YouSaid · the spoken record

MENON

lines on the record: 397
first: 1953-09-24
most recent: 1955-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“And our ventures — the venture of peace, the venture of world community — we may not lose. This is our charge and our obligation.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“History is replete with examples of the truth that the solution of problems by means that are contrary to ends always results in tragedy. That was the fate of the Congress of Vienna, That was the fate of the League of Nations. One cannot reconcile dreams with schemes. If we must have schemes, we will be schemers. If we are going in pursuit of an ideal, then we should not be obsessed by the thought of the poet who, in the mid-war years, reflected the temper of that period of great despondency and cynicism when he said: “In this great hour of destiny they stand each with disputes, jealousies and sorrows.” But instead should we say, like the bard who belonged to the age of the Renaissance and of constructive endeavour, that “we must take the current when it serves, or lose our ventures”. 156.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Disarmament or limitation of armaments is a good thing; it is an advance on present conditions; but it is not the establishment of peace. We can establish peace only when the nations have decided to abandon war. This will be possible — when these weapons of mass destruction and of terror are removed — once confidence is established and once it is possible for us, in this Assembly, for example, to say, in the words of Thomas Jefferson, that error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. If we are able to trust to reason and not to passion, it will be possible to do this. 155. So, finally, let us realize that, in the face of these great problems, it is our business to listen to the voice of destiny.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“It is a means that shares the character of the end, as all means should do. But in the next decade disarmament alone will not be enough. I shall read out a statement of Sir John Cockcroft: “Advance in the atomic age will be of such a character that any disarmament or any ban by itself of instruments would not be sufficient because it would be possible very easily to convert the peacetime developments to war-time purposes.” 154. Therefore — we ought to address ourselves in the next decade to our main purpose, and — if we have said it once we are prepared to say it one hundred times if necessary — there is only one way before the world, and that is for nations to renounce war as an instrument of policy. This Organization now has to address itself — as a longer-term project — to the idea of renouncing war as an instrument of national policy.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“However, since the Geneva Conference has lifted the veil of secrecy, since it is known to humanity that the Powers concerned are now possessed of instruments sufficiently destructive to bring about all the terror they can — that is to say, if the policy is one, as Sir Winston Churchill said, of “peace by mutual terror” — is it not possible to call a halt as a contribution towards peace, as a contribution towards disarmament, as some assurance to the peoples of the world that those who have the power are prepared to take the risks of peace as they are to take the risks of war, to call a halt to these experiments pending the establishment of a disarmament agreement? 153. As we said at San Francisco, our people and our Government believe in disarmament only as a means to an end.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Secondly, we should like the Powers concerned to take into serious consideration the suspension of the explosions of atomic and hydrogen bombs. We shall refer in the First Committee to such information as we have on the effects of these explosions, and also to the items which request the dissemination of information about them.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“One is that, pending the establishment of disarmament agreements, there should be a halt in the armaments race, some kind of truce on whatever basis, whether it be on the basis suggested by the Prime Minister of France [DC/71, annex 16] or on some other basis. The delegation of India submitted a draft resolution to this effect at the ninth session [A/C.1/ L.100/Rev.l]. The General Assembly unanimously resolved to refer it to the Disarmament Commission [resolution 808 B (IX)]. We have seen the resolution printed as part of the documents of the United Nations. We have no knowledge what consideration was given to it. We may hope that perhaps the suggestion made by Mr. Pinay has some, relation to it, but whatever it is, this is one of the suggestions which we should like to have considered. 152.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I think that this is also an appropriate occasion — since no other occasion may arise — to say how much the representative of the United States in New Delhi, an old colleague of ours, Mr, John Sherman Cooper, has assisted, behind the scenes and very silently, in fostering all the new alignments — I shall not say alignments, but new approaches, the new atmosphere — that have been made possible. 150. I have referred to disarmament. We have stated our position in regard to atomic weapons. Disarmament is necessary, it slows down the pace towards war, but it will -take time, even with the best of efforts. Therefore we should like this Assembly to consider — which we have already done and have seen no results from it — the two suggestions made by the Government of India to the Disarmament Commission. 151.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Now, we have gained very much in this way. We, as a country, have also gained in our modest efforts to advance understanding among our neighbours and among other countries far and wide. Various representatives, in New Delhi, of great nations, have made contributions towards this. I should have said a while ago that I should like to express our appreciation of the references made [529th meeting] by the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to India in regard to China.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I do not say it so that it should be misunderstood in any sense, but I do say that even I the language which we have heard in the General Assembly this year has been of a character which warrants the hope that peace reigns more in the hearts of men today than it did before. On 28 September 1953 [448th meeting], my delegation posed this question to I the General Assembly: would it be possible for us in debates to abandon the luxury of epithets and superlatives? Could we, for example, give up using such j words as “imperialist”, “war-monger”, “satellite”, in describing anyone else? Could we not generally introduce an atmosphere of parliamentary discussion? Would it be possible to create in this Assembly a degree of human relationship where private discussions are possible, or more than they are here and now? 149.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“These were the principles of world co-operation that twenty-nine nations agreed to; twenty-nine nations not all belonging to one political persuasion, not all having the same economic organization at home; nations which included members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which included the People’s Government of China, and also the countries of South-East Asia, such as ours, Burma, Indonesia, Pakistan and Ceylon. 148. I have referred briefly to the various topics on our agenda and also to our own policy at home in regard to world affairs. I should like to conclude by saying that we can congratulate ourselves that, on the whole, we seem not only to be set on the road towards a solution of our problems, but also to have been able to establish an attitude and an approach that makes the solution of these problems possible.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“(a) Abstention from the use of arrangements of collective defence to serve the particular interests of any of the big Powers. “(b) Abstention by any country from exerting pressure on other countries. “7. Refraining from acts or threats of aggression or the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any country. “8. Settlement of all international disputes by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration or judicial settlement, as well as other peaceful means of the parties’ own choice, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations. “9. Promotion of mutual interests and cooperation. “10. Respect for justice and international obligations.” 147.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Respect for fundamental human rights and for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. “2. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations. “3. Recognition of the equality of all races and of the equality of all nations, large and small. “4. Abstention from intervention or interference in the internal affairs of other countries. “5. Respect for the right of each nation to defend itself, singly or collectively, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.” (And here I want to interpose and say that the words “in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations” are vitally important, because they refer to Article 51, where collective organization comes in in case of attack.) “6.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We deeply regret that the Federation of Central Africa, which was invited to the Conference, did not attend. The Asian- African Conference was not cast in the mould of agitation. It was merely an endeavour on the part of a certain group of countries to ensure that their problems and their approach to world problems might be better 9 understood. 146. I shall now read out the principles to which we pledged ourselves at Bandung and which, I submit, are based upon the Charter of the United Nations: “Free from mistrust and fear, and with confidence and goodwill towards one another, nations should practise tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours and develop friendly cooperation on the basis of the following principles: “1.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In our circumstances, in the light of our history and in the great traditions of the man who made our national independence possible, we think it is always necessary to talk to one’s opponent and to seek the basis of reconciliation and negotiation. Even after conflict, negotiation becomes necessary. We have been greatly heartened in the last two years by the advance made in these directions. We have found that the responses to them in many parts of the world among the common peoples are great. We hope that the success of this basic principle at Bandung will make some impression on this Assembly. 145. Since there have been so many statements about the Bandung Conference in this place, I should like to point out that perhaps its greatest importance is that it was not based upon any racial principle.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I am reminded of the statement of a great Frenchman, Rousseau, who said that the strongest is never strong enough to be always master unless he transfers strength into right and obedience into duty. 143. The policy of our country is to extend these areas of friendship. We are told that we are able to do this because of the shield of protection extended by the armed Powers. That may or may not be so. But we are patiently following this path. I beg to submit that it is not only not inconsistent with and not contrary to the purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, but calculated to further them. 144. We are happy that there is greater appreciation of this approach, which is not intended to be an exclusive approach. It is not our intention to be a part of a peace area, or a third bloc, or to tell the world how to establish peace.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In any municipal or civil community, we call this “toleration”. 142. Here may I repeat what has been said before, that toleration is but the first step to understanding. We have found that the promotion of neighbourliness, agreements on non-aggression and mutual respect are ways of promoting co-operation. It may be asked: is your system likely to succeed? Can you rely on it? With great respect, we are entitled to ask: have the other systems succeeded? Can anybody turn round to us and say that the doctrine of the balance of power is more likely to help us, or to succeed — that doctrine which is the legacy of Mettemich, of Castlereagh and of Talleyrand, which wrecked the principle of universalism and culminated in the war of 1914, and which to this day is making its incursions into international affairs?”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We believe the policies that we follow — namely, respecting the sovereignty and integrity of other countries, not being predetermined in our relations and, what is more, pursuing what may be called the path of collective peace and not relying on armed groupings — is consistent with the purposes of the United Nations and calculated to advance them. 141. It is in pursuit of this end that, during the last two years, the visits of various statesmen and heads of Government to New Delhi, the visit of my Prime Minister to the Soviet Union and other countries, and very close contacts between the United States and ourselves, were made. These, and our position in the Commonwealth, have all assisted us in promoting the objective of what is now called by the comparatively ugly word “coexistence”.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I think it is part of our world interest to seek areas of agreement in this matter and to find a solution. 139. At Bandung, the main political decisions were -taken on what is called world co-operation. But before I deal with the Bandung decisions, I should like to devote a few moments to India’s own position in international affairs. 140. India does not belong to the great Power blocs. We are referred to sometimes as “neutralists”, “neutrals”, “uncommitted areas”, and this and that and the other. I think it is necessary in this international gathering for us to state our position. We stand pledged to carry out the principles and purposes of the Charter. We think it is in our interests and in the interests of the world.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“They made a distinction, as I said on a previous occasion, between the decisions of the United Nations and the principles of the Charter. 137. I should like to leave these matters at this stage in this way because they are very largely matters of diplomatic negotiation, and I have said enough to indicate, I think, that during the last twelve to fifteen months much activity has taken place. We hope that the visits to China by the nationals of other countries, by those who recognize China and even by those who do not recognize China, will assist China to understand the world and the world to understand China. 138. Whether we like it or not, here we have a country of 600 million people. Without them, our Organization would not be complete.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Peking has proclaimed its desire to approach it in this way and, what is more, to embark on negotiations to this end. 135. I would be failing in my duty if I did not say that the position in that area is, in all conscience, potentially grave. We must hope that the present conversations that are going on in Geneva will lead to direct meetings at a different level so that some, of these outstanding problems may be looked at and faced. 136. There is, we found, in Peking, just as we found in Washington, behind all the difficulties the desire to establish peaceful settlements. We found that there was not in China what might be called an anti-American feeling. There is a desire to belong to the world community. At Bandung, the Chinese were the foremost to express their adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“There was a freezing of the position. Now, in the last few days, numbers of them have been released. For what it is worth, I should like to express my view that there is no reason to think that all the releases will not be effected. But that will be only a part of the problem. 133. If this can be pursued and developed on the lines that one hopes, it should have the effect of relaxation of restrictions in trade and more particularly in the very complex and grave problem of the coastal areas of China. Then I think it will be possible to bring about the reconciliation of these two countries by their own volition and initiative on the basis of a peaceful approach and settlement. 134. It is the view of my Government that the Chinese Government is willing and anxious that the problem of Formosa should be settled by peaceful methods.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In all, this, the talks between the Government of India and the representatives of other Governments in Washington, Ottawa, Moscow and London, have been of very great assistance. 131. Direct talks have now been started, but I think it would be wrong to think that the dragging out of things was a solution in itself. The very fact that the two Ambassadors of the United States and China have been sitting in Geneva for several months now and are gradually making progress is of some importance. 132. This problem of prisoners is both a political and a psychological one. It is not something that has begun just now. May I say here that since the establishment of what is called the People’s Republic of China in Peking, 1,500 United States citizens have returned to this country. But during the last two or three years tension mounted.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“While these conversations were not concerned directly with the problem of American fliers, they were concerned with the relaxation of tension, and this problem was involved in such relaxation of tension. It would not be appropriate for me to go into very great detail about private conversations between the respective Governments, but it may be said here that both the United States and China have made their contributions to the relaxation of tension. 130. On 19 May 1955, in Peking, it was decided that, as an earnest of their desire to contribute to the relaxation of tension, the Chinese would release four of these men. It was announced simultaneously in Peking and New Delhi on 30 May. We also knew and understood at that time that other releases would follow with the increasing relaxion of the tensions between the, two countries.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“On the whole, the result of this has been, as from the beginning of this year, that we moved to the position that direct talks between the two Governments became accepted as a possibility. That was in January 1955. 129. I think I should say here that the initiative of the United States Government in offering facilities for the return home of a number of Chinese students in this country, which was announced in the early part of this year, was of considerable assistance. It broke the ice. This was followed by the public proclamation by Mr. Chou En-lai in Bandung that he was prepared to engage in direct talks. Then followed the conversations in Peking.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We do not say we understand either of these countries fully, or that they understand us fully, but it has been possible in the last two years to. make some progress, beginning with the conference in the summer of 1954 in Geneva, when Mr. Chou En-lai, the Prime Minister of China, spent a considerable time at Geneva. 128. This is again an example of the fact that the most complex political problems become more amenable to treatment if there are contacts of this character. Now this progress has been maintained somewhat, and there have been conversations between the Government of India and the Chinese in New Delhi, in Bandung and in Peking. There have been, equally, contacts between the United States and Chinese representatives, and I want to make it quite clear that we speak for neither of them.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“When we say “China”, I hope I shall not be misunderstood when I say that the real problem in regard to China is one that concerns two great countries, that is, China and the United States. 127. It is both the endeavour and the desire of my Government to do what it can to assist in a rapprochement and understanding between these two countries. I want to say at once that India offers no mediation in this matter. We are not mediators, and mediation between two great countries/ sovereign nations with great power — economic, political and military — behind them, is not appropriate. But we are in the happy position that neither the United States nor, China suspects our motives. Our relations with them are not merely diplomatically correct, but of a friendly character.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We are also concerned that the negotiations now going on between the Soviet Government and Japan should come to an early conclusion, so that Japan will take its rightful place in the world and in the Asian community. We have every reason to think that this will be the case, and our good wishes go with those who are now struggling with these problems. So far as we understand the position, though there have been delays, the conclusion of a peace treaty with Japan would make possible greater co-operation in Asia and lend greater strength to the United Nations, and better relations with other countries — our relations with Japan are very good — would be advanced. 126. Now we come to the last, and most important, part of Asia in tile present conflict, that is, China.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Molotov, give to this, with the amount of support that has been forthcoming within the commission from Canada and Poland and from us, and, what is more, the co-operation that the Government of France has given in the implementation of these agreements, it will be possible to reap the rewards of patient effort. 124. In this connexion, I should like to express my gratitude to the Foreign Minister of France, who said: “My country, with its unfailing respect for treaties, intends to carry out all its obligations to the letter; this naturally applies to the obligations which it undertook last year at Geneva, at the time of the Conference on Indo-China [528th meeting, para. 108]. I have no doubt that is so. 125.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The Geneva agreement is a complex document, but its basis is non-interference in these territories, the respect of their sovereignty, the establishment of a political settlement on a democratic basis and the termination of the functions of the Commission as a result of that political settlement. 123. As the Secretary-General says with regret, this matter does not come directly within the competence of the United Nations, but it is an international problem the untoward development of which can lead to difficulties. There are difficulties in this area, but we hope that, with the devotion which the two presidents of the conference, Mr. Macmillan and Mr.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I should like to take this opportunity of expressing the gratitude of our Government to the Governments of Canada and Poland and their respective personnel in Indo-China for the extraordinary amount of co-operation and co-ordination that has existed in this commission. It has been truly an exercise in international service. Whilst there have been differences now and then, there have been very rare occasions when the Commission has been forced to vote on issues. 122. I should not wish to say very much about Indo- China, because there are problems there which are of a delicate character and for which solutions are being sought. I should like, however, to say that the future of peace in this area depends upon the adherence to and the implementation, both in the letter and in the spirit, of the Geneva agreement.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“It is a great mistake to think that Korea is just a problem which is not giving too much trouble and therefore should be left alone. It is part of the running sore in Asia. It is part of the difficulties that exist. I hope, therefore, that, both in committee and outside, we shall approach this problem in a spirit of moderation and of constructive endeavour. 121. The next spot in the Far East in which my country is concerned is Indo-China. As a result of the Geneva agreement of the summer of 1954, Canada, Poland and India were requested to become members of an international commission, of which India is chairman.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We are happy to say that on both sides — the United States, for example, has withdrawn the greater part of its forces, with only two divisions there, and the Chinese Government only last week withdrew a further six divisions — the great apparatus of war gathered from outside is gradually being moved away. Under these conditions, the two sides ought to be encouraged to enter upon talks; while no sudden and spectacular results will take place, solutions are possible. 120. It is our considered view and our informed judgement — and I stress the words “informed judgement” — that there are no insurmountable objections in principle to organizing elections under international control in Korea. If we were to approach this problem without undue haste, but also without undue delay, it would be possible to get those objections removed.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The Government of India has cared for these people, who incidentally are not prisoners of war but ex-prisoners of war, and we therefore should leave this item on the agenda at the present time and see how matters develop. That does not diminish our appreciation of the repeated efforts of various parties, of the Secretary-General and foreign Governments, and now of the Government of Brazil, for making the offer which it has made. 119. In regard to the larger problem of Korea, again we would like to wait till the discussion in the First Committee, to ascertain the attitude of all the parties concerned. But allow me to say that, so far as my Government is concerned, we think the accomplishment of the primary objective of the United! Nations in Korea, namely, unification, is possible. We believe that it is possible only by the Korean people.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“My delegation has introduced an agenda item on this matter, and here I should like to express our gratitude to the representative of Brazil, from whom I heard for the first time in this Assembly [518th meeting] that his Government, subject to certain conditions, was prepared to come to our rescue and assist us in solving this problem. This item will therefore remain on the agenda and we will watch the developments because, after all, conditions, even if they are technical, have to be met; otherwise, the problem will not be resolved. We are entitled to bring this matter before the United Nations, which has paid little attention to it apart from the Secretary-General’s frequent correspondence, in which he has said that it is a matter on which the United Nations must make a decision.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We do not see it as making a great contribution towards stability in the area; stability is more likely to be achieved by the growth of neighbourliness, by a sense of non-interference and by world co-operation through the instrumentality of the United Nations. As I said, I regret to have to introduce this topic into the discussion, but inasmuch as it has been mentioned, my obligation in this matter is to state our view for the purpose of the record, clarity and precision. 118. One of the other problems is the problem of Korea.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We Would have made no reference at this meeting, because it was not particularly necessary, to what is called the South-East Asia Collective Defence Treaty Organization, but since statements have been made here our failure to do so might be misunderstood. It is not our desire to raise a controversy around them, but I think it is necessary for the purpose of the record to restate our position. The South-East Asia Collective Defence Treaty Organization takes into protection areas which include our own country. It is not an overt infringement of our sovereignty yet. The organization consists of eight Powers, three of which are Asian. We are happy that its ramifications and activities are somewhat limited.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“We should therefore like to say that in this problem of security there is only one form of security that is secure, and that is where the people secured are part of the security system. It is not possible to offer security from the outside; this cannot establish security. I am happy to say that this position seems to have been taken up by everybody concerned here, and we therefore wish the Foreign Ministers who will meet in Geneva every success, and we hope that in the spirit this Assembly has functioned so far, they will be able to take this problem a little further. What is more, we hope that no slogan will be established which may prevent its solution. 117. I now come nearer to my own part of the world.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“These authorities are factually there, and since they both belong to the same country — they are both composed of Germans — then, without any derogation of the responsibilities the great Powers may carry in this matter, we hope it may be possible to pay greater attention to efforts to bring the two parties together so that they may themselves erase some of the distinctions and demarcations that have been made. 116. References have been made to the problem of security. This security concerns us because two world wars have arisen from the lack of security in this area. They were not European wars; they were world wars. We all paid the price for them and continue to pay it by their economic, social and other impacts, and therefore the problem of European security is a problem of Indian, Asian and world security.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Therefore, if a solution of this problem is desired, we have to look at the larger problem, and it is that point of view that we should like to express. 115. We should also like to say that, so far as the German people themselves are concerned, this is not their first attempt at establishing unity. Germany was established as a united country by a series of attempts from 1830 onwards. We express our hope that perhaps the German people may have a greater say in this matter. It is not a question of one side or the other recognizing one government or one authority or the other.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The two main centres of difficulty in international affairs are Europe and Asia. With regard to Europe, I impose upon myself the injunction that we should not say anything here which would not assist in the progress likely to be made in Geneva when the Foreign Ministers meet. But the view and the position the Government of India takes in this matter has to be stated. 114. First of all, I want to state before this Assembly that security and peace and the solution of problems in Europe is as much an Asian concern as the solution of problems in Asia is a European concern. We can no longer take the position that these European or Asian problems are not world problems. What is more, as I said, in Europe it is not Germany that is divided; it is the division of the world that is proclaimed by the line in Germany.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I wish to mention Sir Charles Arden Clarke, who is the Governor of the Gold Coast and who has assisted the territory towards self-government as against other forces that may be operating. I should also like to refer to two friends of mine — Sir Alexander Grantham, of Hong Kong, who, I understand, will soon visit China and perhaps make a contribution in some way, and Sir Andrew Cohen, of Uganda. It may come as a surprise to the Assembly that I mention these names, but I do so because there is no other place in which they are spoken of and because these are the men who, in difficult conditions, are seeking to implement the purposes we talk about. 112. My delegation has secured the inclusion in the agenda of two items which are related specifically to South Africa, and we shall deal with them when we come to them. 113.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“And I think it is appropriate, especially for a person like myself and for my delegation, to pay a tribute to the large numbers of administrators, French, British and Belgian, who have remained in Africa and who, irrespective of the systems and purposes and politics, have spent a great part of their lives — I am speaking now of administrators, missionaries and other workers — in the service of the people. I should like particularly to mention in this connexion the name of Sir Edward Twining, the Governor of Tanganyika, who stands out as a great apostle of the working out of the principles of the Charter in establishing a multiracial community in his own territory, and for implementing the purposes of the Trusteeship Agreement.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“In this connexion, I should like to say that great progress has been made in certain parts of Africa, as ‘ in the Gold Coast and Nigeria, where, probably, in a matter of a few months or years, these countries, totally African, will become independent territories. We were happy to read, only two days ago, that in Zanzibar, a small protectorate, similar advance was being made. We are, however, apprehensive about the developments in Central Africa. I prefer to say little more about this because the people concerned are not represented here; we must meet these troubles as they arise. 111.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“But when we talk about the peoples of Asia and Africa, we have to think of the peoples who are there and the present facts and the present trend of the world. I hope that the influence of the more liberal elements in all the countries, the impact of modern civilization and the desire to establish reconciliation and a solution of problems by peaceful methods, will lead to progress in these areas. We hope that the example set by some and the progress of Trust Territories as in Samoa, on the one hand and, I hope, in British Togoland in the future, will be of some assistance to colonial Powers in recognizing that the best way of establishing and maintaining a relationship is by the recognition of the rights and liberties of people and by establishing co-operation. 110.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Africa is an area of 30 million square kilometres, out of which it appears that the French have 10 million square kilometres, the British have somewhat over 4 million square kilometres, and the Portuguese have about 2 million square kilometres, the conditions of which are such that even colonialism would be ashamed of them. Belgium has 2,343,000, and the Union of South Africa just over 800,000 square kilometres. That makes very nearly 20 million square kilometres, leaving only the countries of Egypt, Libya, Ethiopia, Liberia and perhaps, in ten years’ time, part of Somaliland, to be called African or independent. 109. The conditions in all these territories are not the same; they vary.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“The future of Cyprus, to us, is a concern, on the one hand; of the ruling authority, which has divested itself of power in the context of co-operation, and of an independent Cypriot nation. 107. Looking back on the history of the past fifty or sixty years and looking at what is happening in Africa where British dominion prevails, I have little doubt that, with restraint and wisdom, a solution along these lines will be found. 108. Those who have come from former colonial countries in Asia and Africa have been charged with not having a correct appreciation of the advances which have been made in regard to colonial rule. The Secretary-General referred to Africa.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“Independence in the Commonwealth system — which is usually referred to as the Statute of Westminster — means that it is for the independent nation to exercise its discretion as regards its future. We have no doubt that the position which we adopted in the Assembly [521st meeting] is the correct one, because it enables the parties concerned, namely, the representatives of the Cypriot nation and of the British Government; to enter into negotiations so that the independence of these people might be established. 106. But in this case, as in others, we hope and firmly believe that it will be possible to bring this about without violence on either side. Violence only creates more problems than it solves.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“It would be fantastic to think that a free and independent people like the people of India, who have come to an agreement with the British Government to establish their freedom, would permit another foreign Power to occupy a part of their territory as a colonial Power. 103. Therefore, while I have no desire to go into the merits of this question here, I should like people to take account of the fact that it would be a great mistake not to recognize our adherence to the principles of the Charter, especially when it is exercised by our Government under conditions of extreme difficulties. 104. There are two other parts of the world to which I shall refer. One is Cyprus. 105. Our position with regards to Cyprus is that the Cypriot nation is entitled to its independence in the same way as we are.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)
“I am not raising this question before the General Assembly. However, since it is a matter of international concern, I want to point out that it would be a great pity if the members of the international community were to disregard our restraint and fortitude in this matter. Our Government, in the face of strong public feeling, has disavowed and prohibited by its authority all acts of violence and intrusion. We are behaving in this matter with extraordinary restraint and with a desire at all times to bring about a settlement by peaceful means. It would be a great pity if, merely because one party was willing to act in that particular manner, no attention were paid to it by those who are in a position to do so. 102.”
1955-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 10 (1955)