YouSaid · the spoken record

MENON

lines on the record: 397
first: 1953-09-24
most recent: 1955-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

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“On territory of nearly 50,000 square miles today there are foreign troops. As the representative of Burma stated yesterday, they are called “foreign” troops because of the delicacy of expression that prevails in the United Nations in regard to such matters. Those troops are the troops of the Kuomintang. We have not been able to accept the explanation that General Li Mi has no control over these troops. For the past four or five years they have ravaged the countryside of Burma, they have raped and murdered. They are invaders and conquerors who ought to be sent out of the country. 162. The United Nations passed a resolution in which it sent an appeal to the Formosan authorities. The United States has used its good offices. Still the situation prevails. 163.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We have due regard for those who occupy those seats. But at the same time it is our duty to point out that the present situation renders the representation of nearly a third of the Asian continent to this Assembly null and void. 161. The next problem to which we address ourselves is one that is in some ways related to the question of the representation of China, that is, the problem raised by Burma at the last session. At the seventh session of the General Assembly the delegation of Burma, headed by the distinguished judge who leads the delegation, presented the case of Burma in what was generally accepted as a wonderful achievement in understatement. The case of Burma was presented with a great degree of restraint and a desire to obtain results rather than to raise a controversy.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Therefore, I wish to restate our attitude, which is the same as it was last year. The Government of China, which has applied for representation in the United Nations for the past four years, which is the only government that can carry out the obligations in respect of the Charter, and which is the only government entitled to be here, ought to be here. When I was dealing with questions concerning Asia, I should have stated that denying this representation to the proper Chinese Government really means disenfranchising 500 million people. 160. I wish to state, as regards the representatives of the authorities of Formosa who take the place of the Chinese Government here, that we have no quarrel with them as persons and that we make no derogatory references of any kind to the personalities concerned. Here we are dealing with a political issue.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In our humble view it is unfortunate that the Soviet Union and the United States fought the issue at large. It should properly be debated at the time of the submission of the credentials report. I submit, with all the deference one can have towards the Chair, that we are doubtful concerning not only the wisdom but also the propriety of raising the question at the early stage, because that is anticipating the findings of the Credentials Committee. We are unable to accept the view, subject to the Chair’s ruling, that the matter has been disposed of by the resolution submitted by the United States and adopted by the Assembly — that may relate to the problem of the recognition of China or to anything of that kind. On the report of the Credentials Committee what we are challenging is the right of the present delegation to sit here. 159.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The first problem relates to the representation of China in the United Nations Assembly. This question will no doubt come up when the report of the Credentials Committee is presented, at which time we shall challenge the report. For four years the legitimate Government of China, the government that has control of the country, the government to which the people owe allegiance and whose authority alone is able to fulfil its obligations, has applied for admission to the United Nations and requested that its delegation be received. The Assembly has not accepted the credentials of the representatives of this government. We regret that this question was again the subject of controversy at the beginning of this session of the General Assembly.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“During the period from the middle of July to the middle of August, some 4,500,000 people in India have been rendered homeless. It has been the worst series of flood disasters in our history. Six rivers have risen: the Imphal, the Brahmaputra, the Subansiri, the Ganges, the Kosi and the Godavri. These floods, which normally subside after a period of a fortnight, have this year chosen to remain. The area of devastation has extended to many thousands of square miles, and nearly a third of the State of Bihar is under water. Not only have this year’s crops been destroyed, but the cultivation of these lands for next year has become impossible. The improvement, therefore, that has been made in the supply of food is largely offset by this disaster. 158. I should now like to address myself to some of the current problems on the agenda.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“This year India will bring under cultivation, by the end of the year, 1,400,000 acres of land. 156. However, all this vast production is somewhat offset by the natural disasters which India has suffered. We have some unwelcome guests in the country who come to us as migrants. I believe they originate somewhere along the banks of the Euphrates. They settle down in Pakistan for a while, and then they come on to us. Where they go from there, I do not know. They are called locusts. Large quantities of our crops are destroyed by them, and they commit general havoc, and this invasion by locusts is more or less a normal occurrence. 157. This year — even while we are sitting here — the rising waters of our rivers have caused floods such as are unprecedented in our history.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Our first necessity is to feed our population, even up to a subsistence level. India has made considerable advances in this respect, and I refer here to last year’s figures. In 1952, India imported four million tons of food; in 1953, it will import only three million tons; in 1954, the imports will be one million tons. We have increased our rice production, as can be seen from these figures: in 1952-1953, rice production was 23,400,000 tons, as against 20,070,000 tons in 1951-1952, which represents an increase of about one- seventh. Wheat production for 1952-1953 is estimated to be 6,380,000 tons, as compared with 5,700,000 tons for the previous year. India has reclaimed large areas of land that were formerly uncultivable and has brought these tracts into cultivation through mechanical means.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We find that, although the gap is not considerable in terms of the wealth of the dollar area, it is considerable for us. If, however, we were to import about 0.5 per cent of what are the requirements of these areas we should get over this difficulty. It is an unhealthy situation that between two currency systems which cover the vast multitude of peoples there should be this kind of hiatus, which can only lead to social instability and all the economic and political consequences that follow. 154. One of the things required in this world is greater freedom in the movement of trade, greater liberalization and a removal of barriers and of economic nationalism. 155. We have contributed as much as we could to economic amelioration, and I think it is right that we should refer to our own efforts. The great problem of India is food.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“On the larger issue of economic aid, the delegation of India supports the international organization of aid through an international fund and corporation, because it is more likely to bring about equitable distribution, it is more in keeping with the temper and purposes of this Organization, and certainly it contributes more to the building up of self-respect and of mutual understanding between nations. We shall therefore support, when the time comes, the establishment of these two units. 153. On the larger question, it is the view of my delegation that greater attempts must be made to reach and establish increased economic equilibrium in the world. We of the non-dollar areas are continually in debt to the dollar area, and what is called the dollar gap has to be bridged.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In this connexion, I think it is only fair to say that, so far as India is concerned, technical assistance has not been a one-way traffic; it has been reciprocal. India has sent eighty-four technical experts abroad under this scheme. We have also trained ninety-three others who have been sent to India for training. I think that that is a very healthy situation and contributes to self-respect in the relationships that must exist in all sound schemes of social amelioration, and to the mutuality of such schemes. We are happy that we have been able to make this contribution, and we bring to the Assembly the conception that these technical aid schemes are not merely a one-way flow. 151. It is the view of our delegation that UNICEF should be placed on a permanent basis. 152.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The Assembly will be interested to hear that a considerable part of this UNICEF aid, along with such other aid as comes from the Colombo Plan and other arrangements, is going not into temporary relief of any kind, but into large-scale enterprises such as anti-malarial and anti- tubercular and other projects which are attempting to eliminate the causes of disease and of infant mortality. The relief that is being received, as far as India is concerned, is being diverted to the manufacture and distribution of penicillin, to malarial control, to BCG campaigns, and so on, and in all this we have been assisted very considerably by the Colombo Plan. In Indonesia and Thailand the disease known as yaws has been brought under control and, I understand, is likely to be completely conquered. 150.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In our view, this should come largely by way of technical assistance. 148. We are happy to pay our tribute to, and express our gratitude for, the work of the Technical Assistance Committee and the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. In 1952, India received 136 technicians, and 105 fellowships were received by Indians who were going abroad for technical training. 149. From UNICEF, since its inception, India has received a total aid of $9,500,000.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The under-developed countries are largely regions which until yesterday were colonial empires, where the populations were hewers of wood and drawers of water — regions whose, role in the economy of the world was to provide labour and raw materials for the metropolitan countries. There is no doubt that there were differences in the tempo of this exploitation; there were paternalistic imperialisms and there were less paternalistic imperialisms. But the net result is that the nations of the ex-colonial and colonial areas have backward economies, their industries are less advanced, they subserved the purpose of the powerful industrial economies of the metropolitan countries. In order to make headway and to remove this handicap, it would be necessary, for some time, to provide assistance.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“As long as the vast majority of human beings lives below this level, consequences of a physical, moral and political nature will follow, and any kind of world stability, any march toward a united world of greater equilibrium, of understanding and of prosperity, laying the foundations of peace on an enduring basis, is impossible. 146. At the same time, we would be the first to admit that the raising of the standards of living in what are called the under-developed countries must depend primarily upon the efforts of the people themselves. Just as there can be no export of revolution, so can there be no export of prosperity. Ultimately, this must depend upon the efforts of people themselves. 147. But we have to take into account the handicaps from which these territories suffer.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But we do not hear a great deal about all the. more solid achievements of the United Nations through its specialized agencies, its various committees and so forth. 145. In pursuance of Articles 55 and 56 of the Charter, the Economic and Social Council is pledged to devote its energies to raising the standards of living for people in under-developed countries and bringing about general world economic and social equilibrium. It must be realized in this connexion that, out of the 2,300 million people in the world, the vast majority lives below the subsistence level.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I think that we have made no secret of the fact that our Government is fully committed to the position that the United Nations must reflect the conditions of the world — and one of those conditions is that it is not possible now to have an Organization in which, by majority vote, decisions are imposed on a great Power. Therefore, while we would be the first to complain against the misuse of the veto, we are, in the present conditions of the world, supporters of the doctrine of great-Power unanimity. 144. At this stage, having referred to these political matters, it gives me some relief to address myself to another aspect of the United Nations — its economic and social functions. The newspapers, the radio and all other instruments of publicity give a great deal of space and time to our political achievements or the lack thereof.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Once again I say that it would be a sad thing if the United Nations, willynilly, began to deteriorate into the position of the Holy Alliance or of the holders of legitimist conceptions of those days. 142. If I may say so with great respect and humility, what we perhaps require even more than the revision of the Charter is a greater adherence to the spirit of its provisions. That greater adherence comes about only by the resolving of the tensions to which reference has been made, by a more sincere and prompt adherence to such decisions as are made. The allegiance, the support and the moral backing that the nations and the peoples of the world give to the Charter are far more important than any kind of revision. 143.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Under the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, the revision is due in a ten-year period, but we would say that that is one of those things where wisdom would dictate the course of hastening slowly. Also, one’s attitude is determined largely by the purposes for which the revision is intended. 140. It would be a disaster if the United Nations were to repeat the example of the League, where those who disagreed went out, one by one, and ultimately catastrophe resulted. 141. We should look back also on the history of international organizations right through the nineteenth century, when, with a background of high-sounding phrases, the concerts of Europe were born and ultimately lapsed into balance-of-power groups.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Maybe it is true that we have emerged only in the last five, ten, fifteen, twenty, twenty-five years from colonial rule, but nascent nationalism today is as energetic as it can be, and the United Nations could still serve the cause of world unity and the purpose of liberation, if these nationalisms did not at the outset suffer from a feeling of frustration because their places in the councils of the world are limited and not proportionate to their importance and size. 139. We are also asked to address ourselves to the problem of Charter revision. We do not either support or reject the proposition as it stands at present. The proposition, however, is stated merely as one for study.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“At the same time, it is not possible to bring about equilibrium with a background of disproportionate representations. 138. Therefore, when the Prime. Minister refers to these matters, it has to be borne in mind that he speaks within the context of the Asian people, and of Asian thinking. Also, this Assembly has to realize the fact that Asia is no longer a slumbering continent. We are a group of nations independent and free, determined to make our contribution to civilization and to world purposes.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“On the International Court of Justice, out of fifteen judges, two are Asians. In the Secretariat, out of a very large number of persons, taking all grades and excluding the personnel of Nationalist China, there are 150 Asians. 137. That is the position of Asian representation in the Assembly. While we make no complaint, and we are not advocates of divisions into continental compartments, as we believe that the Assembly has to be built on the basis of national sovereign States; while any group of people which comes together for specific purposes may promote what it regards as a right purpose, we have no desire to divide the world into further compartments or to create the kind of pan-Asian or other feeling which would jar world unity.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“At the same time, this matter gives me the occasion to draw the Assembly’s attention to the position of Asia in regard to the United Nations. Asia has a population of 1,275 million. You must comprehend the immensity of that figure. It occupies an area of 9,423,000 square miles, and the whole of this territory, with the exception of less than 500,000 square miles, and some 14 million people, is represented here. 136. Taking for this purpose the representation of China by its present delegation out of the issue, China is entitled to be represented here. Without including present Chinese representation, on the Security Council, out of eleven places, Asia has two places. On the Economic and Social Council, out of eighteen places, Asia has three places. On the Trusteeship Council, out of twelve places, Asia has two places.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Let there be no mistake about it, but the facts stand out that nearly the whole of Europe and nearly the whole of Asia wanted one thing in this political conference, while a number of countries of the Americas did not want it. They have as much right not to want it as they have to want it.” 135. If that is not, on the one hand, an, expression of appreciation of the Latin-American States, or, on the other, an unambiguous statement as to the right of any country to vote as it likes, I don’t know what it is. It is essential for us to analyse this voting and to see how, on each problem, one group of countries or one set of people votes. No one could take exception to that. That is a correct political exercise. Therefore, there is nothing in this statement which is intended to be a slight on any country.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“At this Assembly and in committee the Indian delegation took no part in the voting at all. The views of the Indian delegation in regard to the composition of the conference are well known. I will not at the present moment enter into that, because we shall be discussing the Korean item again, but there was some suggestion that the Government of India, or the Prime Minister, had made slighting references to those Latin-American countries. Nothing is further from the desires of the Government of India or the intentions of its head, and I think 1 will read out to you the passage which throws light on this. Here is what the Prime Minister said; “I have the greatest respect for the countries of Latin America.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The next item on which I have to comment, which has also a rather wider implication, concerns the observations made on this platform by the representatives of two or three Latin-American countries. I have no desire to enter into any controversy on this matter, but if it is possible to remove doubts and misunderstandings one tries to do so. 134. Our purpose in this Assembly is not to add to the heat of any feeling or of any debate, but to try to calm it down. There were three speeches made in regard to comments made by my Prime Minister on the vote taken at the third part of the seventh session of the Assembly on a draft resolution, submitted not by us but by Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom [A/L.153], with regard to the inclusion of India in the political conference.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“So when the appropriate time comes, we shall look forward to the Secretary-General upholding the integrity of the Secretariat, permitting no inroads upon it and allowing no construction of legalisms, except after thorough examination, to invade the individual’s responsibility or the loyalty of the Secretariat to this international Organization. 132. At the same time, we consider it highly important that no country, host or other, shall have reason to feel aggrieved by any lack of care in the selection of people or in the scrutiny that is required, but once that has taken place the responsibility for the carrying out of the obligations must rest with the Secretary-General. 133.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We do not consider that the municipal law of any country should stand in the way of the obligations of an international civil service except in the sense that an international civil servant owes loyalty to his own country in the context of municipal 131. In other words, the international civil servant is Very much like a servant of an embassy, or the staff of an embassy, entitled to a diplomatic position, always provided he obeys the law — should it be the municipal law — i.e., the sanitary laws or the traffic laws, of the country in which he is stationed. It would not be right for any country, however great or however small, to interfere in the integrity or in the development of an international civil service, which is probably one of the great contributions we can make towards world citizenship.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I have no desire to labour this point because, no doubt, it will reappear when we are debating the Korean item. 130. I now refer to another great organ of the United Nations, the Secretariat — the Secretary-General and his staff. Here again, we shall have the opportunity to discuss this matter on the agenda in relation to this specific item. I would like to say that the position of my delegation with regard to this is, as has been stated before, that we stand for the independence of the Secretariat and the international civil service. We do not recognize a difference between a host country and another country.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The obvious method has also the additional advantage that a foreign minister can probably speak to another foreign minister without always having to explain to his Parliament what actually was said in the context of informal conversation. 128. My delegation, and a great many other delegations, have been rather sadly impressed by the fact that during the third part of the last session of the Assembly, when the Assembly was reaching a juncture in regard to taking decisions, we were told that the fifteen belligerent Powers in Korea, inferentially, had a status which appears to supersede the position of the Assembly. 129. The Assembly is the body which makes decisions in the form of recommendations. The Assembly speaks for the United Nations. That is a position which must stand unaltered.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The representative of India, Sir Benegal Rau, whom most of you know and have a great respect for, speaking at a plenary meeting of the sixth session, said [344th meeting]: “I speak with great diffidence, but the subject is so important that I cannot refrain from making a suggestion or two. The Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and France all are present here.” — that was in Paris — “Could they not meet and discuss or rediscuss at least the most outstanding matters of disagreement between them? Could they not have something corresponding to one of those periodic meetings of the Security Council which are prescribed in Article 28 of the Charter?” 127.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The President of the French Republic, speaking on this matter, said [sixth session 333rd meeting]: “… if the distinguished men towards whom all anxious eyes are now turned were ... to establish human contact with each other, to exchange ideas personally, to consider their differences without any agenda or public debate, and to try within the scope and in keeping with the principles of the United Nations jointly to reduce the disagreements which paralyse the world — if this should happen, we would welcome them with a joy which, I am convinced, would become world-wide.” 126.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If it is the executive part of the United Nations — I do not say it is a world government--if indeed it is the Security Council, and if we are working towards removing the scourge of war and creating neighbourliness between nations, and towards the evolution of a world community, it is necessary that world leaders, especially those with effective power — the foreign ministers of States — should occasionally meet each other. That would, to a certain extent, pave the way, or perhaps lessen the difficulties of not having had this high-power conference before now. Therefore, a proper interpretation of, and a greater adherence to, the spirit of Article 28, paragraph 2, of the Charter, is of great advantage. 125. This matter has been brought before the Assembly once before.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I next want to refer to two or three other items regarding the United Nations, in the same connexion. Article 28, paragraph 2, of the Charter, provides that the Security Council shall hold periodic meetings at which the heads of governments or the ministers concerned shall meet. I read the language of this paragraph' carefully and there is nothing merely permissive about it. It says “shall hold periodic meetings”. 124. I think, in my comparative ignorance, that I may probably be overstating it — that the Security Council has tended to be a body which meets when it has to meet, that is, when it is obliged to do so by some reference to it.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I want to repeat, however, that the enlargement of the General Assembly in this way would, to a certain extent, make its representation reflect more the composition of the world’s populations. The United Nations depends in the main on world public opinion. It is quite true that only accredited representatives speak and vote, and it is true that the committees alone can pass resolutions, but without the mass opinion of the world, which in every country is far more considerable than is ordinarily realized, it would be impossible for us to go forward. 122. Any step that we take in this direction of making it clear to people that our intention is to enlarge the scope of the General Assembly as much as we possibly can and as far as the Charter allows, will be a step in the right direction. 123.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Therefore, again, if it is possible to discuss the report on the admission of new Members in this light, it should be possible for us to get away from legalisms and the textbooks of international law of a hundred or two hundred years ago and apply ourselves to modern conditions and recognize that a political decision is being made. The keeping away of some people because other people are kept away is as much a package deal as the other deal. If it is right to exclude someone because someone else is excluded, how can it be less right to include someone because someone else is included? 121. I am not at this moment referring to the position of China. I propose to do that a little later.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But I would submit that the bringing in of new States — more especially when the particular composition and character of the States in question does not alter the balance even of blocs in the General Assembly — would be of great advantage. There again the Assembly could take a hand and leave the splitting of hairs upon the technique of it to other people. If it were possible to make a beginning — I do not say that this is a perfect end, because there are still large States that would be outside the Security Council and the General Assembly — it would still make a breach in this wall of opposition to the newcomer. The exclusiveness like that of a club, and the psychology of blackballing, would begin to disappear. 120.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But it will be possible for a non-permanent member of the Security Council, for example, or a group of them, to make a suggestion, not necessarily of admitting some in return for the admittance of others, but of having a whole group presented in one resolution or by a number of resolutions on the same day, with the understanding that they would not be vetoed by anybody. 118. There are fourteen of those States which for the last five or six years have been knocking at our doors and which are qualified, according to the terms of the Charter, that is, they conform to all the canons of international law that are to be satisfied for the recognition of States. 119. I do not want to reopen this problem in any great detail, or to anticipate the discussions in committee.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I do not want to anticipate the discussion on the report on the admission of new Members, but would it not be possible for the General Assembly to find devices whereby at least the fourteen States which at one time or another have been agreed upon by all those concerned could be admitted en bloc? It is not very convincing if one speaks as though this is against the Charter or says that this is an arrangement which is called a package deal. I believe that we are not entirely averse to deals in this place!”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If these could be overcome and if thus we really become the United Nations as contemplated, it will be of great advantage to us. In aid of that particular prospect, not only the great nations, but the small nations like ourselves, the new nations, the less effective nations from the point of view of no material power, can make their contribution. 116. Next on the list of things which we ourselves could do is a problem which has become a hardy annual, and which perhaps would be regarded as merely the rehashing of an old proposition. That is, the bringing into our ranks of those who are not here. This particularly affects us, because those who are standing outside represent the vast and teeming populations of our Asian continent. 117.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We should not, if I may put it more bluntly, have the United Nations deteriorate into a Holy Alliance in which the gospel and the truth were the monopoly of the three sovereigns. Indeed we should not go back to 26 September 1815, or to the earlier date of August 1814. We must not become a quadruple alliance where legitimism was the rule and seek to suppress all colonial liberation movements taking the name of “communism,” or label every attempt to alter things as a “doctrine-of rebellion” and, by dealing with them in this way, promote the power of militarism and imperialism; nor must we have the ganging-up on people and groups, or the exclusion of minority views or, on the other hand, the attempt of a minority to dominate the majority by continuous repetition of its own views and the abuse of processes and procedures.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Those conventions may not be changed just because their effects or application go against one. There is a saying in English that it is not fair to change the rules of a game when the game goes against you. Therefore, if we have views about geographic distribution, if we have views about generally arranging our affairs in such a way that all points of view are expressed, then, for an immediate gain, we should not sacrifice this principle, because, apart from everything else, there is no telling whether it may not boomerang one day! 115. Therefore, in the composition of our committees and in our discussions, we should bring about a degree of accepting the inconvenient, and the toleration of opposite views.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“After all this is not a “parliament of men”; this is an assembly of sovereign governments. Sovereignty lies in our own governments and in our own parliaments. 113. In this sovereign assembly, therefore, if we are to have freedom of discussion, and if we are to have the advantage of collective wisdom and the contribution which each one can make, it is necessary that the voice of the small shall be capable of being influential, and its influence must be measurable in terms of the content of its opinion, and contribute in terms of the results which its impact can bring to bear upon others. 114. Equally, I think it is necessary for us to bear in mind in the proceedings of this General Assembly that there are certain rules which we have made. They may be called conventions.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“It would also be of very great help if it would be possible for the so-called small nations of the world — I do not quite know how they become small — I think the definition of smallness has some direct relationship to the quantity of arms they possess and the degree of aggressive intention — if it would be possible for the small nations of the world to have a greater degree of freedom so that the basis of the United Nations, as it was founded, of sovereign nations and of sovereign governments acting each equal one to the other, would become more effective. It is true that there will be lobbies, there will be groups, there will be whips and there will be ganging up, and one thing or another of that kind, that is inevitable, but we should seek to reduce it.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Therefore, if perhaps we could have a vocabulary which would abandon such words as “satellites”, which would abandon such words as “imperialist warmongers” and all of that family, on either side, it would be of some help. The English language is full of very nice words and, I am sure, so are the Spanish language, the Chinese language, the Russian language, the French and all others. 112.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Would it be possible for us in the debates to abandon the luxury of epithets and superlatives? Could we, for example, give up using such words as “satellites”, and such words as “imperialistic warmongers” in describing anyone else? Could we not generally introduce a sense and atmosphere of parliamentary discussion? Would it be possible to create in this Assembly a degree of human relationship where private discussions are possible more than they are now? I am not. for a moment suggesting any kind of secret diplomacy or anything of that kind. But I think that this Assembly rather suffers from the fact that we are always thinking — I hope we are thinking — but thinking very much aloud, and often more aloud than thinking.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“These are two sets of problems which, in the main, we present to the great Powers, and I make no apology for doing so. They have a great responsibility because of their vast and effective power, and there is no sense in our avoiding this issue. It is quite true we each have one vote, large country, small country, powerful country, neutral country, or combatant country, but in effect, the power of decision rests in the hands of the great Powers and more particularly in the hands of the United States and the Soviet Union. 111. While I have stated this frankly and starkly in respect of the role of the great Powers, it is also necessary for us all to try to make our own individual and collective contribution towards relieving the tension, even in the proceedings of the General Assembly.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I should like to say that any .expression of this kind by this distinguished body, by this world assembly, would have the effect of reorientating our whole views on this question and perhaps of speeding the work of the Disarmament Conference; that is, the Dis-armament Conference would perhaps have an encouraging set of “marching orders”, something to work up to and something which perhaps would prevent it from getting lost in the technicalities of the present time. I am not for a moment saying that the differences which obtain between the two schools of thought on effective ways of disarmament are not genuine, but let us get an agreement that the banning of these weapons, the placing of them outside the armoury of modern Warfare, is desirable. 110.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“In the meantime we would be hardening our hearts to accept a situation where, instead of using the genius of mankind, the effects of its labours or the powers of its discoveries for the purpose of serving its needs, we should be using them for its destruction. 108. Before I leave this subject, I want to lay particular emphasis on the elements of torture involved in all these weapons. I suppose that all kinds of killing are to be condemned, but killing people by torture and by burning is about as bad as any one can think of. 109.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“When the time comes for us to discuss this matter in the Disarmament Commission, I hope it will be possible for us in our collective wisdom to find a form of words which would proclaim our desire to express the wide-felt feeling of the peoples of the world that these terrible weapons shall not be used for their destruction, for these weapons would operate not only against the combatants but against the people. There would be no neutrals in this kind of war. There would ' be no human beings, no life of any kind. The war would be waged against the whole of creation, and, what is more, there would be created a world where re-creation and reconstruction would become impossible. We should be releasing forces which we could not control.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)