonial prestige desired at that time. Economically, West Irian meant nothing; either militarily or strategically. Never, as we knew, had there been a demand by the Netherlands people for the annexation of West Irian or its secession from Indonesia. As a matter of fact, the round-table agreements still referred to West Irian as a "Residency"—that is, an administrative unit of the Indonesian State administration.”

    1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)