YouSaid · the spoken record

Subandrio

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS SUBANDRIO

lines on the record: 175
first: 1957-09-24
most recent: 1964-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“The whole population of Indonesia at that time was 70 million. 58. Only on those conditions could the Netherlands Parliament be brought to agree on the transfer of sovereignty to independent Indonesia, with a two-thirds majority in favour of the policy of the Netherlands Government. The Netherlands Government succeeded in this political manoeuvre, with the further assumption that within one year the problem of West Irian would be solved. 59. The second reason was that many Indo-Netherlanders, having lived in colonial Indonesia, might no longer feel comfortable in newly independent Indonesia. A new home for a new-life—a "safe haven", as they called it— might well be reserved for them, although from the beginning it was rather questionable whether West Irian could serve that purpose. 60.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Was this to be understood as a necessary,, though temporary, condition? We were told at that time by the Netherlands Government that the reasons were twofold. 57. First, on the eve of the formal transfer to Indonesia, recognizing Indonesia's independence, a seemingly important section of the Netherlands people was strongly opposed to the idea of losing the former rich and most important colony of the Netherlands. This opposition had to be appeased. The round-table agreements would maintain Dutch economic interests in the newly independent Indonesia to a satisfactory degree. And, as for the remaining feeling about colonial prestige, a colonial hold should be retained. In this respect, the easiest possibility that time seemed to be the almost unexplored and economically unexploited territory of West Iran, inhabited by 700,000 people.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“All parties agree that what used to be the Netherlands East Indies" —I repeat: "what used to be the Netherlands East Indies" — "should become an independent State as soon as possible." 54. That statement, that official recognition, was indeed greatly instrumental in bringing the colonial war to an end. It laid the common, agreed basis for the round-table negotiations which produced the formal transfer of sovereignty over Indonesia on 27 December 1949. 55. We therefore felt confident that the remaining difficulty over West Irian could be settled by further negotiations, in fulfilment of the pledge to make Indonesia's independence really complete and unconditional. 56. What were the reasons of the Netherlands at that time for retaining its hold and colonial administration over that part of Indonesia after independence?”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Sovereignty over Indonesia has already been transferred, completely and unconditionally. 52, What thus only remained to be removed was Dutch control and, at that time, the Dutch military administration in West Irian, re-established by the Netherlands after its reoccupation of that part of Indonesia during the course of the colonial war. 33. We may recall, among "others, the statement of the Netherlands representatives Mr. van Roijen, to the United Nations Security Council at the end of 1948, when the question of Indonesia's independence was settled through the intervention of the United Nations. The Netherlands representative made the following statement, which was clear to us and to everyone else, on 22 December 1948: "As I explained at the outset, the dispute is not about the question of whether or not Indonesia will become independent.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Complete and unconditional sovereignty over Indonesia was formally transferred by the Netherlands, irrevocably, as the Agreements clearly stated. And what Indonesia was and is, one could read in the Netherlands Constitution of 1948, which replaced the term "Netherlands East Indies" by "Indonesia", the newly accepted name for the former Dutch colony. 51. West Irian was part and parcel of this colonial territory, and indeed for the newly independent Republic of Indonesia it was and still is part and parcel of its national territory. West Irian is now one of the twenty-three regional provinces of the territory of the Republic. Therefore, there is no such thing as a territorial claim of the Republic of Indonesia. It cannot have a claim on its own territory.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“While it was the Government of Indonesia which brought this issue before the United Nations a few years ago, the last time in 1957, against the strong opposition of the Netherlands Government, it is now the Netherlands Government which has come to the Assembly for the solution, the peaceful solution of the same basic problem. 49. What is this conflict, what is really the dispute on West Irian between Indonesia and the Netherlands? What are the issues at stake? 50. It is a remnant of a colonial problem, regarding a certain territory of Indonesia, which was unresolved when Indonesia gained formal recognition of its independence at the end of 1949. It was, however, agreed that the issue in dispute, the political status of West Irian, would be settled by the Governments of Indonesia and the Netherlands through negotiations within one year.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Success will necessitate a clear-headed and realistic appraisal of the forces loose in the world today and of their interaction in the inexorable march of history. 47. Allow me to turn now to the question of West Iranian—or West New Guinea—which still constitutes a serious dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands and has greatly worsened relations between our two countries. I do so, in particular, to reply to and to comment on the statement of the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands on 26 September 1961 [1016th meeting], which was devoted almost entirely to this question of West Irian. He even suggested, on behalf of the Netherlands Government, that the Assembly, the United Nations, now intervene and lend its hand to solve the problem—an intervention that the Netherlands Government has so far opposed. 48.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“So do not try to judge or approach this Conference with a power-bloc mentality. Do not try to keep a box score on whether we, the non-aligned nations, batted to the left or to the right; whether we condemned one side or praised the other. For we came to Belgrade neither to condemn nor to preach, but to voice the aspirations of the vast majority of peoples in the world. Judge us by this: whether the Belgrade Conference voiced the hopes, the aspirations and expectations of the seething masses everywhere on earth. This is the demanding, but objective, yardstick by which we will stand or fall. 46. Likewise, it is the yardstick by which the success or failure of this session of the Assembly will be measured. And success will not be easy.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We met in the belief that time was running short, and that we must seek to uproot the source of tension and strife in present international relations. Thus, in its final declaration, the Conference stated: "That to eradicate basically the source of conflict is to eradicate colonialism in all its manifestations and to accept and practice a policy of peaceful coexistence in the world; that guided by these principles the period of transition and conflict can lay a firm foundation of co-operation and brotherhood between the nations.. 44. The Belgrade Conference represented indeed our feeling of responsibility for promoting a relaxation of international tension and safeguarding peace. Our sole aim was to contribute our moral force towards the implementation of a new world order based upon independence, equality and social justice. 45.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Only with general and complete disarmament can we end the present madness, return to the path of sanity, and remove the threat of mutual annihilation that hangs over the confrontation between the two opposing world forces. 42. It is indeed Our conviction that the fruits of science and technology must be used to heal instead of wound, to promote well-being not misery, to make man's every dawn an exclamation of hope not a question mark of fear. It is our conviction that the genius of man must be used for peace not war. 43. It was in this conviction, and with the desire to promote as best we can the peaceful transition to a new world order, that we, the non-aligned nations, met in conference in Belgrade from 1 to 6 September of this year.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“However, harmful as these tests may be in polluting the air we breathe, immoral as they may be in constituting a means for perfecting instruments for the destruction of mankind, we know, too, that the prohibition of these tests is not sufficient in itself. At the same time, agreement must be reached on general and complete disarmament, under aft effective system of international control. For we know from reliable sources that the great Powers—the United States and the Soviet Union—already have enough weapons in their respective arsenals to set the world ablaze. These deadly stockpiles must be destroyed before they destroy us. This is the crux of the problem.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The armaments race, the accumulation and testing of ever more devilish weapons of mass destruction, are the physical embodiment of the confrontation and struggle between the old established forces and the new social forces, in particular affecting the relationship between the two big Powers of the world; as such it demands immediate and urgent solution. 40. As a matter of principle, Indonesia is opposed to the testing of nuclear weapons by any nation— whether in the atmosphere or underground, in the depth of the oceans or the far reaches of outer space. Popular movements representing every stratum of our national life have come out against these tests, particularly as they are only too often conducted in areas other than that of the testing nation. 41.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We must see to it that the provisions of this noble resolution serve the cause of liberation and justice, and are not perverted by the forces of the old established order to serve their own desperate ends. Further, the United Nations must still bring about the realization of its resolutions on the question of Palestine. The plight of the Palestine refugees represents a human tragedy that cannot but touch and affect us all. The misery of these people is our misery and our responsibility to remove. 39. Yet another problem still confronting the Assembly is the problem of disarmament, including the cessation of nuclear weapons tests.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Let us have the vision to make the United Nations a forceful and effective instrument for guiding us in the present to the promises of the future. But let us also acknowledge today the progress that has already been made. 37. Tills Assembly of 100 sovereign Member States is visible proof of the advances made in the march towards freedom and independence. Resolution 1514 (XV) adopted by the General Assembly at its fifteenth session represented another forward stride in solving the basic problem afflicting international relations today. We have made progress, but much more needs to be done. 38. General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) must still be implemented in full and everywhere.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The responsibilities of the Secretary-General now embrace decisions that are .vital, and sometimes political in their consequences. No man can be asked to shoulder this great burden alone, despite his sincerity and honesty and his personal ability. We believe therefore that the Secretary-General should have the assistance of a number of close advisers. This will be of benefit both to the Secretary-General and in making the office of Secretary-General correspond more to the existing world realities. It is true that the Secretary-General must be given full freedom in the choice of his advisers, but on the other hand, to balance the guidance of the Secretariat, the choice of the advisers must also be in conformity with the existing political division of this world. 36.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Present realities also make it imperative that the nations of Asia and Africa be adequately represented in the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, as well as in other main bodies and agencies of the Organization We consider that positive steps towards the expansion of these organs, in conformity with the principle of equitable geographical distribution, should be taken at this session of the General Assembly. 35. Finally, the Secretariat of the United Nations itself must conform to present realities. The office of Secretary-General has become an enormous one, too great for any man to carry alone. It is not a question of finding a neutral man, of finding true civil servant. It is a problem of the office itself, which has come to be more than a purely administrative organ.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“One such reality is the existence of the People's Republic of China, a nation of more than 600 million people still deprived of its rightful seat in this Organization. The principle on which the Organization was founded, the principle of the universality of membership, will remain no more than a slogan as long as China and other nations are still excluded from this international forum. As in the past, we will press for a rectification of this situation, guided in this matter by political realism and the determination to make the United Nations strong, universal, and able to fulfil its proper function. 34.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It too finds itself in a transitional period, with all the dangers and moments of crises it involves. 31. It faces such a crisis now, a crisis accentuated, though not created, by the untimely and tragic death of the Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. He was a man with whom we did not always agree. But he was a man whose sincerely and integrity we never doubted. He was a man we deeply respected. Foremost, he was an international civil servant, dedicated to the life of the Organization in whose service he lost his own life. 32. Yes, the Organization has a life. And life requires growth and change. Above all, it requires that the United Nations should face the realities of today. 33.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In this respect Indonesia is making great progress within its Eight-Year Overall Development Plan, 1961-1968, covering the reconstruction of the whole national life: economic, industrial, cultural, educational and social. It comprises altogether 343 projects, with a budget of 240 billion rupiahs, equal to approximately 5.5 billion United States dollars. 30. If in 1945 the United Nations was the bright hope of a war-shattered weary world, today it must be the catalyst to build the world anew. The requirements and the challenges are different today from yesteryear. Even the United Nations today is not the United Nations of sixteen years ago. With the emergence of the newly-independent nations of Asia and Africa, its membership has doubled in number and continues to increase from year to year.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“If the I960's are truly to become the "Decade of Development", of economic and social emancipation, then all peoples and all nations must pool their human and material resources for the common good. Only a multilateral undertaking, which enlists the wholehearted co-operation of all nations, can solve the problem of economic and social development of less developed nations, the problem upon which the entire future rests. 29. There are indeed indications that the economically advanced countries are aware of the need for such a new approach. But moves in that direction are still hesitant and groping. The path to the future must be bold, straight and clear. And it is for the United Nations to chart this path, though we all are aware that in the first place each nation itself is responsible for the- growth of economic development.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is in the common interest of the international community of nations that the ever-widening gap between the standards of living and the economic progress of the economically advanced and the less developed countries be bridged in conformity with the tenets of justice, in conformity With the social conscience of man. ,28. But to remove this source of tension and crisis, to advance to a more equitable and just order in the world community—an order in the interest, and to the mutual benefit, of all—requires the application of new and bold approaches to international economic cooperation. Static concepts based on the old order cannot possibly meet the challenge.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Yes, we are revolutionaries in our struggle for liberation, but no less revolutionary in the process of emancipation, which is also one of the essentials of the new world order. 27. We are revolutionary in thought and in action. We must be able to catch up with developments and to emancipate ourselves socially and economically after centuries of omission and domination. While we do not expect others, who do not share our urgency and need, to share our revolutionary approach within their particular national sphere, we do ask of everyone to look at the world as one of transition, convulsed with revolutionary outlook—and if not to accept it, then to understand it. At least do not obstruct this process of emancipation towards a new world order. For at best it is in every nation's interest that this transition fee swift and peaceful.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“it is the duty of the world community to continue to do everything ill its power in order to erase the consequences and to prevent any further foreign intervention in this young African State, and to enable the Congo to embark freely upon the road of its independent development based on respect for its sovereignty, unity and its territorial integrity". 25. Yes, every step of progress must be nurtured and guarded against the colonialism and neo-colonialism that are still rife in Africa, as in other regions of the world. The colonial mentality and attitude still prevail. We must struggle against it to transform old ideas into revolutionary ideas and dreams, into a new reality. 26.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“And more than that, they must not be allowed to bear fruit for the neo-colonialists and their mercenaries. The province of Katanga must remain an integral part of the national territory of the Congo, The United Nations, pledged to preserve the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Congo, cannot relent in its efforts until the Central Government of the Congo has restored its full and rightful authority in the province of Katanga. The Conference of Non-Aligned Countries held in Belgrade in September 1961 declared firmly and clearly: «...”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Finally it was recognized that self-determination for secession did not work, and at last the efforts were concentrated upon the restoration of the integrity of the Congo. But this only after bloodshed and only after a march of tragic events. A tragedy because of the suffering of the Congolese people themselves, a tragedy because of the loss of lives of the United Nations military forces and a great tragedy because of the loss by the United Nations of one of its eminent and devoted civil servants in the person of the Secretary-General, Mr. Dag Hammarskjold. In fact, because of its very deviousness, neo-colonialism has-been and still is the greatest danger to the independence and territorial integrity of the Congo. 24. The tragic events in the Congo must not be repeated.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“By force it has prevented the United Nations from exercising its rightful authority in that Territory. Surely the time has come to put an end to this defiance of the Organization by the Government of South Africa, and to free the people of South West Africa from that Government's clutches. 23. There is also the problem of the Congo. Here we have witnessed both open colonial aggression and the more devious manoeuvres of neo-colonialism. The abuse of the principle of self-determination is here obvious to everybody. Instead of transforming the old colonial relationship into an interdependence of two sovereign States, Belgium and the Congo, as one national entity, the old colonial Power preferred to preserve its interest by instigating and provoking a separatist movement.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Further, the Organization must take the necessary steps to compel the Government of Portugal to end its military operation of liquidation, terror and oppression. The killing of innocent men, women and children must stop. The servitude of the Angolan people must stop. They have the right to freedom and independence now. 22. And what of the situation in South Africa? There the Government continues to practise its infamous policy of apartheid, openly flouting the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. How long can this abhorrent practice go, on before it explodes into another tragedy? Not satisfied with courting disaster in its own land, the Government of South Africa has even extended this policy of apartheid to the Territory of South West Africa.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The people of Algeria are fighting for their freedom and independence, and will continue the fight until victory is theirs. This is a reality that France must accept. Certainly, for our part, we will not rest until this criminal bloodshed and terror, perpetrated to preserve the old, established order, are halted. We will continue to give our support to the provisional government of the Algerian Republic as well as all possible aid. We pray only that victory will be theirs soon. 21. In Angola the situation can only be described as one of unspeakable horror. It is the duty of the United Nations to reveal to world public opinion this dark blot, this reversion to barbarity, in all its cruelty and inhumanity.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Again I say that the ideological question is one for each nation to decide for. itself. The ideological struggle, which has come to be known as the cold war problem, does not involve the majority of mankind. It is not the main problem of our time. 18. But the biggest problem today is the attainment of a world order in which all peoples and nations enjoy freedom, equality and social justice. It is the complete and irrevocable eradication of colonialism in all its manifestations. For this is the basic source of conflict in the world, it is in Algeria in Angola, in the Congo that blood is flowing. There men suffer and die to win the right to a new tomorrow. 19. Look at the colonial cancers that infest the African continent alone. 20. In Algeria the colonial war has entered its seventh year.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In the specific case of Germany it means the recognition of the existence of two Germanys. It means the recognition of the existing realities in both East and West Berlin. It means the acceptance of the free passages from and to West Berlin. At the same time the great Powers must stop treating these nations which are divided against themselves as an ideological battleground. The peoples of these nations must be given the chance to decide their own future destiny, unhampered by external pressures or interference—in other words, strict observance of the principle of peaceful coexistence. And what do we mean by peaceful coexistence? Not the perpetuation of the status quo, but the right of every nation to develop according to its own traditions, concepts and needs. 17.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Left alone they will reach their synthesis. Left alone they will find the ideology that can best promote the aspirations, expectations and demands of their people for abetter and richer standard of life. 15. It is only when the ideological question is injected from outside, when nations are relentlessly subjected to the pull of opposing ideologies, and when they are given no breathing space for finding their own way of life, that they split in two. Then we get the two Germanys, the two Koreas, the two Viet-Nams. But even among these artificially divided States there exists the possibility of co-existence, leading to their re-unification on the basis of their own new synthesis. 16. But the first step for such a development is the recognition of the existing realities.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“We Indonesians have gone through it ourselves. But we have emerged, strengthened and revived, with a national progressive ideology that binds our people together because it is rooted in our past heritage and suited to our present demands. With this national progressive ideology, all our energies are freed for the tremendous tasks of construction. 13. However, in this process of finding ourselves— yes, finding ourselves—we have learned a lesson which we consider to be of immense importance. We have learned that when external forces sought to bring pressure on us in our ideological conflict, turmoil and turbulence turned into hostility, violence and war. But v/hen we were left to our own devices, turmoil and turbulence led to synthesis and a new advance. 14. Most of the new, emergent countries are now engaged in a similar process.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“A look at our crowded agenda and we see that these crises occur in three spheres of international relations: in the sphere of the ideological struggle, in the sphere of the liberation struggle and in the sphere of the struggle for social and economic emancipation, 11. As to the ideological struggle, it is primarily confined to the great Powers. They have injected it as the cold war problem in international affairs. But for the emerging and newly-emerged nations the ideological question is an internal problem that each one must solve for itself. It is not a matter of adopting one ideology or another, but of each nations finding its own progressive ideology, an ideology serving the nations as a whole, its own synthesis, in conformity with its traditions, conditions and needs. 12. This is, as we know, a gruelling and difficult process.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The retreat of the dominating forces of the past, the retreat of the colonial forces, cannot be won without a struggle, not without dislocation and sometimes not without a physical confrontation between the emerging social forces and the old established forces of a bygone domination. 9. So let us not fear these moments of danger and crisis. For we cannot escape them. Our task is rather to mar shall all our energies to ensure that they do not get out of hand and burst violently into a world Conflagration. 10. As we meet here we indeed find ourselves again beset by the, crises, the fever blisters, of a world in transition, writhing between those who seek to preserve the, status quo and those who seek to promote the change towards a new world order based on freedom, equality and social justice.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“This is the principal progress which we have made since the Second World War. Not only has Hitler fascism been defeated, but the process towards a better foundation of a peaceful world has been established— and that, away from the pre-war world stability. A victory in war, if not followed by a strong foundation of world order based upon freedom for all, justice among and within nations, will not secure the fundamental ingredients for peace. 7. Yet, as I have said, we are still in the transitional stage. We have still not reached our final goal. We are still experiencing the turmoil and the tempest that are common to every period of transition. They give rise to dangerous moments. Yes, but these moments must not transfix us with fear. They are the natural hurdles in the path towards a new world order. 8. Let us not delude ourselves.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The movements for national freedom and independence have gained a momentum impossible to stop. Peoples everywhere are not only struggling for, but achieving, their liberation from oppression and domination. Within sixteen years the membership of the United Nations has increased from 51 to .100.- There is a growing consciousness that the world is no longer a place which any one nation or group of nations can aspire to dominate. There is a growing awareness of ' the fact that no nation can dominate any other nation. There is, too, a general and heightened realization of the social and economic forces in the world—forces which are breaking through the crust of centuries of silence and neglect and which, it is now being realized, must be satisfied if they are not to explode in the fulfilment of their destiny. 6.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is moving —moving fast and often painfully—from a past order based upon domination—political, economic and military— to a new world order responsive to the urgent demands of the majority of mankind, a world order based upon freedom for all nations and cooperation among all nations, where the exploitation of nation by nation, of man by man, has ceased to exist, and where equality and justice prevail in the relations between nations. 4. We are wending our tortuous way to this new equilibrium; and yet already, freedom, equality, justice for all are the prerequisites for stability in our present day world. They are the prerequisites for real peace in the world of today. It is then against this background of essentials that we must judge where we stand now. Have we made, and are we making, progress? The answer is; yes—definitely yes. 5.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“1. Each session of the General Assembly is a time when we broaden our perspective and look at the world as a whole. Certainly we cannot escape from our own national problems which so intensely and daily preoccupy our minds. But we can and do gain a sharper realization of the fact that the existing world problems condition also the progress which we shall make towards our own national development and growth. 2. This is certainly true of peoples struggling for their national independence. It is true of newly independent countries in their efforts to achieve social and economic emancipation; and it is no less true of the old established nations maintaining their role in world affairs in a positive and constructive way. 3. For together we are caught up in this seething, changing world. Yes, our world is in transition.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“My delegation considers this a great obstacle in the normalization of international relations, and any delay in solving this problem will certainly do harm to ourselves rather than impede the Chinese people in their national endeavour. 194. I cannot end my statement without expressing the fervent hope that this session of the General Assembly, under the President's leadership, will be successful in facing the problems which confront our present-day world. I do not expect that all issues can be solved forthwith; neither do I expect that the world of tranquillity is already within immediate reach. However, I do believe in progress based upon the sanity and wisdom of mankind. I do believe that we are all determined to reject the emotions or the selfish pride which may lead to our own extinction.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We trust that this session of the General Assembly will answer this question in a manner consonant with the faith, patience and moderation shown for so long by the Indonesian people, and that it will adopt constructive recommendations for a final peaceful settlement of the problem of West Irian. 193. Now that this Organization embraces the participation of an ever-increasing number of nations, representing the great majority of mankind, confidence will grow that the United Nations is the most effective instrument to deal with the conflicts and crises which sometimes are unavoidable. In extending our most sincere congratulations to our sister nations, Ghana and the Federation of Malaya, I cannot fail to regret that the question of the proper representation of China is not yet settled.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Yet the very perversion of the principle of self-determination brings to the forefront the crux of the issue at stake: immediate freedom for the people of West Irian and the chance to live their own lives, or the maintenance of colonial rule by all means and at any cost. 192. The problem of West Irian is as simple as that. The only question is whether the United Nations is the place where its solution may be worked out, or whether we must embark upon another course, even at the risk of aggravating conditions in South-East Asia and perhaps inviting "cold war” tensions to muddy further the waters of peace in that region of the world.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“That structure was taken over by the Netherlands and, in fact, was further preserved in its traditional entity. And no country, not even the Netherlands itself, which has a happy history of co-operation among its peoples of diverse origins, would consent to the disruption of this traditional association. 191. Moreover, aside from being an affront to the people of West Irian, whose representatives are already participating actively in the affairs of Indonesia, the injection of the principle of self-determination at this late date is an obvious misuse of that principle in order to perpetuate colonial rule.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It is, then, with the whole-hearted and unanimous support of the Indonesian nation and people that we come here, in a spirit of reconciliation, seeking a just and peaceful solution that will mend one more tear in the fabric of the community of nations. 190. I am aware of the suggestion that the status of West Irian should be determined on the basis of self-determination, on the false and irrelevant assumption that the people of that region form a separate ethnic group. This would imply nothing less than our consent to a procedure which would pave the way for further artificially created attempts to break up the national structure of our community, which was developed by our forefathers many centuries ago and which resulted in a historical and traditional association of all the peoples of the various parts of Indonesia.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“It is for this reason that we regret that the United Nations has up to now failed to take those steps necessary for finding a settlement of the West Irian problem, not only in the interest of the Indonesian and Netherlands peoples, but also in the broader interest of promoting creatively the emergence of a new relationship between Asia and Africa and the West. 189. The question of West Irian and its solution is the foremost national issue in Indonesia and one in which all the people of Indonesia in every walk of life are united. Both the Indonesian Parliament and the Indonesian National Congress, organs in which the province and people of West Irian are proportionally represented, have adopted unanimously resolutions calling for the complete restoration of West Irian to Indonesia.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The time has come for this Organization to show that it can find a settlement of the Algerian problem by the peaceful means of negotiation and reconciliation. We must not and, indeed, we will not fail, given the common will to use the potentialities of this world Organization as an instrument for peace and progress. 188. It is in this spirit that Indonesia, along with twenty other Member States, has for the fourth time brought the question of West Irian before this body. It is not my intention to elaborate now upon this issue, since it will be comprehensively discussed in committee as an item on the agenda. However, I do wish to take this opportunity to stress once again that we come here seeking a peaceful solution of this dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“In Algeria, at this very moment, the struggle for freedom rages unabated. Countless men, women and even children are laying down their lives so that others may emerge from the senselessness of a life of subjugation to be reborn in freedom. The waste and destruction of human lives and of material goods goes on in a futile attempt to suppress the inalienable right of the Algerian people to live their own lives. 187. I have no doubts that the people of Algeria will soon cross the threshold of freedom. But must they do so in the din of war and with hatred and distrust in their hearts? This is the question before the United Nations today. It is too late for wishful thinking or mere expressions of hope that reason will still prevail.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Hatta, to the effect that the basic foundation of the Indonesian State is still the pancha shila, the five guiding principles, in which belief in God and in democracy precede the others in eminence. 184. We do not pretend to be more than our fellow human beings, and therefore we cannot assume to be able to perform miracles. But one thing is certain. We have profound confidence that the march of events in Indonesia, up till now, is in the right direction, towards mature nationhood, 185. In conclusion, I should like to say a few words about the problem of colonialism. Although we have come a considerable distance in settling issues of this nature, instances of disregard for the Charter principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples still create upheavals and frustrations in the international community. 186.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“We are determined not to allow our revolution to become a prelude for the stagnation and backwardness which characterized the days before the revolution. On the contrary, we will keep alive the impact of our revolution as the dynamic force for securing the betterment of our people in every walk of our national life. 183. With the success of the National Conference held in Jakarta from 10 to 14 September last, we closed one period of trial and error in order to enter upon the next stage of greater perfection in our national life. Any concerns about possible deviation from the path of democracy are easily dismissed by the solemn declaration, issued at the end of the National Conference by our national leaders Mr. Sukarno and Mr.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“Let there be no doubt that the Indonesian people, without any exception, had already realized within one year of the first general election the delicate aspects of the parliamentary democratic system, and had understood that, especially in the process of growth, that system has to be sustained by a self-restraint based on strong moral and idealistic considerations. And if this is insufficient, then there is no reason why we should not initiate the perhaps somewhat unconventional idea of devising an auxiliary institution, in the context of our constitutional parliamentary system, and adapted to the social structure of our community. After all, we are not afraid to adopt a dynamic and flexible attitude in the search for the correct methods to promote a healthy national growth.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)
“The experience of other countries vividly teaches us that a first or second secret ballot as the attribute of parliamentary democracy does not by itself necessarily constitute the establishment of a democracy serving the interest of all the people. Parliamentary government must succeed in fully satisfying the needs of the people, lest it succumb to the attraction of dictatorship, in whatever form. This is a lesson we have taken to heart. And before it was too late, the Indonesian people themselves gave the impetus for correcting the existing shortcomings in order to safeguard the democratic system to which we had pledged our adherence as one of the principal instruments of our national life. 182.”
1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)