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HUOT SAMBATH

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1962-09-24
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1969-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. We are gratified at the tribute paid to her generous efforts in favour of peace and justice and we hail with admiration her campaign for the independence of countries still under colonial rule and for the emancipation of African women. We ask her to accept our best wishes for complete success in the noble task entrusted to her.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  2. The delegation of Cambodia considers that the General Assembly should tackle this question with all the seriousness it deserves. A great debate between the clan of the privileged and the under-developed camp can still be held in relatively satisfactory conditions. In a few years’ time, it will undoubtedly be too late. The rise of passions and antagonisms is leading to a division and a break between the white world of abundance and the coloured world of poverty. We, for our part, pray that mankind may be spared such a confrontation. 155. In conclusion, I should like to address our respectful congratulations to our President on her election to preside over the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  3. Some propose loans at rates of interest which are prohibitively high for a country with limited resources; others are ready to grant us medium-term credits at reasonable rates, but on condition that we agree to use the loans for the purchase of obsolete industrial or other equipment, which is no longer of any use to them, at prices equal to those asked for the best and most modern equipment. 153. The super-developed world is full of good and generous intentions towards the world of the poor. But the facts and the figures confirm that development aid is a myth and that it will remain so until the major Powers have the wisdom to renounce their imperialism and to give up their territorial, economic and ideological expansionism at the expense of the third world. 154.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  4. It is, however, a fact that a poor country is required to allow infinitely greater advantages and profits which are sometimes twice, three times or even four times as large as those granted by a wealthy country. Capitalists are of course not philanthropists and we are prepared to allow them a normal rate of return on their investments. They, however, wish to take the lion’s share and leave us simply a few bones to gnaw. 152. In the case of foreign loans, we are given a choice.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  5. First of all, it can happen — and often does happen — that such a project is worked out in the abstract of somewhere or other and its practical implementation proves a failure, without any lesson being learnt for the future. Even in the best of circumstances, however, we find that the funds provided by generous donors, or rather the loans which they grant on which interest is payable, melt away in payments for study missions and for the many trips made by their technicians and contractors. Consequently, when we draw up the balance-sheet of the project, we discover that it is we, ourselves, who carried the greatest burden of the financing. 151. We have also the case of foreign investors, whom we encourage with conditions and guarantees at least equal to those they would receive in Western countries.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  6. True, we must recognize that the assistance of some friendly countries — particularly that of France—has been most useful and even beneficial to us. But we encounter some types of “co-operation” with the wealthy countries which are of no value to us and which sometimes even hinder development. Co-operation, as understood by such countries, is something in the nature of the co-operation between a coachman and his horse and the “mutual advantages” to which reference is constantly made are distributed in a curious fashion. 149. There is, for example, the case of the major projects receiving foreign assistance, generally of an international nature. 150.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  7. The solution lies, of course, in international solidarity. To date, alas, such solidarity has been more than disappointing. The great Powers are more concerned with conquering outer space or with their nuclear arms programmes than with the problems of the hunger and poverty of the third world. As for their participation in the development of the poorer countries, it is far from adequate in the circumstances. 148. The assistance of the highly developed countries of is both camps — or, if you will, their “co-operation” with us — is all too often unsuited to our needs and more favourable to their own interests than to ours. Like any another country of the third world, Cambodia has learned that fact through bitter experience.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  8. It would be wrong, however, to think that we are unaware of the hardships of development or refuse to follow the rough road leading to it. Moreover, a country such as Cambodia is in no way jealous of the overwhelming wealth of certain countries and seeks nothing more than a worthy and peaceful life. 146. The growing imbalance between the rich and the poor countries nevertheless leads us to pose a fundamental question: can we assure coexistence between satiated peoples and starving peoples, between countries overflowing with luxuries and those living in poverty? The history of the world has already provided the answer and it is inconceivable that, in the not too distant future, over three quarters of mankind will passively accept a growing inequality in the distribution of wealth. 147.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  9. The figures are there, and each year they are more overwhelming. 145. Over the last 15 years, Cambodia has made substantial progress by dint of constant effort and considerable sacrifices. It must be recognized, however, that it is now even further removed from the over-developed countries than it was 15 years ago. Yet, our country has something of a privileged position in the Afro-Asian and Latin American world. if we are making progress despite our difficulties, that does not mean that we can blind ourselves to the fact that other countries are stagnating or even losing ground. It is alleged in certain circles that “we want everything - now” whereas the Western Powers took a century to achieve their present prosperity.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  10. As Samdech Norodom Sihanouk recently wrote: “humanity is living through a tragedy: the widening of the gap between the so-called developed countries and the countries which are not developed”. Our eminent Secretary-General has just recently voiced his distress at the rapid development of this situation. 144. We speak today of “developing countries” and no longer of “under-developed” countries. Likewise, the expression “and aid and assistance from the highly-developed countries to the poorer countries” has been replaced by the word “co-operation”. But, whatever the terminology used, the facts remain the same. The truth of the matter is that, for the majority of the nations of the third world, there is no prospect of development adequate to close, even partially, the gap separating them from the wealthy nations.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  11. The Israeli-Arab conflict is a tragic example of the powerlessness of this Organization to ensure respect for the territorial integrity of its Members. The State of Israel undoubtedly has a right to exist, but the territories occupied after the so-called Six-Day War must clearly be returned to their legitimate Arab owners, and measures in keeping with the resolution of the Security Council should be put into effect without delay with respect to the Palestinians and their rights. Otherwise, it is to be feared that a new war will break out, the consequences of which would be catastrophic for our sorely-tried world. 143. The delegation of Cambodia now wishes to touch upon a question which it considers to be the gravest issue of our time.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  12. In accordance with the principles and ideals which are the raison d’étre of the United Nations, we request that the 40 million Koreans should at long last be allowed freely to achieve the reunification of their country, without any outside intervention or interference, including that of the United Nations. Such reunification presupposes the evacuation of foreign armed forces from South Korea, the Korean people being left complete freedom to settle its domestic affairs as it wishes and as is its right. Once again, the Cambodian delegation wishes to make it clear that it is not siding with any ideology, but simply supports those national rights which are the same in every country of the world. 142. There is another problem to which the attention of the Assembly will be turned and that is the explosive situation in the Middle East.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  13. Yet the truth of the matter is that there is no Chinese armed force or military base outside China, whereas so-called peace-loving Members of the United Nations are making shameless use of their military power against countries wishing to recover or maintain their independence or simply to defend their territorial integrity. We therefore believe it is necessary to assume that the judgement criteria applied are based on facts and not on hatreds. 141. Another matter which should claim our attention is the situation in Korea. After the Second World War, that country was divided into two States, for no other reason than that it suited the pleasure, or the interests, of the great Powers, and that division has now lasted for some 25 years.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  14. There is no justification for that, since the island of Taiwan, in which Chiang Kai-shek has taken refuge, is a Chinese province under the sovereignty of the Chinese Government, as all Members of the United Nations both know and acknowledge. The fact that this Chinese island is administered by a so-called nationalist Government, thanks to the military protection of a major foreign Power, certainly does not give it the status of an independent and sovereign State. In any event, the problem of Taiwan is an internal Chinese problem which would have long since been solved if the United States had not, with its armed force, opposed such a solution. 140. China’s return to the United Nations will be opposed again this year by those who accuse that great nation of being a warmonger.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  15. Nine years ago, from this very rostrum [877th meeting], our Chief of State, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, pointed out that the United Nations needed the presence of China far more than China needed its seat in the United Nations. Events have confirmed that observation, since China has become a nuclear Power and is making great strides in every field. It is obvious to every thinking person that none of the major world problems, and a fortiori the major Asian problems, can be solved without China or against its will. 139. Some countries would like to see recognized the existence of two Chinas, each with a seat in the United Nations.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  16. Once again, this year, the General Assembly will have to consider the question of the representation of China in the United Nations. I should like to draw attention to the fact that this question has been on our agenda for the last 20 years and that the legitimate Government of a country of 800 million inhabitants is still being excluded arbitrarily from the Organization. 137. The refusal to permit China to occupy its seat in the United Nations and in the Security Council is a flagrant denial of justice and a violation of the principles we claim to uphold. But that China’s seat should still be occupied by the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek goes beyond the limits of absurdity, the more so since no one attaches the slightest significance to their participation in our work. 138.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  17. Is it conceivable, however, that that right could be truly exercised under foreign occupation? We certainly do not believe that it could. Free elections in South Viet-Nam cannot be organized by authorities whose power is based solely on the presence of a foreign army of occupation. They cannot be held in normal conditions until the foreign armed forces are withdrawn from South Viet-Nam. 135. We trust that President Nixon will no longer hesitate to take the wise decisions which the world is awaiting, namely, total withdrawal of American troops from South Viet-Nam and respect for the right of the Viet-Namese people to full independence. No one will regard such decisions as a defeat for the United States, but rather as a victory for reason and common sense. 136.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  18. We greeted hopefully the declared aim of President Nixon to put an end to the war in Viet-Nam, the first measures of de-escalation and the more understanding attitude adopted by the United States towards Cambodia, which then decided to agree to the re-establishment of Khmer-American diplomatic relations. We also took as an encouraging sign the consideration given to reconstruction and economic development projects for the post-war period. From this very rostrum, on 18 September [1755th meeting], President Nixon reaffirmed his determination to arrive at a peaceful solution which would enable the South Viet-Namese people to exercise its right to self-determination. 134. All the peoples of the world, and not least the people of Viet-Nam, entirely agree with President Nixon in insisting on respect for their right to self-determination.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  19. The only reasonable and honourable outcome of the war in Viet-Nam, which has lasted far too long, is the total and unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops and bases from South Viet-Nam and effective respect for the right of the Viet-Namese people to settle their own affairs, including reunification, without foreign intervention or interference. Therefore, the proposals of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the global solution submitted by the National Liberation Front of the South undoubtedly constitute the only just and acceptable basis for an agreement between the parties concerned. 133.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  20. In fact, it is obvious that the claims to a representative character and legitimacy of the Saigon authorities, which are kept in place by a foreign military occupation force, are absurd, as the course of events will prove. 132. We give full and constant support to the position of the true Viet-Nam in favour of a return to peace and we do so, not for ideological reasons as some allege, but because that position is a just one and consistent with United Nations principles, to which we shall remain attached in all circumstances.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  21. For many years, eminent statesmen, famous scientists and religious leaders have stated or written that the world is heading for a catastrophe, since, at any moment, some armed confrontation may lead to a third world war. People believe, however, or feign ta believe, that such a possibility is excluded by the balance of nuclear power. Quite apart from the fact that this confidence is undoubtedly unjustified, we believe it immoral to accept the continuation in different parts of the world of “local” wars which afflict millions of human beings. The most tragic example of these “local” wars is the war in Viet-Nam. 131. Cambodia has recognized the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam as the true representatives of the Viet-Namese people.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  22. In short, I would say that we ourselves have enough to live on, if not in a superabundance of material goods, at least in a state of well-being still sought in vain by others more favoured than us. We depend for our national existence entirely on ourselves and that is why we can express ourselves freely here, regardless of whether others are pleased or displeased by what we say. 129. Our increasing apprehension is caused by the conflicts which are continuing, are breaking out or are threatening to break out at many points of the globe, as well as the neglect of the essential principles of the Charter, which should form the basis of the actions of all Members of the United Nations as well as of other countries. 130.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  23. We shall do so also because our independence of thought cannot be challenged, because we serve no other cause than that of the search for truth, justice and peace. 128. First of all, I should like to stress that Cambodia has, after all, an enviable position in the third world, especially in South-East Asia. It has succeeded in remaining at peace, both internally and externally, although not without suffering repercussions from the war in Viet-Nam. Like all the developing countries, and other countries as well, it is experiencing economic and financial difficulties, but it has escaped those caused by poverty, famine, undernourishment, epidemics, illiteracy and the like.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  24. 126. The delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia, which is taking part in the work of this twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly, would very much have liked to be able to express some optimism this year regarding the development of the world situation: Unfortunately, we are compelled to note that none of the grave issues has yet been satisfactorily resolved and that we are confronted today with increasingly numerous and distressing problems. 127. Peaceful and neutral Cambodia, with its 2,000 years of tumultuous history and its Buddhist civilization, wishes to draw the attention of the Assembly once again to some of the dangers that are threatening mankind. We shall do so without rancour, in all humility and fully aware of the very small voice that we have.in the concert of the great Powers and their allies.

    1969-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 24 (1969)

  25. The Cambodian delegation extends to him its congratulations and expresses its best wishes for the success of the work of the present session.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  26. It asks, briefly, that every country in the world should set aside for peace the amount of one day’s expenditure on war or preparations for war. The funds thus released could be administered by the United Nations and devoted to emergency relief in countries suffering from the scourge of war, famine, epidemics, and so on. We earnestly hope that this modest proposal will attract the support of all delegations since that would show that the United Nations retains the hope of realizing the ideals it proclaims. In present circumstances, a gesture of international solidarity would have a special significance and would restore to the United Nations some of the confidence once reposed in it. 93. In conclusion, may I say that we welcome the election to the Presidency of the General Assembly of His Excellency Mr. Arenales.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  27. It is content to emphasize the illogical and immoral character of the gigantic efforts expended by some on the conquest of outer space or the establishment of nuclear arsenals, while hundreds of millions of men lack the minimum required to sustain life or are suffering from endemic diseases that should be a thing of the past. 91. A general and complete disarmament would free vast resources for development. But that disarmament is further away than ever, despite the endless palaver and declarations of intent that no one believes. 92. Being fully alive to the facts of a world in which a very precarious peace is maintained only by the balance of the forces of destruction, the Cambodian delegation has submitted to this session a limited proposal [A/7183 and Add.1] the adoption of which would offer a gleam of hope for the future.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  28. The failure of the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was due to political disputes and even more to the desire of the highly developed countries to evade the essential questions such as third-world industrialization, stabilization or re-evaluation of the price of tropical produce, ocean freight rates, and so on. It is revealing, too, that on that occasion the great Powers confirmed the reduction in their assistance to developing countries. 90. Cambodia, which has chosen to help itself and rely on its own strength, has no illusions about so-called disinterested foreign assistance, and little belief in international solidarity for progress.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  29. But as a third-world country, we must draw the attention of the United Nations to the heart-rending problems of under-development, for as our Head of State pointed out, “the peace of the world and the future of mankind depend on how those problems are solved". 88. We do not intend to propose any solutions, but merely to note that the development revolution has yet to come. That revolution will come with or in spite of the great developed Powers, which we must refer to as imperialists so long as they regard the third world as a source of wealth for themselves and for themselves alone, or so long as they isolate themselves within a selfish indifference. Those Powers must have the wisdom to realize that a world divided into rich always growing richer and poor always growing poorer is doomed to annihilation. 89.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  30. Of course, political and ideological antagonisms justifiably give rise to concern for the maintenance of world peace. But the increasingly sharp division between over-developed and under-developed countries is infinitely more tragic, since, at the present rate, by the end of the century we shall have a world of six thousand million inhabitants, 80 per cent of them under-developed, underfed, even starving, and 20 per cent living in extraordinary affluence. Obviously, any peaceful coexistence between those two groups will be impossible. 87. For its part, Cambodia enjoys an enviable position; it is free from and will continue free from famine or poverty, and keeps progressing in excellent conditions. In addition, our Buddhist society has the wisdom not to aspire to material wealth beyond its reach.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  31. We must ponder a fact often quoted by the Cambodian Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, that “the United Nations needs China far more than China needs a seat in the United Nations". The United States must, however, restore to China without delay the Chinese province of Taiwan which they are occupying in violation of every right, in collusion with the Chiang Kai-shek administration. 85. The Cambodian delegation wishes to express its deep concern at the increasing difficulties encountered by the developing countries. We are grieved to note that the abyss that divides the third world from. the highly developed countries grows wider every year. There is no point in quoting figures and statistics; everyone is familiar with them. 86.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  32. Everyone knows that the United States has the hypocrisy to invoke freedom and democracy to justify its foreign aggressions, its interventions, its interferences. China spreads its revolutionary ideas, but no foreign country is forced to accept them and every country can reject them, as Cambodia does, without being subjected to military or other pressures. It would be entirely normal, therefore, that our General Assembly should judge these matters more equitably, according to the real facts. 84. The truth — and we trust it is a truth that will finally prevail — is that the People’s Republic of China, a nation of 800 million people, are being kept out of the United Nations in flagrant violation of the principles upon which the United Nations was founded.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  33. Once again this year, the United States and its dependents are bringing out their usual arguments to oppose China’s presence in the United Nations. Powers and countries, which use their armed might to impose a political and economic domination on others, set up military bases everywhere and send their navies into the seven seas, now accuse China of threatening world peace. Yet we know that there is not a single Chinese soldier and not a single Chinese military base outside China. Is it not the height of absurdity to maintain that China is a warmonger and that the United States is pacifist? 83. American imperialism, increasingly arrogant and brutal, is the only danger at the present time.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  34. To perpetuate the division of Korea by the American occupation of South Korea is a clear violation of the national rights of the Korean people. If the United Nations is truly faithful to its ideals, it must straight away ask the United States to end this prolonged occupation and allow this free country to decide as it wishes. 81. A further important question is the restoration to the People’s Republic of China of its seat in the United Nations, and in all United Nations bodies. It is incongruous and even scandalous — as every delegate here will agree — that the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek should be held to be the authentic representatives of 800 million Chinese. We believe it is time to put an end to that farce, which has gone on far too long. 82.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  35. Cambodia is asking the Assembly to reflect on the injustice caused by the artificially maintained division of the Korean nation—with the agreement of the United Nations. Now, the United Nations has no political jurisdiction whatsoever in this matter, which is the responsibility of the Korean people, and the Commission which claims to be dealing with it, but has no legal basis, should be dissolved at once. Today the only obstacle to Korean unification is the presence of the army of occupation and American military bases in the southern part of the country. It is not for us to say how this reunification would be achieved, but we have good reason to believe that it would be by essentially peaceful means. 80.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  36. Indeed, the sole aspect of the Viet-Nam war that concerns the United Nations and other international organizations is the ill-considered interference of half a million American soldiers in South Viet-Nam. But the General Assembly, at its present session, could play a useful role if it required the United States, in accordance with the letter and the spirit of the Charter, to terminate immediately its aggression and to negotiate with the National Liberation Front over arrangements for withdrawing its troops. 78. The United Nations should also devote some attention to the Korean question. Korea was divided up by the great Powers just like Viet-Nam, not because it was a conquered country being punished for having taken part in the Second World War on the side of the dictators, but because it was a victim of the spirit of Yalta. 79.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  37. Under infinitely more favourable conditions, an international conference encouraged the three Laotian parties to set up a similar kind of fictitious coalition government, and even ratified their agreement. We know today what happened to it. 76. Let us repeat it once again: the domestic political solution to the Viet-Namese affair is a matter for the Viet-Namese people alone, who must be left free to settle their differences by negotiation or by force of arms. Lamentable as they may be, there have always been civil wars, and the Viet-Namese have as much right to have a civil war in 1968 as the Americans had from 1861 to 1865. It must, however, be observed that civil wars are shorter and generally less bloody when foreign countries adopt a position of strict neutrality vis-a-vis the parties involved. 77.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  38. The truth is that, if left to itself, the Saigon police régime would be blown away like a straw in the wind, as was every régime imposed on occupied Europe during the Second World War. 75. It is obvious that the United States must sooner or later acknowledge the fact that it is powerless against Viet-Namese patriotism and that the fiction of the representative character of the Saigon Government must be abandoned. We are already hearing suggestions here and there that a coalition government should be imposed on South Viet-Nam in which the principal role would be played by men pledged to America. However, those suggestions are completely unrealistic, for the form and composition of the future South Viet-Namese régime cannot be decided from outside.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  39. Unfortunately, it is becoming clear that no agreement is in sight and that none will come in sight so long as the United States continues to demand reciprocal concessions in exchange for halting its aggression and a limitation of South Viet-Nam’s independence. 74. The United States tries to justify its invasion of South Viet-Nam by maintaining that the so-called “Government” of Saigon requested its assistance. Now, every journalist and international observer, including the Americans, has seen for himself that that Government has no popular backing and no legitimacy, and that it exists only by the will of the United States and thanks to the protection of the American armed forces.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  40. The only solution to the Viet-Nam war is the withdrawal of American troops and bases from the southern part of the country and, of course, the cessation of the bombings and other acts of war against the North. We consider that the political programme of the National Liberation Front and the four points of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam constitute the only basis on which it will be possible to put an end to the conflict. It must be added that the Viet-Namese position is the same as any country in the world would adopt in similar circumstances. 73. The opening of the American-Viet-Namese negotiations in Paris raised hopes in every kind of people and in every kind of country.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  41. Unfortunately, these fine sentiments are reflected in the wholesale murder of the civilian population, in untold sufferings inflicted on a people, and in the methodical destruction of a country under the pretence of helping it. 71. Cambodia lends its total moral, political and diplomatic support to the national Viet-Namese resistance represented by the National Front for the Liberation of South Viet-Nam and the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam. For us, this is a question of principle and of respect for the United Nations Charter, which recognizes that all countries, without distinction as to political régime, possess the sacred right to independence. It is for the Viet-Namese, and the Viet-Namese only, to settle their domestic affairs as they choose, and any foreign intervention in those affairs is and must be condemned. 72.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  42. The American argument that North Viet-Nam is the aggressor against South Viet-Nam is not only mistaken, it is contrary to real facts. It must be remembered that the origin of the Viet-Nam war was the legitimate revolt of the South Viet-Namese people against the dictatorship of Ngo Dinh Diem and the illegal intervention by the American armed forces in that domestic dispute. It is the United States that deliberately transformed the civil war in South Viet-Nam into a war of independence by the Viet-Namese people against a foreign invader. The representatives of the United States assure us that they have no colonial ambitions and that their only aim is the welfare of Viet-Nam and the Viet-Namese.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  43. The representative of the United States has stood on this platform [1677th meeting] and proclaimed his country’s peaceful intentions. But that was only words; the reality, in all its horror and brutality, is the destruction of a country and the genocide of a people by a foreign army. 69. There is no justification for American aggression against South Viet-Nam. There is no justification for the so-called limited bombings of North Viet-Nam by the American Air Force. There is no justification for the so-called reciprocal de-escalation measures demanded from the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam by the American Government. And we would add that it is quite wrong that United States representatives should claim the right to speak for the Viet-Namese people. 70.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  44. Nationalism is undoubtedly, and will be for a long time to come, the basis on which all countries, large and small, must develop. To deny that, or to attempt to break it by force or any other means can only provoke interminable disputes, or even that third world war that threatens us. Consequently, we believe that the great Powers must have the wisdom to understand that they have neither a monopoly of pride and national dignity nor the right to interfere in the affairs of another country on any pretext whatsoever. 68. This problem of non-intervention leads the Cambodian delegation to denounce once again the invasion of South Viet-Nam by United States armed forces and the war, unprecedented in history, that is being waged against the Viet-Namese people.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  45. We believe that every country has the right to full sovereignty, that every people is free to adopt the institutions and the régime of its choice, and that no one is entitled to interfere — especially by armed force - in the domestic affairs of an independent nation. We are told that the United Nations was founded in order that never again would one country impose its will on another, weaker country; well, today we have to recognize that that fundamental principle is being deliberately ignored. 67. The division of the world into two ideological camps, into zones of influence for the super Powers, remains the drama of our age and a tragedy for countries which, like Cambodia and many other non-aligned countries, cannot accept any restriction on their independence.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  46. Like His Excellency U Thant, we are convinced that, if a great Power only has to claim that its security is being threatened in order to arrogate to itself the right to invade another country, the outlook for the world is black indeed. This habit of talking about security is getting more and more absurd and offers only a very flimsy disguise for colonialist ambitions. Do we not hear the United States claim that its security is threatened by Viet-Nam and, following that eminent example, do we not hear Thailand, protected by its powerful army and by the American occupation forces, assert that 35,000 poorly equipped Cambodian soldiers are a formidable threat to it? 66. Faithful to its policy of peace and true independence, Cambodia has never ceased to condemn foreign intervention in the affairs of others.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  47. The Cambodian delegation shares that view and would like to point out that ten years ago, from this very platform [756th meeting], the Cambodian Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, drew the attention of the United Nations to the serious consequences of intervention by the great Powers in the affairs of other countries. Alas, we are compelled to observe that intervention, not only political and economic but also military, has become so common that it provokes nothing more than purely formal protests, either in the United Nations or by international public opinion. Indeed, it would appear that violations of a country’s sovereignty today inspire nothing more than disillusioned reactions that amount to an acknowledgement that might is right. 65.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  48. For us Cambodians, independence and territorial integrity form a single whole upon which our survival depends, and they are not therefore negotiable. 63. In the introduction to his annual report to the General Assembly the Secretary-General of the United Nations notes that the world is faced with a marked decline in international morality and that States are coming to rely ta an increasing extent on force and violence in settling their international disputes. On the basis of that admirably lucid analysis of the current situation, His Excellency U Thant goes on to say that “...if the principle of non-intervention in the free destiny of nations is not re-established, the future of international peace and security itself is indeed a very dark one” [A/7201/Add.1, para. 174]. 64.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  49. So I must remind them now that Cambodia, already reduced to its simplest geographical terms, will never yield an inch of its national territory, and will never under any pretext whatsoever enter into discussions on so-called frontier rectifications. 62. Unqualified recognition of Cambodia’s present frontiers is and will continue to be the primary condition for the establishment or the maintenance of normal diplomatic relations with any foreign State. In the letter and in the spirit of our policy of neutrality, we are most anxious to create bonds of friendship with all the countries of the world, but it is obvious that we cannot regard as friends those who directly or by implication support the expansionist policy of our neighbours.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)

  50. Thus it would be sensible of both sides to accept the situation as it is and to put an end to those continual frontier changes that for centuries have accompanied the ups and downs of history. 61. Most of the countries interested in Asian problems have finally recognized the justice and logic of the Cambodian position and have made the declaration we asked for. But the Saigon régime still persists in its senseless territorial demands on Cambodia, while Thailand still declines our proposal to sign a joint declaration of respect for our common frontier. The American Government, in turn, lends unequivocal support to its allies in Saigon and Bangkok by refusing to recognize the permanent character of Cambodia’s frontiers.

    1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)