YouSaid · the spoken record

LANGE

lines on the record: 247
first: 1946-09-24
most recent: 1964-09-24
sittings or episodes: 9
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“Short of military action — and no one in this hall contemplates such an alternative — the only way in which this Organization can exert any influence on events in Hungary is by keeping up a constant moral pressure, on behalf of world opinion, on the Soviet Union Government and its Hungarian helpers, and by ever-renewed appeals to them to comply with their obligations under the Charter and other relevant international agreements to which they are parties. 70. Such pressure has succeeded in opening access for Red Cross relief from the outside world.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We cannot but deeply regret and reprove the attitude of the Hungarian authorities and the Soviet Union in flatly refusing to comply with the repeated urgent requests of this Assembly — voted by overwhelming majorities — to allow observers, appointed by the Secretary-General, to enter Hungary and investigate freely what has happened and is still happening there, to cease forthwith any deportations and repatriate all persons who may have been forcibly removed to the Soviet Union, and without delay to withdraw Soviet troops from the country. 69.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“In view of the fact that withdrawal of forces other than those of the United Nations has now been initiated, the time would seem to have come to consider action by this Assembly towards initiating the preparation of a plan for the operation and maintenance of the Suez Canal and freedom of passage through it, as outlined in the draft resolution submitted by the United States [A/3273] on 3 November 1956. 68. I turn now to the situation in Hungary.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“A mere return to the situation as it existed immediately before the opening of hostilities on 29 October offers no basis for stable, peaceful conditions in the area. There is urgent need for the United Nations not only to see to it that the Canal is cleared with the utmost speed possible, but also to exercise its good offices with a view to bringing about direct negotiations between Egypt and the principal user nations on the future regime of the Canal. 67. The exchange of letters between the Foreign Minister of Egypt and the Secretary-General [S/3728], following their exploratory talks in October, would seem to indicate that, given good will on all sides, a framework for the implementation of the six agreed principles could be worked out.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This attitude is all the more disappointing since these policies have been supported by the vast majority of the United Nations, including the Middle Eastern countries themselves. 65. The roots of the present immediate trouble in the Middle East must, however, be sought not only in the unsettled state of Arab-Israel relations, but also in the lack of a satisfactory settlement of the problems created by Egypt’s unilateral nationalization of the Universal Suez Canal Company. Those of us who are important users of the Suez Canal — and, as a user, my country comes second — cannot rest Content until a solution of these problems has been worked out on the basis of the six principles [S/3675] agreed upon by the Security Council at its 743rd meeting on 13 October 1956. 66.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“While I think, therefore, that the role of the United Nations, so far as negotiations are concerned, should be one of discreet, friendly prodding, I firmly hold that extensive assistance from the United Nations will be needed in order to enable the parties to carry out the adjustments and reforms of an economic and social nature within and between the respective countries in the area which a peace settlement certainly will require. The General Assembly could very well start considering, even at this stage, this particular aspect of its peace-making role in the Middle East. 64. I cannot leave the subject of the Middle East without expressing my disappointment at the negative attitude which the Soviet Union has so far taken towards United Nations policies in the Middle East during the crisis.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“There is, I believe, a wide measure of agreement among Members that the role of the United Nations in the efforts to restore peace, while being substantial, cannot and should not replace what must be the main, in fact the indispensable, instrument for bringing peace to the Middle East — namely, direct contact between the parties. This peace must be the making of the peoples of the area and not of any outside State, States or agency. Whatever assistance can be given from outside in order to facilitate the peace-making efforts of the parties should be given for this purpose alone and not in a way which might tend either to delay or to thwart whatever efforts are made by the parties. 63.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Surely they have their substantial part to play in the attainment of the goals of this world Organization, and the Norwegian Government, for one, is confident that a cooperative spirit will guide the actions of the Arab Governments, in concert with the actions of the United Nations, in this hour of crisis. Such a spirit of cooperation will be needed no less during the coming weeks and months when, as we hope, a determined effort will be launched to seek a new basis for a lasting peace in that area. 62. Addressing myself to the role of the United Nations in these efforts, I want to stress that the obligations of every Member State are no less than those resting upon the parties directly involved.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This is a fact which must be recognized, and such a recognition must be the starting point for the formulation of a policy on the part of the Arab States which will be their indispensable contribution to the maintenance and safeguarding of international peace. Real world peace is inconceivable without peace in the Middle East. Peace in the Middle East is equally inconceivable without peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours. 61. The Arabs represent an old and proud culture, and their religion has imbued them with a sense of moral and spiritual values of the highest order.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“There are in this situation, I submit, elements which should impress upon Israel the need for concessions of a substantial nature in any final peace settlement, and it is our hope that Israel’s leaders will give the most earnest consideration to these elements, because Israel’s security, in the final analysis, lies in the establishment of peace with its neighbours, and not in the uncertainties of a military balance of power. 60. I turn now to the Arabs and the fundamental concessions they will have to consider in order to give peace a chance to take root and grow in the Middle East. The State of Israel is there to stay.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“The difficulties have furthermore been compounded by the presence around the borders of the new State, on a semi-permanent basis, of hundreds of thousands of the former inhabitants of this land, who for eight years now have been living in misery and despair and who in their desperation may have constituted the main reason why the armistice machinery of the United Nations has not been able to achieve its ends. I may also add that the armistice lines, because they split the Arab world in two, did much to keep alive the bitterness which the events of 1948 had unavoidably created among the Arabs. 59.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Israel must recognize that its emergence in Palestine unavoidably must lead to serious psychological and other difficulties on the part of the Arabs, and must also be a disturbing element in the established cultural, social and economic order in this predominantly Arab region. These very serious difficulties must not only be understood; they must also be recognized by the leaders of the Israel nation as a determining factor in their policy-making. 58.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“There is no justification for now diverting the unavoidable soul-searching away from ourselves and our own policies over the past years to the policies of an anonymous organization, and thereafter disclaiming responsibility for this organization’s mistakes. The mistakes are our mistakes, and we should try not to repeat them. 56. First of all, it seems obvious to my Government that a mere return to the fragile armistice arrangements in 1949 in the Middle East is not a realistic policy. These arrangements were meant to last for a few months, as a transition to peace. They could not last as a basis for permanent relations between neighbouring countries — and, as we have seen, they did not last. 57. Secondly, the two principal parties involved, Israel and the Arab States, will have to make certain fundamental concessions on a, mutual basis.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
““But let us not forget the restoration of peace would mean that but half the mission had been accomplished. The second half of the mission is for this Assembly to see that justice is done.” [566th meeting paras. 51 and 52.] 54. Has the United Nations the power and the influence to help establish a just peace in the Middle East? This seems to me to be a question that we, each and every Member of this Organization, must put to ourselves and answer for ourselves. We are the ones who must decide what the United Nations can do. 55. There is no such thing as a United Nations acting freely above or beside the membership. If the United Nations has failed so far in the Middle East, it has done so because Member States have failed.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This is the expressed policy of the General Assembly, and we feel confident that the three Governments will abide by this decision of the General Assembly as readily as they responded to the call for a cease-fire. 52. We note their declarations in response to the Secretary-General’s questions on this point and feel confident that, as and when United Nations forces enter the area in sufficient strength to discharge fully the mission entrusted to them by the General Assembly, there will be full compliance with the decisions of this Assembly. 53. I now return to the question: where do we go from here? During the discussions in this Assembly at its first emergency special session, when it was about to establish a United Nations Force, my delegation said: “We may today lay the foundations for peace in that troubled area ...”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We are also grateful to those Governments which spontaneously gave their full and unreserved support to the efforts of the United Nations to attain its first and most urgently needed goal, the cessation of hostilities. Last, I but not least, we are appreciative of the respect for the United Nations shown by the parties in heeding the cease-fire call of the General Assembly. 50. Now the guns are silent in Egypt and we ardently hope that they will remain silent. If not, there is not much use in discussing now where we should go from here. Because, while it is true that peace is not the mere absence of war, it is equally true that a just peace cannot very well be initiated, as long as war is raging, inflaming passions and obscuring reason. 51. Another prerequisite for initiating peace is the withdrawal of troops from Egypt.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Our Organization did not stop at issuing directives to the belligerents to halt operations. It actually took measures to facilitate the halting of operations and the withdrawal of troops from the invaded territory. These measures, which of course centre on the establishment of a United Nations Emergency Force, may prove to be a signal event, not only in this particular situation but in world history. 49. I shall return to this a little later on, but let me here express the gratitude of the Norwegian Government in the first place to our distinguished Secretary-General, Mr. Hammarskjold, for the courage and sense of leadership he displayed in a situation whose implications one hesitates fully to recognize.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“We understand that this frustration must have been felt many times as strongly by those most directly concerned, above all by the Government and people of Israel. We reject their action, but we understand their motives. We also understand that they are disappointed with the United Nations because of its failure to exert decisive influence towards the establishment of peace in the Middle East, although I must, in all frankness, express some doubts as to the support which Israel itself has given to the United Nations efforts over the last two years to create an atmosphere more conductive to a settlement. Be this as it may, the invasion of Egypt and the resort to full-scale war came as a shock to us. 48. To the United Nations it came not only as a shock, but also as a spur to action.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Let me now turn to the Middle East situation and discuss these questions in the light of the events which have occurred there. 46. The outbreak of hostilities through the invasion of Egypt by Israel forces, followed by the intervention of British and French forces in the Suez Canal area, came as a shock to us and, I am sure, to many other friends of these three countries. I would not be quite sincere, however, if I also professed surprise at the outbreak of warfare in this region. 47. Over a number of years we have watched developments in the Middle East with growing concern and apprehension, and with a feeling of frustration at the lack of will and determination to change the fragile armistice into a stable peace.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Having said this, I hasten to add that I am fully aware of the fact that order, be it of an international or national character, is incomplete and not acceptable if based exclusively on formal legal obligations. It is of equal importance that it be based on justice. And this is the crux of the matter. This is the real test to which the United Nations must be put before we can determine its role as a peace-making organ. Peace may be attainable if we are willing to pay the price for it. We do not know whether justice is attainable if this price is paid. We do not know whether the United Nations has the power to secure justice. These are fundamental questions, and upon the answers to them rests the future of this Organization. 45.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“There can be in practice no exceptions to this rule unless one wishes to strike at the very foundations of the Organization. 43. The discretion to act cannot be exercised unilaterally. It is, furthermore, clearly not consistent with the obligations of membership to take the law into one’s own hands to redress wrongs, even if these wrongs are strongly felt. In every such instance, the action taken is determined by unilateral and subjective judgement of what constitutes right and wrong in a particular situation. Such discretion has no place in an international order built on law, just as it has no place in the internal order of individual countries. 44.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“But is it not true that peace is a state of affairs so ardently desired by the war-weary peoples of the world — and statesmen are no exception — that even the simplest facts tend to be overlooked when an apparent state of peace becomes the main feature in the picture of the world which our information media draw for us? 41. This brings me directly to an attempt at evaluating the role of the United Nations in present circumstances. 42. One basic fact must be emphasized from the very beginning: this Organization of ours has no means of its own to enforce its decisions. If, therefore, Member States are not willing to act in accordance with the decisions of the Organization, then there is not much that can be done through the Organization. The moral obligation upon each and every Member in this respect is unequivocal and uncompromising.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“This situation inevitably must give the statements which we hear during the present debate a tenor radically different from what might have been expected some weeks ago. 39. It is not my intention to indulge in a lengthy effort to explain how and why this sudden change in the international picture occurred, or why it has caught both us here in the United Nations and the general public somewhat unprepared. There is, however, in my opinion one important fact which tended to become obscured during the period when declarations of peace and friendship took the place of serious efforts at making peace. This fact, so brutally revealed in Hungary and in the Middle East, is of course that the mere absence of war does not mean that we have peace. 40. This may be a truism.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Once again we meet here at the United Nations to discuss the troubled state of the world and the role which our Organization has to play in improving this state of affairs. A few weeks ago, we were preparing for this general debate in a mood largely determined by what, at least on the surface, appeared to be a relaxation of the tensions which the so-called “cold war” had created in international relations during the first post-war decade. Today we can but register the fact that this atmosphere of relaxation was abruptly shattered by the tragic events in Hungary land the crisis in the Middle East. During this, its eleventh session, the United Nations finds itself in the midst of the turmoil resulting from these events.”
1956-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 11 (1956)
“Let us hope that this new venture in international co-operation for the peaceful use of atomic energy will expand rapidly and pave the way for genuine international co-operation and also for the purpose of eliminating the threat to our civilization which is inherent in these vast destructive forces.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“We therefore sincerely welcome the statement. made here yesterday [475th meeting] by the United States Secretary of State that his Government is prepared to take an initiative in the near future to organize on an international basis the exploration and development of the peaceful use of atomic energy. This initiative emanates from the proposals made in the Assembly on 8 December of last year [470th meeting] by the President of the United States. I noted with particular satisfaction that participation in this new endeavour would be open to nations from all regions of the world, and that it is suggested that the preparatory conference of scientists should be held under the auspices of the United Nations.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Against this background, arguments against international controls based on old concepts of national sovereignty seem as absurd and as obsolete as bows and arrows in a modern battle. 100. However, this is basically a problem of mutual trust and confidence. In a world where trust does not exist, we must take the slow and cautious approach. This has been done in the Disarmament Commission. It is the sincere hope of my Government that the joint memorandum [DS/53, annex 9] of France and the United Kingdom of 11 June in the Sub-Committee will be accepted by all principal Powers as a basis for a compromise which would enable us to agree upon a programme of disarmament and the international control of atomic energy. 101. While holding this hope, we do of course fully realize that the road towards this goal is long and arduous.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“While these negotiations have been dragging on, technical developments have proceeded at a relentless pace, which cannot but cause the gravest anxiety for the survival of our whole civilization. Nuclear weapons are the nightmare of our time. To eliminate them as instruments of destruction and to establish adequate controls should be recognized as the supreme task of governments in the world today. On their success or failure in this endeavour will depend the continued existence of our civilization, possibly the continued existence of the human race on this planet. This is the magnitude of the task. It is one of self- preservation in the strictest sense of the word. 99.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“It must be so conceived as to provide, on a non-discriminatory basis, adequate guarantees against the resurgence of German militarism, and it must not preclude the possibility of uniting Germany by peaceful methods on the basis of genuinely free elections. 97. It is my hope that recent developments in Asia and coming developments in Europe will create a better atmosphere for the work of the Disarmament Commission. So far, progress has been distressingly slow. Positions have been frozen. Old ideas of national sovereignty have dominated the discussions on effective international control, which is essential for the carrying-out of any disarmament programme, however limited in scope. 98.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“An international settlement cannot, and should not any longer, be imposed on Germany from the outside, contrary to the wishes of the German people. That would be true of the united Germany which we must hope will in no distant future emerge on the basis of truly free elections. It also holds true for the present Federal Republic of Germany. 96. It is my belief that the negotiations now in progress on the problem of Western European security will contribute to a lasting improvement of relations not only between Germany and France, but also between the Western and the Eastern worlds. Three things seem to me essential in this connexion. The solution arrived at must be one which can command the active support of the parliaments in all the countries directly concerned.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In the second place, we can only hope to reach agreement on disarmament to the extent that we succeed in settling the political issues and conflicts which are the underlying causes of the present world tension. 94. One of the issues which has to be settled in order to alleviate this tension and bring about a stable situation is the problem of Germany. The way this problem is being handled, in the West as well as in the East, and in particular in Germany itself, is a severe test of our statesmanship and the key to the future of Europe. 95. For five years my country was under Nazi occupation, and we cannot forget the experience of that recent past. It seems obvious to us that a peaceful future for Europe can only be assured if, as a member of the European family of nations, there is a truly democratic Germany.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“It is, as I said, a burden which has been forced upon us, and we should like to get rid of it as soon as possible. By “as soon as possible” I mean this: a reduction of our armaments must not mean a reduction in our national security. This is a fundamental requirement. 93. Disarmament must be carried out, not unilaterally, but universally in a balanced way and with adequate controls. Of equal importance, however, with the working-out of elaborate plans, is the atmosphere in which we approach the problem. In the first place, without a minimum of goodwill and without a minimum of confidence, all our work in this field will be doomed to failure.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The democratic world was forced to respond by taking action in two fields: first, by joint action in the economic field to rehabilitate and strengthen our democratic institutions; secondly, by joint action to restore the military balance, especially in Europe, which was destroyed by the unilateral disarmament of the Western democracies after the war. 91. The action taken in the economic field was popular among peoples and governments alike. The programme implemented in the military field could not be, and has never been, popular, but it has been accepted as necessary for the preservation of our national security. 92. It goes without saying that any indication of a possibility of reducing the armaments burden will be welcomed unanimously by peoples, parliaments and governments alike in all democratic countries.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Reluctantly we have arrived at the conviction that the unilateral disbanding of military forces which took place after the Second World War was the principal factor in bringing about the cold war — for this simple reason: the Soviet Union, the only great Power victorious in the war which maintained a very high degree of military preparedness after the end of hostilities in Europe and Asia, could not resist the temptation to take advantage of the situation created by the unilateral disarmament undertaken by its democratic allies. Communist political and economic influence filled the vacuum in Eastern Europe and in parts of Asia. We were slow in waking up to reality and slow in recognizing the dangers which this development created to the maintenance of international peace and security.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“I refer to the development of weapons of mass destruction, whose application in war might cause the whole structure of modern civilization to break down, and to the heavy load of conventional armaments carried by a number of States, Members and non-members alike. 89. In approaching the problem of disarmament it is essential that we have a clear conception as to where the primary responsibility for the present disturbing state of affairs resides. 90. Rearmament has been forced upon the democratic world.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The reason for my mentioning the High Commissioner’s plan in this debate is that I should like this Assembly to know that the Norwegian Government will suggest to Parliament a considerable increase in Norway’s contribution to the High Commissioner’s work. We hope that similar contributions from other Member States will enable him to start action without delay and on a broad scale. 88. From these brief remarks on a few of the problems facing us in the social, economic and humanitarian fields, I now turn to an aspect of the present World situation which, more than anything else, is causing anxiety and fear in the minds and hearts of ordinary men and women in all parts of the world.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has drawn up a comprehensive plan [A/2648] for the liquidation of the refugee camps, the permanent placement of the refugees in need of institutional care and the integration of the remainder into economic and social life. The High Commissioner’s plan is of course concerned with only those refugees who fall within his mandate, the so-called “international refugees” — that is, those who do not reside in a country of which they are citizens. 87. I need not remind this Assembly that it is the obvious moral duty of this world Organization to give the High Commissioner the means to carry out his plan, and it is hardly necessary to stress the political danger of not doing everything in our power to solve the refugee problem.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Such a policy must include a liberal pattern of behaviour in trade matters and with regard to the international flow of capital, two fields which are very important for the proper functioning of a liberal and progressive trading system. 85. I venture to express the hope that Member governments will devote fresh energy to working out solutions to these problems at the forthcoming meetings both of the International Monetary Fund, the parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and elsewhere. 86. Before I leave the problems now before the Economic and Social Council, allow me to refer briefly to the refugee problem, that unhappy legacy of the last world war, which today, nine years later, still remains with us.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“We expect from the members of these other bodies which are currently dealing with particular aspects of trade and payments — such as convertibility, East-West trade and inter-regional trade — a willingness to seek workable solutions which can safeguard continuing progress towards full employment and an expanding world economy. 84. There are great and obvious benefits to be derived from freer trade and payments. At the same time, however, such progress will make additional claims upon the policies of both creditor and debtor nations. Most debtors will face grave difficulties if their efforts to expand exports do not find an adequate response in creditor countries, which will be called upon to pursue a liberal or, if you prefer, a “good creditor” policy.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“I mention international capital movements, stabilization of world commodity trade and prices, trade problems generally, with particular weight given to East-West trade. It might be said that no very tangible results were arrived but we should be grateful for what was achieved, and I feel confident that the scope for action in this field in the present world situation was once again carefully explored. 82. In this connexion we should bear in mind that the same and related problems come up for consideration very often from other angles in international bodies other than the Economic and Social Council to a considerable extent in bodies inside the United Nations. 83.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In addition to policies of full employment and expansion of production, I want also to stress the importance my Government attaches to concerted international action in the field of trade and payments. These problems have been the object of international action for decades, and the post-war world particularly has grappled with them over and over again. Outstanding results have been achieved in Western Europe, and various bodies under the United Nations have made considerable progress. 81. The Economic and Social Council carries a heavy responsibility as the main organ for directing and coordinating the policies of Member nations in this field on a world-wide basis. During its seventeenth and eighteenth sessions, major problems of international trade and payments were discussed.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The form in which the problem presents itself is certainly very different in the highly industrialized countries and in countries which are economically under-developed, and it goes without saying, therefore, that the measures taken to ensure full employment and economic expansion must differ considerably. 79. On the other hand, the institutional framework within which we are now able to work out and implement concerted policies both on national, regional, inter-regional and world-wide levels, has been greatly expanded. It is surely our task, with energy and in close co-operation, to adapt our policies and our machinery on the various levels to a realistic attack on our inter-related economic problems. 80.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“It seems appropriate, therefore, that I should dwell for a moment on one or two more of the problems now before that body. 77. To my mind, the problems connected with securing full employment in the Member States are among the most important questions dealt with by the Economic and Social Council. During its eighteenth session, the Council invited the International Labour Organisation to continue its work in the field of employment problems [resolution 531 B (XVIII)] and adopted various recommendations to the Member States to maintain high and expanding levels of production and employment in their territories. 78. I am fully aware that there is no simple and over-all solution to the problem of achieving and maintaining full employment.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Having sounded this note of what to me seems common sense, I hasten to add, however, that while waiting and hoping for a better moment to start new United Nations operations to finance economic development, we attach the greatest importance to the expansion and speeding-up of the extended technical assistance programme now in operation. In submitting to Parliament budget estimates for the fiscal year 1955-1956, my Government intends to suggest another substantial increase in Norway’s contribution to this programme, with a view to doing what is in our power to help expand the activity of our Organization in this field. 76. Since the beginning of this year, Norway is once more a member of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Against this background, it is perfectly understandable that Member States from those areas of the world which are considered under-developed show a good deal of impatience at the slow progress of the United Nations technical assistance programme. On the other hand, it seems to my Government that there is not much point in recommending through a mere majority vote the setting up of agencies, such as the proposed Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development and the proposed International Finance Corporation as long as the Member States to which we must necessarily look for a major part of the capital envisaged do not see their way to contributing. 75.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“There is one particular field of United Nations activities on which these general observations have a direct and immediate bearing. On more than one occasion, it has been unanimously established that assistance to under-developed countries should have top priority in the activities of the United Nations. The Norwegian Government wholeheartedly endorses this view, and within the limit of its ability has tried to play its part in the efforts made in this field. 74. It would also be generally admitted, I feel, that the efforts undertaken and the means made available to this end lag far behind the well-nigh unlimited needs which such an extended technical assistance programme is intended to meet.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In my view, however, the very limitations of the obligations of Member Governments constitute a challenge to their willingness and ability to seek solutions, not through the adoption of resolutions by varying majorities, but through sincere and patient negotiations. I have noticed with apprehension the tendency prevalent in United Nations organs to press for resolutions so far-reaching that they are adopted by only a bare majority. Might it not be preferable to seek solutions perhaps less far-reaching but capable of commanding unanimous or nearly unanimous support? The method of patiently seeking unanimous solutions would no doubt produce fewer resolutions but perhaps more results. And, above all, such a method would create a better atmosphere, which in turn would facilitate the process of co-operation amongst us all. 73.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“It is hardly necessary to stress that this very often is a fallacious assumption. With the exception of Security Council resolutions in certain specifically defined cases, no resolutions of any United Nations body can obligate Member Governments. United Nations resolutions generally are no more than recommendations to Governments. This is a basic provision of our Charter, and Member Governments are not at the present time willing to assume more far-reaching obligations. A widening of the obligations imposed on the Members of the United Nations could not be effected without grave consequences for the structure of our Organization. 72.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“My delegation will, therefore, actively support efforts at extending membership to as many applicant States as can obtain the necessary recommendation from the Security Council. 71. Having said this, I venture to add a few-observations regarding the aim. of the negotiations we conduct in the various bodies of our Organization. I presume it is generally agreed that the purpose of international negotiations is to reach solutions to the problems with which we are faced. In my opinion, however, there is often a tendency to forget this primary purpose in United Nations bodies. Over the years there has been an increasing tendency to substitute voting for negotiation, obviously on the assumption that a resolution adopted by a majority is tantamount to a solution of the particular problem under consideration.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“There is no organization other than the United Nations in the world today which can serve this particular purpose. This is indeed the raison d’être of the United Nations in the present world situation, and that is why we view the United Nations as essential to the maintenance of peace and security. 70. In order that the United Nations may play its part as a meeting-place of the world as efficiently as possible, it seems to us essential that the doors of, the Organization be open to States which wish to participate in it. If we sincerely believe in the possibility of solving international problems through negotiation, it would seem illogical to pursue a restrictive policy in the membership question.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)