YouSaid · the spoken record

Richard

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS RICHARD

lines on the record: 110
first: 1977-09-24
most recent: 1981-09-24
sittings or episodes: 3
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Detente can no longer be regarded as an end in itself, because we must recall that our world is, in essence, a world of confrontation, and that to try to make this disappear immediately would probably smack either of Utopianism or of an unavowed desire to impose on others our own individual attitudes and policies. 267. It is distressing, however, to note that detente has been used as a pretext in order to foster confrontation, in order to justify intervention and interference, which has meant that there has been a real reversal of values which can only be prejudicial to genuine co-operation among States. 268.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“It is in this context that we support the Soviet initiative on the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States [see A/33/241]. 264. The progress that we make in carrying out the measures advocated, in the disarmament strategy will undoubtedly help to strengthen detente and to improve the atmosphere of trust that is so essential for conducting international relations. 265. We find it difficult to agree that detente should be confined to one single area or should remain the monopoly of certain Powers. Detente, in order to be acceptable and to produce its full effect, should be an irreversible and generalized process, and should thus induce all States, without exception, to make a contribution to safeguarding and maintaining international peace and security. 266.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Collateral steps have been taken or planned, whether we refer to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] the draft World Treaty on the Non-Use of Force in International Relations, the tripartite draft of a complete prohibition of nuclear weapons or the creation of denuclearized zones. 263. In this connexion, the Declaration that emerged from the tenth special session of the General Assembly recognized the legitimacy of the concerns expressed by non-nuclear States about their own security. It is therefore quite logical that the provisions of the Treaty on non-proliferation are no longer regarded as adequate, and that we should seek for more appropriate legal guarantees.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“In particular, we should refer to the central role to be played by the United Nations; the balance of responsibilities between the nuclear and non-nuclear States; the integration of partial or parallel measures in negotiations on a disarmament treaty; the fact that qualitative factors have to be borne in mind; the search for a universal acceptance of bilateral and multilateral agreements; and, in particular, the recognition of the close relationship between disarmament, the relaxation of tension, respect for self-determination and independence, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the strengthening of international peace and security. 262. Whatever may be the virtues of this strategy, the most urgent task remains the elimination of the threat of a nuclear war.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“However idealistic it may be this vision can and must be part of the disarmament strategy that we have drawn up. The positive aspect of certain principles which have been advocated for the implementation of this strategy is rather encouraging. 261.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Some items do, however, deserve to be stressed, in the light of the Declaration and the Programme of Action, and particularly in view of the political and moral approach which was favoured by a majority among us in order to face up to the challenge of the arms race 259. Indeed, while We have not been entirely satisfied as far as concerns the commitment of the military Powers effectively to bring about general, complete and immediate disarmament under international control, we should welcome the fact that finally the concept of world security has prevailed over the needs of national security and so-called policies of deterrence and superiority. 260. It seems, therefore, that we have, in different degrees, agreed to work for the advent of a world civilization that will be free from the constraints of war, of weapons and of the arms race.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The developing countries are not responsible for it. 256. There is not a single delegation that is aware of the interdependence of our problems that can fail to recognize that the security of the world is indivisible. This notion, which has progressively but irreversibly become self-evident, might in certain cases not satisfy all the requirements that have been engendered by national or international constraints. 257. However, it cannot be denied that almost everyone now agrees-albeit in a provisional manner—that it is necessary to preserve a dynamic equilibrium between security, development and disarmament; and this was recently borne out at the tenth special session of the General Assembly. 258. We will not rehearse the various aspects of disarmament which we analysed during that session.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“We have to have the honesty and the courage to recognize that, in order to ensure the success of the new strategy, in order to offset the effects of the world economic crisis and, above all, prevent its recurrence, it is essential to bring about as soon as possible fundamental modifications required by the institution of the new international economic order. 255. The establishment and strengthening of world economic security, which remains one of our major concerns because of its implications for the maintenance of international security, will depend on such action. What we need is no longer rhetoric or to see1 to demonstrate on every occasion that our countries share common interests, because if we try to insist on it too much we often finish by proving the contrary. The crisis is upon us, gentlemen.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“In connexion with all these points it may be said that necessary adjustments are in fact being studied; that corrective measures will have to be taken in a certain order of priority and that with time they could become part and parcel of the new international economic order. 253. We might still harbour illusions but we have to understand that the economic security for which we are, after all, plainly responsible, cannot be guaranteed simply by the proliferation of special funds, by the redefinition of the ways and means of aid and by the increase of direct transfers under public assistance for development. 254. Nor can it depend on a third strategy which is only a reflex of the first two and which is the outcome of the former system.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“In the sector of industrialization, the fate which the developing countries have met is hardly more enviable. The institutional framework for the implementation of the decisions and recommendations of the Second General Conference of UNIDO was defined almost five years ago. Nevertheless, the negotiations on the various components of that framework are foundering in the uncertainties and mysteries of a deliberate desire to maintain a certain monopoly, while the panoply of protectionist measures directed against our countries is being reinforced. In those circumstances we cannot see how the industrialized countries intend to fulfil the commitment to bring up to 25 per cent the participation of developing countries in world industrial output. 252.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“That programme, which is far from being innovative since it reproduces the claims which have been put forward for some years now, has not been followed up by any decisive action and the few timid and traditional measures that have been taken are hardly likely to remove our scepticism. 250. In effect, nothing would suggest that the Integrated Programme for Commodities which was adopted at the fourth session of UNCTAD will finally be accepted. Nor does anything give us the assurance that significant negotiations will be entered into on the common fund. So far as primary commodities are concerned, we can see that, of the 15 agricultural exports which are of interest to Africa, only three have been the subject of agreements. After so many promises, so many consultations and so many negotiations, such a situation requires no comment. 251.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The cynicism inherent in such a principle must be obvious to all. Nevertheless everything seems to indicate that it is being practised in two key sectors, namely, that of primary commodities and that of industrialization. 249. From the declarations of intention which have been made here and elsewhere, we have learned that, in order to redress the present imbalance, it is important to plan production and investment efficiently, to provide the developing countries with adequate export earnings in real terms and also to stabilize markets in order to benefit the consumers.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Nevertheless, if we wish to give some meaning to equal interdependence and international co-operation in the economic, financial and monetary fields, we will have to cease circumventing those problems which have already been set forth in clear and unambiguous terms since the very first session of UNCTAD, 248. What we must do above all is to abandon the idea that the participation of developing countries in international trade depends in some way on their growth which, in its turn, is conditioned by the economic expansion of industrialized countries. It is much to be feared that, according to a distorted interpretation of interdependence, we might arrive at postulating the principle that the growth of the poorer countries is desirable only in so far as it promotes the expansion of the rich countries.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“On the contrary, as in the worst hours of the most recent recession, we can see that there is a diminution in growth rates, an increase in unemployment and an aggravation of underemployment; there is galloping inflation which is sometimes controlled but never stopped; there is a return to protectionist measures; and there are chaotic trends in monetary and financial relations. 246. Those who are most affected by this set of negative factors are still the developing countries. Unfortunately they are subject to terms of trade, whose cyclic deterioration, sometimes deliberately maintained, has adverse repercussions on their balance of payments, their capacity to service debts and their investment capacity. 247. Frequently, we have been told to have patience in order to turn us into reasonable-or rather resigned-partners.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“But do we have to wait for the energy crisis which has been predicted for 1985 before some political will is finally evinced by the industrialized countries? When will they give up their policies of uncontrolled consumption and agree that, if only in their own interests, they must agree to some reduction albeit small, of their prosperity, which has become a scandal in a world that is growing poorer and poorer? When will they face the fact that some middle way has to be sought between the requirements of internal order and the needs of developing countries? 245. Efforts for adjustment, however realistic, are far from being responsive to the urgency of the situation, and we can perceive no real progress , towards a restructuring of the world economy.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“But at present what we are witnessing is an accumulation of unresolved problems and the deliberate preservation of a climate of -uncertainty which has been engendered by delays in multilateral negotiations. 243. It is not surprising, therefore, that an economic crisis is once again threatening the world; and attempts are being made to counter that crisis by methods which we have denounced previously, as if the intention was deliberately to ignore the indications given and the commitments undertaken at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly. 244. It is hardly necessary to rehearse the outcome of those two sessions because each and every one of us must now be aware of his own responsibilities and of the most appropriate way of discharging those responsibilities.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“Most of the industrialized countries have acquiesced in that policy of doom since it makes it possible for them to continue to misuse the established system to strengthen their hold over world development and to continue to pursue with profit their practices. of domination and exploitation. That mere crumbs are left the so-called developing countries which have not been given any serious chance of real development is only to be expected from the advocates of expansion at any cost. 242. After the recession of 1974-1975 it would have been possible to correct the various structural imbalances and thus to ensure the regular growth of the world economy.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“That is the spirit in which the Malagasy delegation intends to make its contribution to the work of this session. 239. A developing country like the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, resolutely committed to a socialist revolution, cannot but be disturbed by the constant deterioration we have observed in the world economy, affected as it has been by crises of increasing acuteness and by a lack of vision and political will. Unfortunately people have been content with simply proposing short-term and often sectoral solutions to these problems. 240. For more than a decade the world has been painfully survived by dint of following the course of expedients and it is not surprising that the image that it now presents to us is that of a cloak that is tattered and patched in many places. 241.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“At each of our annual sessions it is essential for us o take account of the profound changes in the world since the adoption of the Charter, the positive trend in international relations towards the creation of a new world and the increasingly preponderant attention devoted to the concepts of justice, social progress and liberation. It is precisely here that we can discern the value of our exchanges of views, enriched by the way in which we defend our respective positions. 238. In point of fact, our general debate goes beyond a simple evaluation and becomes a crucible from which emerges gradually a revolutionary vision of the world; it becomes the point of departure for an awareness which, because of its positive and realistic nature, stands out in contrast to pure speculation and passive contemplation.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“235. Generally speaking, our annual assessment of the world situation requires that we reaffirm the aims of the Charter, analyse the means that have been used to achieve those objectives and redefine our priorities, if necessary. 236. One might be tempted to say that this is, in fact, a repetitive, if not futile, exercise, an accepted formality and ritual, since certain segments of international opinion want to regard the United Nations only as a forum for dissension; and furthermore the items on our agenda have been practically the same for a good number of years. 237. It is difficult for us to go along with that opinion, because we feel, quite sincerely, that the United Nations must, above all, be a centre for thought and for concerted action, and not a framework for the promotion of a retrograde view of the world.”
1978-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 33 (1978)
“The choice between those two trends must be made in accordance with our determination to respect strictly the principles of the Charter and to work sincerely for the realization of its objectives. 294. If that is not done, the United Nations, a centre of consultation and harmonization, but above all a centre of truth, will no longer have its raison d’être.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The result is a series of hesitations, delays, imprecision and harmful improvisations in the development of normal international relations. 291. On the other hand, the forces of progress, to which we belong, firmly believe in the inevitability of the triumph 306 of liberation over oppression, in the building of an international society of justice, equality and social progress, and struggle for the establishment of a new political and economic order. 292. To avoid a confrontation of those two trends firm commitments must he made and inconsistent policies have to be abandoned, and we must all recognize the need for joint efforts for the advent of a new world which would look quite different from the old world, of which it is not necessarily- the heir. 293.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The picture of the international situation which I have just sketched before this Assembly might appear gloomy and pessimistic, and I hope that no one will take exception to the candour with which my delegation has endeavoured to view and comment on the realities of our time. After all, what good would it do to feign ignorance and not recognize the malaise that exists in relations among the members of the international community? 290. On the one hand, the world of reaction has not laid aside its objectives of domination and exploitation and even seeks to reverse the course of history. When it is asked to pronounce itself on matters of integration and accession to political and economic rights, it avows that it renounces confrontation, but in fact it takes refuge in empiricism.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“We also wish to see the resumption of negotiations, in accordance with the terms of the resolutions of the seventh special session of the General Assembly, on other important questions that have been left in abeyance, such as the search for global solutions to the problems of the indebtedness of the developing countries, reform of the international monetary system, and measures aimed at favouring the transfer of technology and promoting industries in the under-equipped countries. 288. Negotiations on those issues should lead to concrete measures inspired by the International Development Strategy and should not, as in the past, be confined to a search for palliatives contingent upon circumstances. 289.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Thus, our Assembly will have to elaborate specific guidelines for relevant institutions of the system and ask them to abide by the principles and priorities which it defines. 286. In the forefront of our priority concerns is the problem of raw materials. We deplore the lack of understanding of certain Western States which .still voice reservations about the. objectives, modalities and elements of the common fund aimed at stabilizing the prices of raw materials coming from the developing countries. That instrument would make it possible to achieve the objectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities called for by the producing countries of the third world. 287.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Nor shall we hide our concern regarding the impossibility we found during the resumed thirty-first session of arriving at a common assessment of the current world situation. Should we not make a tragedy of the fact that the Conference on International Economic Co-operation did not produce the desired results? For our part, we believe that the context, the scope of the matters taken up and the too-limited nature of the subjects discussed, as well as the absence of political will on the part of the Western States, could only lead to the failure of the Conference. 285. We are among those who believe that the United Nations system is the most representative and appropriate body to initiate, conduct and succeed in negotiations of a global nature on the establishment of a new international economic order.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The Charter of Algiers, adopted 10 years ago, the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) on the new international economic order—to cite only a few instruments— attest to the constant concern of the third-world countries to put an end to the imperialist exploitation of these riches and manpower, to take into their own hands their economic destiny, to participate in decision-making which affects them and to condemn, reject and refuse all forms of coercive and discriminatory economic policy or practice. 283. These considerations will inspire us during this session, which is to consider to what extent the objectives contained in the resolutions on economic development and international economic co-operation have been implemented. 284.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“It has become a commonplace to say that political problems or problems of human rights, such as I have just analysed, cannot be taken out of their economic context, because it is easy to find, in any situation of conflict or tension, material interests at stake. This means that we attach great significance to the numerous and complex economic and financial issues included in the agenda of the United Nations and its specialized agencies, issues for which we hope a speedy and valid solution will be found. 281. In this connexion we should not like to overlook the efforts made by the Group of 77 to work out and submit coherent programmes for change in the economic relations and structures of the international c- immunity. 282.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“It is up to each State to define its own priorities among the various rights. My delegation believes that for the developing countries priority should be given to economic and social rights, whose very existence determines the enjoyment and effective exercise of all other rights and liberties. It is with this in mind that the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, dated 30 December 1975, stressed the priority of those economic and social rights, and reaffirmed as well respect for other fundamental freedoms. In the final analysis, what is important is the will to apply the Universal Declaration and the Covenants, and it is inadmissible that a State or a group of States, regardless of its power, should usurp our right to be masters of. our conscience. 280.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Its economic and social implications are evident; I will not dwell on them, except to say that it would be of great benefit to divert all or part of the $400 billion spent annually for military purposes to development activities, because the only battle that deserves to be waged is that which will liberate man and meet his cultural and material needs. 278. This liberation of man is a duty which each State has assumed under the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar has respected its commitments in this field by adhering to the two International Covenants on Human Rights, one on civil and political rights and the other on economic and social rights. 279. The means of their implementation, however, should fall under the jurisdiction of each State.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Whether or not such an attitude is deliberate or subconscious does not change the fact that the general interest does not lie in the ever-growing sophistication of the conventional and nuclear arsenals of the major and the super-Powers, in the dreaded horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons, or in a quantitative or qualitative expansion in the arms trade. 277. It is in this spirit that we shall participate in May 1978 in the deliberations of the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. We will do so because disarmament, desirable in itself, is one of the necessary conditions for the creation of an atmosphere of trust conducive to universal security.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The conflicts and crisis situations which I have mentioned-grave in themselves—would not be that dangerous for international peace and security if they were not set against the background of a world armed to the teeth, possessing the necessary means to self-destruct several times over, and not safeguarded against an accident or an error in judgment that could at any moment bring about its annihilation. That is a state of affairs that hardly gives cause for optimism, particularly since we are only two years away from the end of the Disarmament Decade. 276. The relative failure of any programme for controlling armaments attests to one thing, namely, the attachment of Governments to the erroneous idea that equates the level of security with the level of armaments.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Indeed, preparations for war, up to and including the maintenance of a sizable nuclear arsenal under the so-called Treaty for the protection of the Seoul regime, are being pursued methodically in the south of Korea. For its part the Government of the United States does not appear to have renounced its design to divide the Korean nation. 274. The General Assembly in its resolution 3390 B (XXX), defined the framework for a political solution to this question. We call for the speedy application of that resolution as well as of the North-South joint communiqué of 4 July 1972, in order to speed up the independent and peaceful reunification of the country. 275.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Moreover, initiatives have been taken by the Security Council to bring Israel to recognize the political status of the Palestinians and to extend accordingly the scope of its resolution 242 (1967). Those initiatives, unfortunately, were met by the veto of a certain Power. It is imperative that the latter take into account the political support which the overwhelming majority of Member States lend to those initiatives. 273. With your permission, Mr. President, I should now like to speak of a question which is not on the agenda but which in the view of my Government is a source of deep concern inasmuch as it contains all those elements which can at any time bring about a violent confrontation. I have in mind the question of Korea.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The proliferation of settlements and the recent measures taken by Israel are tantamount to a de facto annexation of the West Bank of the Jordan and of the Gaza Strip. The refusal of Israel to recognize the national and inalienable right of the Palestinian people- to self-determination, including its right to establish an independent State in Palestine, in accordance with the Charter; to apply the relevant, resolutions on the right of return and the right to compensation of the Palestinians; to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people; and finally to evacuate all the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, which it cynically calls "liberated Israeli territories", that refusal of Israel, I repeat, aggravates the crisis and dangerously threatens world peace. 272.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Any idea of supremacy in the Indian Ocean, whether exercised by a single super-Power, or by two or several Powers with opposing interests that counterbalance one another, must be rejected; it is in this conviction that we reaffirm the validity of all the objectives of the Declaration on the Indian Ocean. 272. Elsewhere, both in Africa and in the Indian Ocean region, other hotbeds of tension are of particular concern to my Government. In the Middle East, any delay in the solution of the Palestinian question and in that of the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories increases the dangers of war. The responsibility of Israel for the prolongation of this explosive situation leaves no room for doubt.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Any bilateral or multilateral negotiations on the maintenance of peace in the Indian Ocean cannot be crowned with success if they aim only at a compromise between the interests of those Powers; what is important is to ensure real guarantees of independence and security for the countries of the region. 271. Like other coastal States, the Democratic Republic of Madagascar refuses to admit that the notion of a zone of peace can be distorted to justify any military presence or activities incompatible with the Declaration on the Indian Ocean. Indeed, history has taught us how the notion of the freedom of the seas has been invoked by the imperialist Powers of Europe to ensure maritime supremacy.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“No real progress has however been made because the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean is faced with a lack of co-operation on the part of certain great Powers and certain maritime users. Of course, we have taken note of the public statements of the two super-Powers which led to a so-called preliminary meeting. No valid result concerning the Indian Ocean can be obtained without the participation of the coastal States, for exclusivist on the part of the superpowers can only engender mistrust and lack of understanding. 270. Furthermore, the coastal States believe that the maintenance of peace and security in their region in the final analysis fall within their authority and their competence, without being subject to the interests of Powers foreign to the region.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Threats to international peace and security in southern Africa; the acute crisis in the Horn of Africa; the maintenance of the French colonial presence in the Comorian island of Mayotte—how could we remain indifferent and not share our anxiety about these issues? 268. In these circumstances, the Assembly will appreciate 'hat my delegation cannot emphasize too much the need to implement the objectives of the solemn Declaration by which the General Assembly on 16 December 1971 designated the Indian Ocean as a none of peace. 269. Again last year the General Assembly reaffirmed its conviction that the implementation of the Declaration would be a substantial contribution to the strengthening of international peace and security.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“It would be dishonourable for Africa not to try to find a solution to this specifically African problem or to allow non-African Powers to resolve it in their own way and even to their benefit. For our part we shall continue our efforts, even if we have to begin again a thousand times, for any conflict, whatever it may be, always ends in negotiations. 266. With regard to the Comorian island of Mayotte, my delegation cannot subscribe to the arguments put forward by France to legalize an occupation which has been repeatedly denounced by OAU and the entire international community. 267.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“But that is Where the shoe pinches, for imperialism is trying to prolong €he conflict in order to make us forget the Zionist colonial grip on Palestine and the grip of imperialism, racism and apartheid on southern Africa. 264. That is why we believe that it is the duty of all progressive countries of the world, and in particular those of Africa, to work for a reconciliation between those two sister revolutions so as not to play the game of international imperialism in that strategic region of Africa. 265. The President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar, Mr. Didier Ratsiraka, is not unaware of the difficulties of mediation in this conflict. However, he believes that it is no longer possible to remain silent.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The painful vicissitudes of the struggle of the Saharan people point to the emptiness of the claims of those who want to close the file on Western Sahara. Although sanctioned by the former administering Power, the solution of the dismemberment and annexation of that country has never been accepted by the United Nations, and still less by OAU. 262. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar supports the right of the Saharan people to a free and independent destiny and, in recognizing the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic, it has demonstrated its willingness not to accept the fait accompli created by the Governments of Morocco and Mauritania. 263. In the Horn of Africa, we deem it essential that the two brother countries, Ethiopia and Somalia, be and remain truly independent, revolutionary and socialist.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“We cannot entertain the idea of negotiations before South Africa has accepted the conditions laid down by SWAPO and endorsed by OAU, namely, the withdrawal of all South African military and paramilitary forces from Namibia and the guaranteeing of the establishment of a normal political climate; the unconditional liberation of all political prisoners and the return to Namibia of all Namibians in exile; the endorsement by the United Nations Council for Namibia of the appointment in the Territory of any interim authority prior to independence; and the accession of the Territory to independence within its present limits, including Walvis Bay. 260. The situation in other regions of Africa continues to be of equal concern to us. 261.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“We cannot accept or endorse the South African idea whose aim is the dismemberment of this international Territory and its transformation into a confederation of small tribal states, controlled and manipulated by the racist regime and its allies so as to make it a buffer between themselves and independent Africa.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“The appointment of that representative as well as his role, his attributes and his powers must be defined in close consultation between the members of the Security Council and the Patriotic Front. 258. The Democratic Republic of Madagascar reaffirms its militant and committed support of the Patriotic Front, the genuine representative of the people of Zimbabwe, and reserves its position with regard to the links which some would wish to establish between the appointment of the special representative of the Secretary-General and the acceptance of the so-called Anglo-American plan for a settlement. 259. We continue to denounce South Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in order to find a solution to the problem of Namibia.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“In Zimbabwe, where the Ian Smith regime is daily being driven further towards certain defeat by the blows inflicted upon it by the armed forces of the Patriotic Front, the colonizing Power, which since 1965 has not adopted any effective measure to bring down the rebels, has recently been endeavouring to find an honourable way out of the hopeless situation to the creation of which it has contributed. 255. The United Kingdom has just requested the Security Council to come to its aid and have the Secretary-General name a special representative. 256. My delegation cannot oppose a certain United Nations presence in Zimbabwe, if that will facilitate the complete, sincere and genuine decolonization of the Territory. 257.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“In view of the incapacity of certain Western countries to choose between their own immediate interests and the just cause of the majority, and in view of the intransigence of the Pretoria authorities and the heinous repressions visited daily upon the innocent people of South Africa, we firmly support the liberation movements which have chosen to combat apartheid by armed struggle. 253. The preceding remarks also hold true for Zimbabwe and Namibia, whose future depends upon developments in South Africa. 254.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“Government by the majority will be meaningless unless it is accompanied by an economic and social revolution permitting, inter alia, the recuperation of national wealth that has been seized and monopolized hitherto by capitalist, imperialist and neo- colonialist circles. The struggle should aim at the establishment of an economic system which would benefit the majority and at the elimination of all interests that are incompatible with this approach. We feel that any solution proposed must be examined in terms of these objectives. 251. We reject any initiative the ulterior motive of which is to perpetuate a certain neo-colonial structure which, on the pretext of maintaining the current prosperity of the South African economy, would in fact seek to perpetuate injustice and the exploitation of the Africans. 252.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“In South Africa the objective remains the restoration of human dignity. The true nature of the problem is not restricted to the restoration of human rights; it is not only a question of granting civil and political rights to the majority. Quite the contrary. We are faced with a situation that has to be remade, remodelled on democratic lines. In other words, it is a situation which will not be resolved without a true popular revolutionary process. 250. The elimination of apartheid, the cessation of massacres and repression are only phases, the recognition of political rights can only be the beginning of a new period of transformation at all levels.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)
“In southern Africa the action of the United Nations has not led to the results expected, because of the refusal of certain Powers to recognize the urgency and the gravity of a situation which threatens international peace and security. The crisis in this region would have been resolved long ago if certain Western Powers had not collaborated with the forces of racism and colonialism and had not afforded them their protection and their sanction. We are convinced of the need to deal with the problems of apartheid, Rhodesia and of Namibia in terms of their profound unity. But it is absolutely necessary to recognize that priority must be given to the situation in South Africa even though there might be some merit in attacking first those points where the forces of racism and colonialism offer the least resistance. 249.”
1977-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 32 (1977)