YouSaid · the spoken record

Richard

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS RICHARD

lines on the record: 110
first: 1977-09-24
most recent: 1981-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“If the principles of the Charter remain valid for us at all times and in all circumstances, as experience shows, if we are ready to revitalize the objectives of the Charter so that they are more responsive to the aspirations of all peoples, if we have the courage to set aside our contradictions and accept the ineluctable evolution of mankind towards peace, progress and justice, then let us give our Organization the political means to fulfill its purposes, because that is the best way of reaffirming our confidence in ourselves and really promoting mutual confidence.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“National sovereignty and national interests are put forward to hamper the role and the activities of the United Nations. But how can the preponderance of the United Nations which we accepted in the Charter restrain a sovereignty that cannot be more absolute? What interest do we have, acting collectively and in unity, in preventing world problems from being dealt with by a multilateral approach and being given global solutions? 119.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We have been told that the Charter represented and still represents the best hope of inducing mankind to accept universality. We are aware that for some it is no longer considered as anything more than one reference among many others, and that from being the only means of reducing the dangers of tension, confrontation and conflict, it has sometimes become an instrument of justification for a partial review of relations among nations. 117. From one session to another we reaffirm our faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter, and from one session to another also we see this increasing reluctance to resort to the existing machinery embracing practically every area of cooperation or to make it more effective, by taking account of change or even, I venture to say, of resolutions adopted since the machinery was first established. 118.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“Each State will have to find the means to survive the crises that will occur and recover the security, equilibrium and prosperity to which it has a right. But what should our Organization do to reverse the new political alienation, to revive the vision of one world united economically and socially? 115. More than once we have undertaken a redefinition of the role of the United Nations. Studies have been undertaken, committees have been set up, and yet we find ourselves at the same impasse, which seems to confirm the Views of those who defend the status quo, because our efforts have been reduced to attempting to reconcile irreconcilable interests or, at best, to collate divergent national reactions. And thus we are forced to ask ourselves whether the collective will to restore international life to its universality can still exist. 116.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“The International Meeting on Cooperation and Development to be held at Cancun may contribute to providing a fresh momentum to cooperation between two worlds that are condemned to interdependence, to the extent that the lines decided on in the context of the new international economic order are respected. 113. The principles agreed on from Arusha to Caracas concerning cooperation among developing countries were not conceived in a spirit of confrontation or competition, but in reaffirmation of our will to provide ourselves with institutions designed to solve the major problems posed by the requirements of an equal and integrated development. 114. We need not conceal this any longer: the 1980s will be difficult years and we will have to temper the optimism of the last two decades. Each State will have to bear its part.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We are also paying dearly for the rhetoric in which some of our partners try to wrap up global prospects for development, since we are being offered only a patching up of the present system, which is functionally unsuited to restoring stability and ensuring .he growth of our economies. 112. Once again we can fall back on skepticism and resignation. But we reaffirm that the only way of establishing equality of opportunity and eliminating the damaging effects of mistrust is the multilateral and global approach to the problems that underlie the present crisis.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“^ All our countries are affected by that crisis whose hallmark is a breakdown in economies, currency fluctuations, a chronic international payments deficit, the continuing trend towards higher interest rates, inflation and unemployment, the inadequacy of traditional adjustment measures and the uncertain prospects of growth, even for the medium term, all of which encourage a return to a more or less disguised protectionism. 111. But egotism is not solely to blame, for we see that the countries that are most seriously affected are the developing countries, above all the non-oil-producing countries, whose external debts and balance of payments deficits have become disastrous.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“This is well illustrated by our inability this year to undertake the global negotiations provided for in General Assembly resolution 34/138, the holdup in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law Of the Sea, so many events which demonstrate that in spite of Our protestations the commitments assumed under the Charter "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples" are still limited. The procrastination of some and the ill will of others hide behind the pretext of a search for a consensus at all costs, thus leading to the undermining of international cooperation and the exacerbation of the world economic crisis. 110.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“This blinkered approach favors the notion of immediate or short-term benefits, as well as what might be called, for want of a better term, international profiteering, based on selfishness, impatience and shortsightedness. Is there still a true desire to find any answer to this crisis, or are we resigned to the fact that two humanities exist, looking at one another across the divide created by unrepentant imperialism? 109.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“Our solidarity with the peoples concerned is known, for, here as elsewhere, only they have the right, in full sovereignty and freedom, to decide their own political, economic and social affairs. 107. In the economic field the outlook is not much better, because the crisis of which we have seen the omens for over a decade is now upon us, and has been given added impetus by the inroads of contention and counterclaims, which are undermining existing structures and for which we can find no more than palliatives in the absence of a real development ethic. We are resentful of the basic injustice of growth by groups, which is now losing sight of the basic idea of bridging the gap and instead is far too close to parallel but separate, and therefore basically unequal, development. 108.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We offer our support to the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to convene a conference of the democratic parties of the North and South, which should lead to the v nation of a great Korean confederation, the Confederal Democratic Republic of Koryo. 105. The recrudescence of tensions in Central America and the Caribbean causes us disquiet. As a nonaligned' country, we uphold the legitimacy of the struggles of peoples subjected for years to injustice and domination. Attempts at destabilization, economic pressures and other hostile acts against the States of the region can meet with nothing but general condemnation and provoke reactions that are not always to the taste of certain parties. 106.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“Apart from any ideological considerations, we believe that two principles are valid the clearly expressed will of the peoples and the need at all costs to find a politically negotiated solution to all disputes. That is why the question of Afghanistan could be solved on the basis of any constructive proposal, particularly that which was made public on 24 August 1981 by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan [see A/36/457, annex]. Likewise, in the case of Kampuchea, we believe that a meeting between the countries directly concerned, without external interference, could lead to a solution which would not threaten the credibility of our Organization. 104.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We welcome the increasingly widening consensus given to the recognition of those rights, including the right of return, the right to self-determination and the right to establish an independent and sovereign State in Palestine. 101. It is high time for the Security Council to take note of that consensus and to agree to amend and to complete in this sense the all-too-notorious Solution 242 (1967), which otherwise is in danger of becoming a monument to injustice. 102. The Asian continent is shaken by crises, which certain instruments of propaganda present to us through clever caricatures intended to cast doubt on the true aspirations of the peoples concerned and further to divide the Movement of NOnAligned Countries. 103.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“At the same time, using as a pretext troubles caused by one faction, the Tel Aviv authorities implacably continued their dismemberment of Lebanon, taking the opportunity at the same time to implement their campaign of genocide against the Palestinian refugees. We reaffirm our support for the sovereignty of Lebanon and respect for its territorial integrity, unity and political independence, and call for the full implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978). 100. Those acts of aggression only further complicate the search for a solution to the question of Palestine,, which more than ever lies at the heart of the Middle East problem. We shall continue during this session to give our support to the proposals of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“He believed that the acceptance by the Committee of the idea of setting up in Western Sahara an interim, international, nonaligned authority to ensure the carrying out of the referendum was a further positive step. However, no genuine free and democratic referendum can possibly be held while the Moroccan army and administration remain on Sahraoui territory. 98. In the Middle East, true to its policy of expansion and regional hegemony, Israel increases its aggressions and "preventive reprisals" against its neighbors. Its raid on Iraq's nuclear installations was rightly and unanimously condemned by the Security Council. 99.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We also note that the ministers and heads of delegations of the nonaligned countries have taken note with satisfaction of the decisions adopted by the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity held at Nairobi from 24 to 27 June 1981, on the organization of a general and free referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara [see Al361534, annex If, AHG/Res.103 (XVIII)]. 97. In a declaration made public on 31 August 1981, the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar said that he considered as positive the recommendations of the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara of the OAU [see A/36/512, annex] which met at Nairobi from 24 to 26 August 1981 to give effect to the Assembly's decisions.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We reaffirm the position of the Government of Madagascar, as communicated to the SecretaryGeneral and made known at the eighth emergency special session [6th meeting]. Either the United Nations should decide to implement immediately and unconditionally Security Council resolution 435 (1978); or it should request the United Nations Council for Namibia, the legal Administering Authority, unilaterally to declare Namibia's independence, under the aegis of SWAPO, the authentic representative of the Namibian people recognized by the international community. 95. The recent aggressions of the racist regime against Angola have rightly been condemned by the whole international community. It is to be regretted that the veto of one Power prevented the Security Council from joining in that condemnation. 96.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“The complaisance I would even say the complicity of certain western Powers has encouraged the racist regime to defy the United Nations, which, through the United Nations Council for Namibia, is the legal Administering Authority of that Territory. 93. The adherence of the Western contact group to the idea of imposing constitutional principles, even before the future constituent assembly of Namibia has been elected, seems to us to be an inadmissible restriction on the sovereignty of that assembly. It is, to say the least, ironic that those who have insisted most on guaranteeing that that assembly shall be the true reflection of the will of the Namibian people should today be the first to usurp some of its powers. That is not our idea of independence and sovereignty, which must be vested in the Namibian people alone. 94.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“Finally, it is shown by opposition to the policy of sanctions and by the subordination of the future of the African majority to the hazards of East West confrontation. 91. We consider that no specific interest is worthy of being opposed to the restoration of human dignity, justice, freedom and peace for the victims of apartheid. We strongly support the struggle of the African majority, under the leadership of their authentic liberation movement, and demand that the Security Council impose mandatory global sanctions on South Africa in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter. 92. In Namibia, the same causes have produced the same effects.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“regions too, for which solutions must be found on the' basis of our principles and not seen through the deforming prisms of bloc interests. 90. Elimination of the apartheid regime has always come up against the mental block of certain circles who fear change and contend that the liberation of the Africans and their assumption of political power in South Africa would be a threat to specific interests. That attitude, which contributed to delaying the breakup of former colonial empires, explains the will of some to liken liberation movements to terrorist groups. It also justifies the maintenance of so-called normal relations, even a policy of rapprochement, with the racist regime, raised to the rank of a stable and strategic ally.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“As far as we are concerned, we shall press for the Colombo conference, the agenda of which must truly reflect the principles of the Declaration, to take place before the end of 1982, and for the summit conference at Antananarivo to be held in 1983. May I at this point recall the proposal by the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, which was presented and explained during the thirty-fifth session [11th meeting], and which demonstrates our desire to define the nature of the commitments that must govern the mutual relations of the States concerned with the security of the Indian Ocean region, on the basis of the principles established at United Nations level. 89. The difficulties that we encounter in the Indian Ocean area lead us to recall the crises that affect other .”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“These last considerations inspired the initiative that led to the adoption of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI)], of which this year we celebrate the tenth anniversary. This is more pertinent than ever, despite the inability of the Ad Hoe Committee on the Indian Ocean to decide upon the date of the Colombo conference, which had originally been scheduled for 1981. Need we recall the understandable disquiet that was shown by the littoral and hinterland countries which almost unanimously recognized, contrary to certain claims, that the existing conditions of insecurity militated in favor of the holding of that conference? 88.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“86. It is for this reason that we believe that the non aligned nations can contribute to the achievement of our common goal by defending the principles of peaceful coexistence which underlie the political philosophy of the movement, by refusing to be treated as pawns in an antinomian political game, by refusing to allow themselves to be dragged into, military alliances, by rejecting the efforts to rationalize the arms race, and. by denouncing the deceptive propaganda which establishes an inverted priority between disarmament and security and, with equivocal selectivity, ignores the alliance between the imperialists and the Zionist entity and" the South African racist regime. 87.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We hope that the second special session devoted to disarmament, planned for next spring, will allow us to draw some lessons from the negotiations which have taken place in the Committee on Disarmament during the last three years, while it will still be useful to pay greater attention to the definition of those measures that might give new impetus to the process of disarmament. At this stage we shall not take up the questions of the program, the priorities or the specific measures; we shall merely limit ourselves to recalling that the will of State" for peace must precede disarmament, not follow it. 85. The success of that session, as of any disarmament undertaking,, must depend on the proof given by States that they are inspired by that will for peace and not by the search for domination, hegemony, military superiority or confrontation.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“At best, that system might function, and those Powers would settle world affairs in accordance with their own interests, completely ignoring the right of other States to equal security. At worst and this seems to be the present situation the nuclear club would fail to fulfill its responsibilities, bilateral, regional and multilateral negotiations would be broken off or blocked, and the rest of mankind would realize with anguish how precarious the situation was. 83. It is for these reasons that we cannot hide the dismay we feel at the lack of true progress since the adoption in 1978 of the program of Action for disarmament [see General Assembly resolution S10/2]. 84.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“The new doctrine of a limited nuclear war, which is intended to make acceptable what is unthinkable, is accompanied by other decisions, such as those concerning the substantial and constant growth of military expenditures, the unilateral designation of so-called zones of vital interest, the extension of areas of intervention, not to mention such projects as the treaty of the southern Atlantic, in which the South African racist regime is the keystone. 81. The United Nations undoubtedly has a role to play in defusing this situation, a role that cannot be tainted with resignation or complacency. It is politically and morally unjustifiable to allow the security of the world to depend on relations among the nuclearweapon States. 82.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“Specific alliances and the policy of force have prevailed at the expense of the collective security that was envisaged in 1945, to the extent that, instead of enjoying equal security in accordance with the Charter, we are living in equal insecurity under the threat of nuclear weapons capable of destroying the world many times over. Peace has ceased to be the major concern, putting the survival of mankind at risk, and the dangers of nuclear warfare have unfortunately become a reality. Worldwide and extended confrontation in the military, political, commercial and technological fields has taken the place of detente. 80.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We are therefore justified in saying that, far from being dissipated, the concern we expressed at that time has been confirmed and the development of a situation marked by the elaboration of antinomian strategies has stood in the way of the search for cooperative solutions of international problems in accordance with the avowed mission of our Organization. Are we then to conclude that there is a deliberate desire to challenge the purposes and principles of the Charter? We dare not think that, since many Powers would be forced, because of what they perceived to be the facts, to bend the principles to suit their purpose, thus frustrating the desire of the peoples for the world of peace and security promised by the Charter. 79.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“In the course of the general debate at the thirty-fifth session [11th meeting], we tried to explain to the Assembly our concern regarding the maintenance and the strengthening of peace in our region, the need to formulate a new definition of collective security based essentially on mutual acceptance of interests, the equality of those interests and their integration in the search for the common good. 77. Since then the feeling of insecurity has become generalized. The interdependence of the 1970s has been overtaken by a dependence considered more reassuring. The basic imbalance of political power has caused a renewal of the efforts aimed at bi-polarization, to the extent that we can again speak of a new realignment that has become a source of tension, confrontation and open or covert conflict. 78.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“We also wish to pay tribute to the SecretaryGeneral for the efforts he has undertaken in the interests of the Organization and of the international community. 75. The Malagasy delegation is among the many delegations that sponsored the resolutions recommending the admission of Vanuatu and Belize, not because we were necessarily honoring a tradition born of a common colonial past, but because we attach great significance to the triumph of right, to the struggle of peoples for liberation and to their desire to recover and reaffirm their identity in order to participate fully in international life. We congratulate the Republic of Vanuatu and Belize and we assure the two delegations of our fraternal cooperation. 76.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“73. Mr. President, the Republic of Iraq and the Democratic Republic of Madagascar enjoy very close relations, and therefore you will understand the special satisfaction we feel at seeing you preside over the work of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. In you, Sir, we greet a representative of the nonaligned third world who has already placed at the disposal of his county, of our movement and of this Organization the devotion and the faith with which you are naturally endowed, as well as the experience that you have acquired in many international bodies. 74. We should like to address our thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for the perfect fashion in which he conducted the diverse and very complex work of our last session.”
1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)
“Finally, we should like to reiterate to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our deep felt appreciation for the way in which he is discharging his mission which has become more and more delicate and more and more difficult in a world which is more and more troubled.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The Democratic Republic of Madagascar is very pleased to present here its warm welcome and its wishes for success and prosperity to Solomon Islands, which we have just welcomed as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of our Organization. 291. I should be remiss in my duty were I not, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, to convey to Mr. Lievano our congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of this session. We are quite certain that he will put at the service of the Organization with which he has been associated for some years now the statesman-like qualities that are one of his distinctive attributes. 292. To his predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, we would express our gratitude for the laudable way in which he directed the work of four sessions of the General Assembly.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Because of the limitations which I referred to previously, we should not fear that the United Nations will reflect our differences. The essential point is that, in strict respect for the aims and principles of the Charter,, we should be able to discuss anything, without any exception, both honestly and openly. 289. When we reach that stage, we shall perhaps realize that the solutions to the problems involved in disarmament, development and the rights of peoples were within our grasp, and that we have let go of peace and security because we neither wanted, nor knew how, to profit from a certain form of confrontation, concomitant, it is true, with dialogue. 290.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Nevertheless, we must acquiesce in certain realities imposed by agreements, by regional alliances, by a regrouping of interests and also by the affirmation of differing ideologies. It is therefore inevitable that our exchanges of views should sometimes and in certain areas take on the aspect of veritable confrontations, which will not have been pointless to the extent that everyone will have been able to gain in truth and sincerity. We do not preclude the possibility of looking for areas of agreement in order to harmonize our actions. However, it must be admitted that confrontation is not always a sterile exercise. It should enrich our debates. It can awaken in us a sense of responsibility and put the United Nations in a more realistic perspective. 288.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Much-vaunted universalism may be a form of Pharisaism, and that is the precise danger for those who seek at all costs to guide our consciences. 286. There is no reason to oppose the effective enjoyment of human rights, but it will be pointless as long as the rights of peoples are neither assured nor respected, as long as the social and economic rights of those peoples are not satisfied. 287. At the beginning of my statement I tried to define the purposes of our annual meetings, in order to meet the need to organize our world and to give some pattern our reflections and our actions on subjects which are universally accepted. We wish to remain faithful to the spirit of the Charter.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“May we be permitted to express doubt about the sincerity of certain reactions, particularly when they come from sectors which have fought against the granting of civil rights and which are prepared to show the greatest spirit of conciliation regarding the unreasonable demands of the racist regimes, which have denied entire peoples their right to live in peace according to their choice and their own principles, and which have even been guilty of genocide. O temporal O mores! But if so, why seek to have all societies in the same mould? Why impose on societies like ours, in which the community traditionally takes precedence over the individual, attitudes and conduct which are contrary to our view of human and social relations?”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“We could maintain a lengthy discourse on the distinction to be drawn between the rights of peoples and those of the individual, on the priority to be attached to a particular right and on the need for the United Nations particularly to look after their implementation. We should not shirk this discussion or question anything, since we have freely adhered to various covenants on civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. However, we must remove any misunderstanding resulting from the "morality race".”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“As regards the Comorian island of Mayotte more particularly, we reaffirm that that island belongs to the whole of the Comoros and we desire the rapid application by the interested parties of the relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations. The withdrawal of all foreign bases from this nerve-centre of the world will contribute to a reduction of the tensions which are already being maintained by the conflicts taking place in southern Africa. 285. At a time when we are celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we can see how the rights of peoples are overlooked or are even subject to flagrant violations over which, for many reasons, people are anxious to draw a modest veil.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The international community has affirmed and reaffirmed the existence of the inalienable rights of these people to return to their homes and to achieve self-determination, independence, and national sovereignty. Any efforts, any agreements, which overlook these fundamental principles or try to subordinate them to other considerations can only be doomed to failure. 283. Finally, in the Indian Ocean it is with great concern that we have witnessed the rivalry among the major Powers. Far from becoming an area of peace, demilitarized and denuclearized, the Indian Ocean remains an amphitheatre of various manoeuvres and the struggle for influence. 284.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“In Palestine - a martyr country if ever there , was one —in our desire for peace we find ourselves witnessing an attempt to put the people of Palestine once again under trusteeship, without regard for the years of suffering, sacrifice and struggle. It has not been enough to deny their very existence: they have had also to be stripped of their most legitimate aspirations and humiliated by having imposed on them a form of unprecedented and unusual colonialism. We cannot see any settlement of this question without the effective participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the only authentic representative of the Palestinian people.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The Korean people is still the victim of a policy of presence and of ideological dissuasion which is both-obsolete and illusory, and also of the so-called realism exhibited by certain interested Powers more interested in the requirements of their military and industrial complexes than in making it possible for the Korean people to live in peace and regained unity. Any action along these lines has encountered dilatory manoeuvres provoked and sustained by an alienated regime. For us, the only solution which is worthy of being discussed necessarily involves the independent reunification of the country of Korea without foreign interference, and the implementation of the principles laid down in the joint communiqué of 4 July 1972. 282.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“But is it not also true that this bargaining is further aggravated by the internal contradictions inherent in a military alliance which, since it has no idea of non-alignment, is using Cyprus as a hostage and by its veering is in no way conducive to an honest search for a lasting solution acceptable to all? It is high time for us to react to this laissez-faire and to request that alliance to put an end to its seesaw tactics and give proof of its desire to respect the sovereign choice of the Cypriot people. 281.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“It is claimed that there is now a new situation, conducive to a reasonable approach to the problem. We are aware of what interests certain international circles intend to preserve, and to speak of reason when the fate of a people is at stake seems to be most improper. That is why, whatever initiatives are taken in the OAU, we are of the opinion that the United Nations, which has particular responsibilities to the Saharan people, has a duty to take up this problem, which remains above all one of decolonization. 280. In Cyprus the lack of progress in negotiations has been imputed to the bargaining between the two communities.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Members will therefore understand our indignation in the face of the numerous manoeuvres which have been designed to save the illegal and racist minority regimes. 277. We are tempted to believe that the same policy of force in the case of the Sahara, Cyprus and Korea has not laid down its arms but is striving to maintain confusion in order to make prevail interests which unfortunately are contrary to those of the peoples directly concerned. 278. Our position on the Sahara has always been unambiguous. We were the first to recognize the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. We have always denounced in all forums the collusion between the Spanish, former colonial Power and ..the Moroccan-Mauritanian annexationists, and the sham juridical arguments which have been put forward have in no way convinced us. 279.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“We could ask so many questions, which, unfortunately, would receive evasive replies because the West is imprisoned in its own machinery, in which South Africa is a major cog. It is a fact that the territorial integrity of Namibia has been sacrificed to strategic considerations. There will continue to be a modest turning away from the iniquity represented by the policy of territorial separation, and there will be a continuation of ritual pronouncements about the immorality about the practice of apartheid at a time when this problem remains an eminently political one, quite apart from any humanitarian and economic considerations, and to the extent that it has to be regarded in terms of liberation and social progress, which is something to which the peoples of South Africa are quite naturally entitled. 276.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“A sense of-moderation makes it imperative, I think, that all these so-called internal agreements should be irrevocably condemned, and since we are here in the United Nations it must be seen that only the resolutions of our Organization are valid and that a return to the principles set forth in Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which are very far removed from the principles put forth by the five Western members of the Council, is the only way to have the rights of the Namibian people respected. 274. Why must we let the situation in Rhodesia deteriorate even further in the search for a so-called multiracial and democratic society, whereas the Europeans in Rhodesia no longer believe this and are leaving in order to pitch their tents elsewhere? 275.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“But since the principles of the United Nations are not always easily or universally accepted, an attempt, is being made to think up all sorts of half-measures in order to appease the swelling indignation of the Africans and to maintain the direct or indirect hold of imperialism over our future. 272. After the arrogant reactions of Pretoria and Salisbury, it is easy to disclaim responsibility for the failures in Namibia and in Rhodesia over the racist minority regimes, as if we were hot already aware of the limits of their good faith. Rather than asking the Security Council to draw the necessary conclusions by applying Chapter VII of the Charter in its entirety, once again we will have to ask the liberation movements to make concessions. 273.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“When we speak of collusion between neo-colonialism and imperialism, some may be offended; but we would not have reached that conclusion had the principles of noninterference and mutual respect been strictly applied. 270. How often have we issued a warning against the unfortunate effects of certain principles that have been put forward in the search for solutions of those problems that are of direct concern to Africa? Whether it be in Namibia, ' in Rhodesia, in the Sahara, or in South Africa, apparently sometimes certain realities are deliberately overlooked; there is a tendency to remain unaware that the legal and political framework laid down in the United Nations essentially meets the aspirations of the peoples concerned. 27L.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The severity with which we have come out against this regrettable, tendency in international relations is a result of the fact that quite recently certain parts of the world, including Africa, have been selected in order to test a policy that smacks of. something we have always denounced—that is, of domination, exploitation and the search for spheres of influence and interest-a policy that is designed to make us forget that the struggle that has been waged for the total liberation of Africa and for the preservation of processes freely accepted by our people should be pursued by all means in our power and should brook no concessions. 269.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)