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HUOT SAMBATH

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1962-09-24
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1969-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. It is with concern, however, that we see evidence of a growing division between over-developed white Powers and "coloured" countries emerging from under-development. The segregation, which was not desired by us, will have tragic consequences unless precautions are taken against it. 110. There is not doubt, for instance — one needs only to read the United States Press every day to be convinced of it — that, for the West, Asian lives, our lives, are far from having the same importance as the lives of white citizens, especially if they are Americans, We can assert without fear of contradiction that the United States Air Force would never dare to exterminate a Western people by bombs, napalm and chemical weapons — and with no declaration of war — as it is now doing in Indo-China.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  2. The Cambodian delegation therefore hopes that there are Powers or countries in the Assembly which will ensure that the question of United States intervention in South-East Asia and of the right of the peoples of Indo-China to settle their problems without interference from any Power or organization is placed on the agenda. 108. I should now like to refer to one of the problems which the Assembly has never thought it expedient to debate in detail, although it is one of the most important of our time: I am referring to racism and its manifestations, which become more violent and more of a threat to the future of mankind every year. 109. The cold war between the two ideological blocs seems to be on the way to extinction and the barrier between capitalist and communist countries is no longer the iron curtain of former days.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  3. To revert to the question of Viet-Nam, I should like to point out that the arguments advanced by the United States to explain its aggression are inadmissible. The United States authorities have no hesitation in stating that Viet-Nam is being attacked by Viet-Namese and that those Viet-Namese must negotiate their independence with the United States. On the other hand, they claim that their expeditionary force is in South Viet-Nam to protect the people of South Viet-Nam, who for their part, with the exception of a few generals, are unanimous in their demand for the withdrawal of the United States forces, which have brought them nothing but mourning and ruin. 107.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  4. Nevertheless, it seems that the United States and its accomplices are determined to maintain this false pretext for launching a large-scale attack on Cambodia. 105. We know, unfortunately, that if that should happen the United Nations would be quite powerless to preserve our peace and independence. We are convinced that the proverb "might is right" is still valid and that Cambodia can rely only on itself, and on the support of a very few countries when it solemnly warns the great Powers that the Cambodian people will defend their freedom, regardless of the consequences for world peace, by every means available to them or which may he made available to them. Our aggressors will bear the full responsibility before history. 106.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  5. The Cambodian delegation wishes to draw the attention of the Assembly to these charges, which are preparing public opinion for bombing attacks on our country by the United States Air Force. Furthermore, threats to bomb us are being made more and more openly by ruling circles in Bangkok and Saigon. 104. I wish to point out that the International Commission for Supervision and Control, foreign military attaches including Western ones, and even journalists have been able to travel about freely in the regions where this North Viet-Namese division is said to be stationed. These observers have been able to see for themselves the absurdity of the United States, Thai and South Viet-Namese charges.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  6. Cambodia is directly threatened by this policy of brute force which seeks to justify itself by the crudest lies. For many months now the United States and South Viet-Namese land and air forces have been violating our frontiers day after day and opening fire on our peaceful villages. At the same time Thailand's raids on Cambodian territory are increasing. We are witnessing a campaign aimed at persuading international opinion that a division of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam is stationed in the heart of one of our provinces. What can be more absurd the charge levelled by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Thailand that Cambodia is training 27,000 Chinese guerrillas! 103.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  7. Today United States troops in South Viet-Nam are fighting against the popular forces of that country in order to keep in power a Government which has forfeited all trust and support. Does the United Nations recognize the right of any Power whatsoever to impose on a nation a tyrannical rule from which that nation wishes to free itself? Looking beyond the question of Viet-Nam, it is the principle of the national independence of small countries which is a stake. 101. If the United Nations remains indifferent to the United States military intervention in Viet-Nam, it is certain that other great Powers will see in that a justification for similar enterprises against other countries. Such a state of affairs would spell the abandonment of all the foundations of international law and of the principles on which our Organization is founded. 102.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  8. Admittedly, the United Nations is unable to intervene as a mediator in the Viet-Namese affair, which was settled by the Geneva Agreements of 1964. Here again we see how the exclusion of China and the two Viet-Nams deprived our Organization of any chance of being able to play a positive role in this matter. Nevertheless, we fail to understand the passive attitude of the United Nations in the face of open aggression against an independent country, even if it is not a Member of the United Nations. 100. For months the United States Air Force has been carrying out daily bombing attacks on the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and striking indiscriminately at civilian and military objectives, creating a situation of de facto war. Is not this a violation of the United Nations Charter?

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  9. It seems to us quite certain that, if this year China is again unable to recover its seat in our Organization, the United Nations will sink a little further into the indifference with which it is already regarded by a large number of Afro-Asian peoples. 98. A further cause for anxiety is the inability of the United Nations to restore peace wherever peace has been disrupted. At this very moment our South-East Asia is experiencing a war which was not of its own choosing. In Viet-Nam there are constant raids by United States bombers and the civilian population is being systematically murdered. Western observers themselves acknowledge that the Viet-Namese people are victims of a determined effort to exterminate them. 99.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  10. Who is really threatening the independence of other countries and world peace? 96. China is not and never has been, throughout its long history, a conquering Power. Its only desire is to live in peace and to continue to build up its country as it wishes, but it is perfectly legitimate that China should ask to be recognized as a country playing a full part at the international level and that it should oppose the specific threats to its sovereignty. Cambodia, like all free countries, has always taken this attitude. 97. The Cambodian delegation wishes to point out once again that the United Nations needs China more than China needs the United Nations for survival.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  11. The first principle which was to ensure the future of the United Nations was indeed that of universality. How can people still speak of universality today when 700 million Chinese, together with tens of millions of Germans, Koreans and Viet-Namese, are unable to make their voices heard? 95. We know that the United States, both directly and through intermediaries, proclaims that China is an aggressive Power which threatens world peace. We should be glad, however, to see such accusations supported by concrete facts. United States troops are today entrenched in every corner of the globe — in Viet-Nam, in South Korea, in Thailand, in Japan, in Latin America and so forth. Are there any Chinese military bases on the American continent? Is there even a single Chinese soldier outside the territory of China?

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  12. The absurdity of the presence of the Taiwan delegation, supposedly representing the Chinese people, no longer has to be demonstrated, for there is not a country in the world which is not inwardly convinced of it by now. Nevertheless, the United States to this day refuses to recognize the truth about China and makes its allies and the countries under its control do likewise. 93. Yet it has been demonstrated that none of the great problems of the world can be solved without the participation of China. There is no longer any international conference on any subject whatever at which this fact does not become glaringly evident. 94. In recent years Prince Norodom Sihanouk, our Head of State, has often called the attention of international opinion to the dangers which the unjustified ostracism of China represents for our Organization.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  13. These facts are now too serious for us and for many of the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America to allow us to go on denying or disguising them much longer. We must observe with sorrow that the United Nations no longer fulfils the tremendous hopes which we had placed in it. We must admit that our confidence in its effectiveness in helping to solve the most serious problems has been seriously undermined during the past two years. 92. For the past several years, at each session of the General Assembly, the Cambodian delegation has raised the question of the restoration of the full rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  14. 89. The delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia is today confronted with a choice. It can either join in the chorus of delegations who express more or less full approval of the way in which the United Nations is functioning and applaud the role of the United Nations in international affairs, or it can express freely and unequivocally the point of view of non-aligned Cambodia in regard to our Organization's shortcomings and mistakes. 90. We ourselves think that self-criticism, if it is constructive, is always preferable to self-satisfaction. It seems to us extremely dangerous to bury our heads in the sand like the ostrich and to refuse to look the facts in the face, however unpleasant they may be. 91.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  15. It is true that the agreement signed by thirteen Powers in 1962 theoretically recognized and guaranteed the neutrality of Laos; but in fact our unfortunate neighbour is still witnessing sporadic fighting between Laotian factions, and conspiracies and rivalries between the two ideological blocs. The fate of our Laotian brothers is a matter deserving of concern and we should assist them effectively to restore peace, stability and unity. 162. In concluding this statement, I should like, on behalf of my country and in my own name, to extend my warmest congratulations to the new President of the General Assembly and to convey to all representatives here present my most sincere wishes for the success of this eighteenth session of the General Assembly.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  16. Unfortunately, our efforts were not as successful as we had hoped and, if today our Indian and Chinese friends are again in a state of peace, it is but a very precarious peace which a single spark would suffice to destroy. 160. Cambodia fervently hopes that India and China will succeed in re-establishing relations of trust and friendship and, above all, that they will resume their talks on this dispute. All the non-aligned countries share this wish and are striving to allay this border conflict. We should now like to express the hope that the other Powers will also contribute to the reestablishment of a stable peace in the Himalayan area and will not consider this dispute between India and China as a new front in the cold war. 161. Again in Southern Asia, the Laotian problem is still causing grave concern.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  17. Today, decolonization is almost completed, and only a few countries, in Africa, are still engaged in a struggle which will erase once and for all every trace of the shame of colonialism. 158. In concluding, I should like to touch upon two questions which affect us indirectly but which, in present circumstances, are matters in which the United Nations cannot intervene effectively. 159. The first of these is the controversy and border conflict between India and China. In December 1962, on the initiative of Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister of Ceylon, six non-aligned countries, including Cambodia, met in order to seek ways and means of assisting two great nations of Asia.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  18. There is a third problem to which we must pay attention, although its evolution and the progress already made are grounds for optimism. I am referring to decolonization. Despite the racist intransigence of some and the hypocrisy of certain colonial Powers which are trying to perpetuate a past which is gone forever, the great majority, consisting of the peaceful forces of the entire world, is still striving to do away for ever with policies based on domination and enslavement. 157. Cambodia, which has been judged worthy of the confidence of this Organization by being chosen for the vice-chairmanship of the Special Committee of Twenty-Four, is pleased to have been able to contribute to positive action on behalf of the enslaved peoples.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  19. In this connexion, we should like to pay a tribute to the five Latin American countries which have given concrete form to this great idea of partial denuclearization. 155. Finally, I would again draw attention to the continued importance of conventional armaments in some parts of the world. The small local wars still being fought in Viet-Nam, in the Middle East and in Angola, in which the techniques used are those of the last world war, but they are none the less most destructive. A characteristic of these Asian or African wars is that the opponents are usually not producers of arms and therefore rely mainly on obsolete equipment of the great Powers. This problem should be given careful consideration in any programme for complete disarmament. 156.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  20. Nevertheless, the tripartite Treaty of Moscow, despite its importance as a symptom of a relaxation of tension between the leaders of the two great blocs, should not make us forget that general and complete disarmament remains the ultimate goal of mankind. Despite the Moscow Treaty, the great nuclear Powers still possess, and make large-scale use of the ability to continue producing, stocking and perfecting their nuclear weapons of mass destruction. It is thus to be hoped that the first step which has just been taken will be the forerunner of an era of "détente" in which the nuclear Powers will first prohibit and then completely destroy their terrifying weapons. 154. In the meantime the Royal Government of Cambodia wishes to see the immediate creation of denuclearized zones.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  21. We should like to congratulate these three Powers and endorse their encouraging initiative. However, Cambodia has not deemed it necessary to sign the treaty, first, because it cannot hope, even in the remote future to become a nuclear Power, and second because our Constitution prohibits our accession to military treaties and pacts. In this connexion, I would recall that the relevant article of the Constitution provides as follows: "The Kingdom of Cambodia is a neutral country. It abstains from any military or ideological alliance with foreign countries. It will not undertake aggression against any foreign country." This neutrality, which forbids the establishment of foreign military bases on our territory, thus implies, a fortiori, that the question of nuclear tests in Cambodia by a third Power could not arise. 153.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  22. Thus, Viet-Nam, Korea and Germany should be admitted as of right to the United Nations, through Governments which effectively represent the totality of each nation. It is a profound injustice that the peoples of these countries should be kept outside our Organization and constrained to act through their allies or protectors in order to make their views known. Moreover, the admission to the United Nations of East Germany and West Germany, the two Koreas and the two Viet-Nams would not modify in any way the balance of forces of the two camps. 152. Today more than ever we must continue to devote our attention to the problem of disarmament. Cambodia welcomes the signing by the three greatest nuclear Powers —The United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom— of an agreement banning all nuclear tests except those underground.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  23. As Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Head of the Khmer State, observed from this very rostrum in 1961, "the ideal solution" to this paradoxical situation "would undoubtedly be that each of these peoples should be reunified through a general referendum organized and supervised by the United Nations, without intervention from the Government of either part of the divided country, since each such Government is aligned with one of the blocs originally responsible for the division" [1011th meeting, para. 831. 151. But before being able to act effectively in this direction, our Organization, which as the Secretary- General has rightly pointed out, must remain faithful to its universality, will have to enable the divided nations to make their voice heard from this rostrum.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  24. I have dwelt at somelength —perhaps at too great length— on Cambodia's own problems because they are in fact closely linked with the situation in South-East Asia which has all to often been the subject of international attention. I should like, more briefly, to mention some of the major international problems on which Cambodia has already made known its position and point of view. 150. Among these problems, one of the most important, in our view, which must be taken up by this Assembly, is that of the divided, countries; this is a most delicate problem because it involves, in fact, the opposing interests of the ideological blocs which are seeking to perpetuate a situation that runs counter to nature.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  25. with the request that they recognize and guarantee the neutrality and territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Cambodia. 148. Our legitimate and reasonable request was received coldly, except by the socialist countries, France and Laos. The Powers of the free world and their allies have, more or less clearly, justified their refusal by observing that a guarantee of our neutrality and of our frontiers could only be a military one which, apparently, would be contrary to their principles. Desiring to put the goodwill of these countries to the test, we are prepared to content ourselves with recognition of our neutrality and frontiers, provided, however, that our neighbour countries agree to such recognition. This condition is, of course, the most important one of all. 149.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  26. What country in the world in fact, would tolerate such a situation? 147. We desire only peace: we only want to live in peaceful coexistence with all countries—first and foremost, with our neighbours. In accordance with this desire and this aim, Cambodia proclaimed its status as a neutral State in an Act of 1957. However, in the face of attacks against our neutrality, repeated foreign plots to destroy it, and threats to our territorial integrity, Cambodia, through its Chief of State, has finally proposed that an international conference should be convened to deal with this problem which, in fact, involves the question of peace in South-East Asia. This proposal was sent to the thirteen nations which had just met to seek a solution to the Laotian question.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  27. This foundation can be nothing other than a formal recognition of our common frontiers, which have already been clearly defined and established by international treaties. Cambodia will never compromise on the recognition of its territorial integrity; this recognition, on the part of Thailand, may take various forms: an international agreement, a bipartite treaty, an agreement guaranteed by the United Nations, or simply a bipartite agreement signed before the Secretary-General of the United Nations. 146. Cambodia is weary of living always under the threat of nations over-armed and supported by great Powers for the purpose of fighting communism, which does not exist in Cambodia. We can no longer tolerate the refusal to recognize and respect our frontiers, we can no longer countenance attacks on our frontier populations.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  28. I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute and express the feelings of sincere gratitude of the Royal Government to the distinguished United Nations mediators, U Thant, Mr. Narasimhan, and Mr. Nils Göran Gussing, for their praiseworthy intervention in the Khmer-Thailand dispute. 145. In recent months, Cambodia has redoubled its gestures of goodwill and appeasement, in particular by agreeing to the exchange of some forty Thai prisoners for about ten Cambodian nationals, and by proposing the convening of a conference of technicians from both countries. I should like to state once again that Cambodia hopes for a normalization of its relations with Thailand. However, it is essential that these relations should be established on a solid and lasting foundation.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  29. The entire history of our relations, ancient and modern, dating from the seizure and destruction of Angkor in the fifteenth century to the case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear and the quite recent Koh Kong case, is full of examples which are significant enough in themselves. Nevertheless, our desire is to forget this cruel past and to place our relations with our neighbouring country on a footing of friendship and equality. 144. In spite of all these difficulties, Cambodia has always hoped for a normalization of its relations with Thailand. It was with satisfaction and in an earnest spirit of co-operation that the Royal Government welcomed the mission of Mr. Nils Göran Gussing, Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  30. As the Assembly can see, this situation poses a serious threat to the maintenance of peace in that area. Without exceeding its powers, the United Nations could and should consider this problem and find a solution which will ensure that the frontiers of a Member of the United Nations are guaranteed and respected. This is a suggestion which any State subscribing to the Charter of our Organization should understand and appreciate. 143. There is another difficult problem which we in Cambodia would like to see rapidly resolved; it involves our relations with Thailand. Cambodia does not intend to go on forever recalling its grievances against Thailand.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  31. Certain Western countries believe that they can come to South Viet-Nam's defence and justify the aggressions perpetrated against Cambodia by invoking the civil war in South Viet-Nam and the "unintentional mistakes" committed by the army of Mr. Ngo Dinh Diem. Who will accept such explanations? The massacre of Cambodian peasants, the destruction of their villages several kilometres inside Cambodia are unwarranted criminal acts which have no connexion whatsoever with the civil war that is taking place on Viet-Namese territory. Furthermore, if these were indeed "unintentional mistakes"—which seems highly unlikely—why does the Saigon Government reject our protests and refuse to offer its apologies and compensate the innocent victims of these acts of aggression? 142.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  32. History has taught us that this imperialism shows itself and flourishes whenever it finds support or when circumstances bring about a disequilibrium of forces in its favour. 140. Although the Saigon regime is decaying, it is nevertheless pursuing a policy of force and threats with regard to Cambodia. It has powerful support from abroad however, which enables it, not only to remain in power against the will of the people, but also to play cynically with peace and war in that part of the world. As a neutral and independent State, Cambodia would not have to raise problems which go far beyond its national context if, under the cover of fighting the Viet-Cong, the regular forces of South Viet-Nam were not using arms supplied by the United States of America, in an attempt to satisfy their expansionist designs against Cambodia. 141.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  33. 139, This may be a satisfactory argument in theory. Unfortunately, however, the real situation is quite different and does not bear out the thesis of these foreign observers. Despite our countless protests, the acts of aggression continue, the bombings have increased and crimes continue to be committed. A few years ago, the armed forces of South Viet-Nam acquired the habit of moving the frontier markers as their fancy dictated. Today, the Saigon Government is making unjustifiable claims of sovereignty over the coastal islands of Cambodia which have belonged to Cambodia from time immemorial. Such acts and such an attitude may appear surprising, but they merely reflect the continuing existence of the policy of imperialism which Viet-Nam has pursued for more than six centuries.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  34. When South Viet-Nam has regained its freedom and the people of South Viet-Nam have recovered all the fundamental rights of which they have been deprived, the Royal Government will be glad to renew normal relations with a democratic Government enjoying popular support and to work for the establishment of trusting and friendly co-operation between the two countries." However, certain Western observers, journalists and even diplomats are still unconvinced even when confronted with the clearest evidence and attribute our complaints and accusations to a national persecution complex. In spite of irrefutable proof and reliable evidence, they maintain that the Government of South Viet-Nam is already sufficiently occupied with its own civil and religious war and would not therefore indulge in the luxury of creating another front against Cambodia.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  35. In fact, the Government's statement contained the following passage: "The Royal Government wishes particularly to emphasize that the severance of political relations which has just been decided upon does not constitute a hostile step against South Viet-Nam. On this occasion, Cambodia wishes to reaffirm its feelings of deep sympathy for the people of South Viet-Nam who have suffered for many years under a totalitarian and aggressive dictatorship.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  36. Cambodia could not remain indifferent to this increasing number of aggressive acts. On 27 August 1963, at the request of the Parliament—which derives its authority from the Cambodian people—the Royal Government decided to sever political relations with the present Government of South Viet-Nam because of the crimes committed against the Khmer people of Cambodia, the crimes against the Khmer community in Kampuchea Krom; the crimes against Buddhism, and against the community of Buddhist monks and faithful. 138. This grave decision, which was carefully weighed, was in no way prompted by feelings of hostility towards the people of South Viet-Nam.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  37. I shall not burden the Assembly with detailed statistics or evidence of the aggressive and expansionist policy of the South Viet-Nam régime. But the fact must be known that during 1962 Cambodia was the victim of 140 aggressive acts by the regular forces of the Republic of Viet-Nam. During the first quarter of 1963, we suffered twenty-seven violations of all kinds. In the course of one of the latest acts of aggression, on 19 August 1963, two South Viet-Nam aircraft bombed and machine-gunned a provincial guard-post located five kilometres inside our territory. The list of our compatriots —mostly peaceful peasants— who have been killed or wounded by regular troops from South Viet- Nam continues to grow. The innocent victims of these barbarous acts of our neighbours have included women, elderly people and infants. 137.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  38. We now put our last hopes in the United Nations, which has already grappled with the problem of minorities in various countries, and we ask the Organization to see that the most elementary rights of ethnic groups living under the iron rule of police régimes are recognized and respected. 135. Furthermore, South Viet-Nam has not ceased to harass Cambodia with border attacks and campaigns of provocation. Scarcely a week passes without incursions into our territory, violations of our air space and crimes against our civilian population, The International Commission for supervision and control responsible for the enforcement of the 1954 Geneva Agreements has been able to verify on the spot the deeds committed by the Saigon Government. 136.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  39. Moslems have their mosques and their Koranic schools where instruction is free. Those who wish to, freely make the pilgrimage to Mecca each year, and they obtain from the Royal Government the foreign currency they need for their journey and their stay. The Catholics also have complete freedom to preach their religion and to teach in their schools. Land is even made available to them free of charge for construction of their churches and cultural institutions. 134. The Royal Government has on various occasions sought to establish contact with the Saigon leaders with a view to putting an end to, or at least improving, a state of affairs which does no credit to mankind. But all our efforts have proved useless.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  40. We renew our appeal to all peace-loving countries to intercede with the Saigon Government in order that an end may be put to all acts of extermination of the Khmer race and of destruction of the Buddhist religion in South Viet-Nam, as well as to any actions that endanger peace in South-East Asia." How could Cambodia remain insensitive to the desperate appeals of its sons? How could it remain indifferent in the face of religious persecutions that hark back to another age? 133. Tolerance impregnates the fabric of all the societies of South-East Asia. The Saigon Government is the sole exception to the rule. In Cambodia, where Buddhism is the state religion, all beliefs and forms of worship are not only permitted but receive all necessary assistance from the Royal Government.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  41. In the past two years, over 7,000 men, women and children have crossed the frontier, and this flood of refugees has been steadily rising in the past few months. 132. Only recently, a group of about sixty Buddhist monks and believers who had taken refuge in Cambodia published a statement denouncing the cruelties of the Saigon Government. Part of this moving appeal to man's conscience reads as follows: "We, Buddhist monks and former Khmer nationals of Kampuchea Krom, have seen with our own eyes the murderous acts of extermination and Buddhist segregation perpetrated by the Saigon Government, headed by Mr. Ngo Dinh Diem. The efforts to destroy the Khmer race and the Buddhist religion in South Viet-Nam are being pursued today even as they were yesterday in Kampuchea Krom....

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  42. Monasteries are under harassing police surveillance; several have been closed to worshippers and used as military quarters, and sometimes destroyed. Members of religious orders and the faithful among the Khmers Krom have for a number of months been the object of a particularly violent campaign of repression. This amounts, in fact, to systematic application of a policy of genocide against a population which has committed the double crime of being Khmer and being Buddhist. 131. Many of these unfortunate compatriots of ours, fleeing the oppression of the Saigon régime, have found refuge in Cambodia. But in the course of this mass exodus, many were unable to reach freedom and safety and fell under the fire of the pursuing South Viet-Nam troops.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  43. These Khmers Krom, as we call them, have to this day preserved a profound linguistic and religious uniformity, as well as purely Khmer customs and traditions. 129. Flouting the most elementary rules of international law and the sacred rights of the human person, the South Viet-Nam Government imposed Viet-Namese nationality on the Khmer population from the very outset. Many prohibitions were then applied: prohibition of the use of the mother tongue, prohibition of the practice of Buddhism in traditional forms, prohibition of the observance of ancestral customs and prohibition of the use of Cambodian-sounding names. 130. Buddhist monks, including old men, have been murdered in cold blood; others have been tortured, imprisoned and maltreated.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  44. The oppressive measures taken by the South Viet-Nam authorities and the many cruelties which they have inflicted on the whole of the country's population will nevertheless permit world public opinion to appreciate the tragic lot of the ethnic minorities. We must mention in particular the lot of our racial brothers, the Khmers Krom or Cambodians of South Viet-Nam, who for ten years have been the victims of despotism. Some 600,000 of our compatriots are living in frightful conditions on territory which was theirs but which unilateral acts stemming from a colonial past unjustly awarded to a foreign country. The first inhabitants of present-day South Viet-Nam were in fact the Khmers, who, despite successive Viet-Namese invasions, remained in the land of their ancestors.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  45. The Royal Government and the people of Cambodia have repeatedly denounced and condemned this anachronistic religious persecution which threatens to disturb once again the balance and coexistence of all the religions that are to be found side by side in South-East Asia. The Head of the Khmer State has addressed messages to President Kennedy, President de Gaulle, President Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Macmillan and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, requesting them, as a matter of urgency, to intervene in this highly distressing problem. We believe that anyone who is devoted to peace and justice must extend his sympathy, and, if he can, his aid and support to the victims of the inquisitorial policies of the South Viet-Nam Government. 128.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  46. It is certainly not a habit of neutralist Cambodia to meddle in the internal affairs of another country, but, abiding by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we cannot remain indifferent or silent in the face of the persecution of the Buddhists of South Viet-Nam. 126. The bloody events of Hué, the immolation of Buddhist priests, the assaulting and sacking of Buddhist sanctuaries and the imprisonment of members of religious orders have brought this nation-rending conflict to a climax. Cambodia, where there is absolute freedom of all forms of worship even though Buddhism is the State religion, is profoundly disturbed by this antagonism, which poses a very grave threat to religious peace in South Viet-Nam and in that entire area. 127.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  47. If the United Nations is not to fail in its noble mission, it must, in our view, seek to defend not only the principle of universality, which is its very raison d'être, but also the principles of the Charter and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Although it should not set itself up as a world tribunal, our Organization should be able, by its influence and moral prestige, effectively to combat the injustice, iniquity and violence which still exist in some parts of the world. 125. In this connexion, the present religious conflict between the Catholic Government of South Viet-Nam and the overwhelmingly Buddhist population of that country should disturb the conscience of all of us.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  48. Moreover, at the recent Geneva Conference on Laos as in 1954 at the Conference on Indo-China —the Western countries, including the United States, did in fact hold discussions with the People's Republic of China at the negotiating table. These precedents deserve to be recognized. Why, in the circumstances, should we keep outside the United Nations a great, courageous, hardworking and peaceful people? 123. Cambodia, which belongs to no camp or clique, deems it its duty to protest against an act of ostracism which threatens to drive the largest and most powerful country of Asia into bitterness and hostility. 124.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  49. Since 1958, Cambodia, through Its representatives speaking from this rostrum has done its utmost to focus the attention of the majority of this Assembly on the discriminatory policy being pursued with respect to the People's Republic of China, In 1958, in 1960, in 1961 and again last year, in a message addressed to the General Assembly, Prince Norodom Sihanouk pointed out the danger of unrealistic intransigence and the obstinacy of some countries in refusing the People's Republic of China its rightful seat in our Organization. 122. There is one fact which no one can or should ignore: without legal recognition of the People's Republic of China and without its participation in international deliberations, no agreement on or solution of any major problem such as disarmament or the total banning of nuclear tests will have any meaning.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)

  50. Conscious of the importance of this Organization to which It belongs, and imbued with the principles of universality by which It must be governed, Cambodia, animated solely by a desire to end the ostracism to which some nations have been unjustly subjected, finds itself obliged once again to raise the question of the representation of the People's Republic of China, whose Government is the sole representative of the 700 million Chinese. 121. For years Cambodia has persistently denounced this denial of justice and lack of realism, which cause our Organization to run the most serious risks.

    1963-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 18 (1963)