YouSaid · the spoken record

BOURGUIBA

lines on the record: 248
first: 1956-09-24
most recent: 1969-09-24
sittings or episodes: 6
sources: un-general-debate

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“On both sides, that would have meant firm long-term financial commitments. 47. Nevertheless, we consider that the wave of pessimism and the feeling of frustration which immediately followed the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development should today give way to reflection and an objective analysis so as to ascertain to what extent we can improve the image of the Conference and its aims, thus enabling those aims to be brought closer to the needs of our world and the hopes of the poorer nations. That task has already been begun by the UNCTAD secretariat, and the secretariats of the United Nations specialized agencies.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“In our opinion, what the New Delhi meeting needed much more than efficient procedures and refined technical contributions, was the active sympathy of the “have” countries that were engaged in discussions with the Third World, the only attitude on their part which could have paved the way for progress. They ought to have accepted for the time being the need for granting real favours, for compromise, in short, for priorities benefiting the poorer countries; they ought to have realized that generosity of that kind would provide the only real stimulus to Third World development and hence to international economic co-operation. 46. In other words, we could have hoped for at least the same effort at sacrifice on the part of the “have" countries in favour of the “have not” countries that the latter are making on their own behalf.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Raúl Prebisch, who considers them very limited and not commensurate with the urgency or the magnitude of development problems, writes: “Be it as it may, developed countries, with a few exceptions, continue to consider the development problem as a residual one that can be tackled here and there with a few and insufficient measures instead of bold and resolute action." 44. One of the temptations to which we might fall prey is that of attributing the meagre results achieved by the Conference to defective operating methods. Without denying that this assessment contains a grain of truth, we must nevertheless recognize that what the Conference suffered from more than anything else was the absence of political will, particularly on the part of the developed countries. 45.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“In the economic field, we must satisfy the hopes placed by the peoples of the Third World in the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which was expected to be the outstanding event of 1968. 42. During the debates of the twenty-second session, we all expressed the hope that that Conference would make it possible to enter a new phase of the process begun in 1964, and that its work would lead to the elaboration of concrete proposals for the solution of the problems before it. 43. Today we are forced to admit that the Conference was a great disappointment to all concerned. With his customary sobriety, the Secretary General, U Thant, described the results as meagre. For his part, Mr.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“In regarding general disarmament as the true objective, we were thinking not only of the disappearance of war in inter-State relations, but also, and above all, of the release of the enormous financial, technological and human resources which could then be devoted to combating hunger, disease, poverty, ignorance — in short, to assisting mankind to emerge from under-development. The magnitude and urgency of the task awaiting us in this connexion are so great that even all our combined efforts will not be too much. 41. In the social field, we must strive to achieve the objectives of the draft declaration on social development [A/7161, annex I], to the preparation of which Tunisia was privileged to contribute.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“My Government considers that the presence of the People’s Republic of China in this Assembly is necessary if we wish to find a solution to the major problems of our world. It rests with the United Nations to work out a formula which will enable that great Power to play its proper part in our Organization; the acceptance of that formula by the People’s Republic of China is also required, since, in our opinion, such a formula must in no way prejudice the future presence in the United Nations of the Taiwan Government. 40.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“In our opinion, it represents a step towards peace, despite some imbalances such as the inadequate guarantees promised by the three nuclear Powers as a counterpart to the nominal abandonment of sovereignty by non-nuclear countries. 37. Another serious defect in that document is that certain countries, such as France, or others such as the People’s Republic of China, which is still absent from this Assembly, did not participate in its elaboration and do not recognize its validity. 38. We referred to anomalies: is not the absence of the People’s Republic of China from the United Nations the most flagrant anomaly of all? We spoke of error: is that not the most dangerous of errors? 39.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Is it not an anomaly and even an error to conceive of the defence of one’s country’s and of peace from the standpoint of nuclear superiority when we know — all too well — that should a conflagration occur there will be neither victors nor vanquished, let alone witnesses? 35. The ideal should therefore be the total prohibition of nuclear weapons, their manufacture, stockpiling and use. States should make an effort to resign themselves to this, if not from moral rectitude at least out of sheer realism. 36. Consequently my Government was gratified to note the conclusion of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, a Treaty which we signed and hope soon to ratify.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Even under those conditions, the Committee does not always encounter all the goodwill or all the co-operation desirable to enable it to carry out its task. 34. Consequently, we can only express our regret that, eight years after the adoption of the Declaration and notwithstanding the irreversible trend of events since the 1950’s, some Powers persist in preserving anachronistic systems which history has already condemned. As a matter of fact, so far as some Member States are concerned, that dogged adherence to outmodel ways of thinking is not confined to their attitude on decolonization. Their concept of security is also based on the realities of former times which are as foreign to a world that has been reshaped and remodelled by the nuclear factor as the Middle Ages were to the nineteenth century industrial revolution.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Blood has been flowing in Africa for a long time past. Further efforts and further sacrifices will be needed. That is the price that will have to be paid for freedom, which is never granted as a gift. If it is to be genuine, freedom must mean liberation. This is borne out by history and by our own experience; and we have always made it our duty to say so on all occasions, even when plain speaking was difficult. 33. Nevertheless, we appreciate the efforts made by the Special Committee entrusted with the study of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. In many cases, constituting in fact a specific category, the Committee has to confront administering Powers that have formally undertaken to lead the territories under their authority to self-determination.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“This veritable “axis” formed by Pretoria, Salisbury and Lisbon is today a reality against which the verbal escalation of our resolutions has had practically no effect and probably never will. In my Government’s view, therefore, the choice, with regard to the populations subjugated by those régimes and also with regard to the broader reality of decolonization, is no longer between degrees of severity in the terms of a further resolution, but between two methods of meeting the challenge, the one not exclusive of the other. Either the economic, political and military partners of those three régimes finally take action to enforce international law, or all Member States, especially the African States, must come to the assistance of national liberation movements, on whom will devolve the main task of changing the course of history. 32.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Finally, to complete the image it has of itself and the idea it has of us, the South African Government, on 6 June 1968, triumphantly promulgated an act designed to promote the establishment of Bantustans — quasi-zoological reserves — in South West Africa, and has since undertaken to implement it, by force and repression, of course. 31. We must not be surprised therefore that such contemptuous arrogance is being emulated. That Mr. Ian Smith should take the Pretoria leaders for his mentors is only logical. That the Portuguese Government should ally itself with the South African and Salisbury Governments to terrorize and persecute the African populations in the territories under its domination and to flout the authority of the United Nations was foreseeable and also natural.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“We all know that so long as South Africa’s main trading partners fail to put an end to their economic, political or military co-operation with that country’s Government, thereby encouraging it to persist in its policy, we shall only be amusing ourselves by practising the sterile art of composing resolutions. 30. The South African leaders have become so accustomed to this that they do not appear to have hesitated long before flouting United Nations authority when it decided to put an end to their direct administration of Namibia. Their only response to our resolutions was their trial and conviction of many Namibians and their opposition to the attempts made last April by the United Nations Council for Namibia to enter that territory in order to perform the functions assigned to it by the General Assembly.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“It constitutes a challenge to the rule of law and to mankind; the only similar challenge in history is that of Nazism. It is most regrettable to note that so far we have met that challenge only with resolutions, dozens, hundreds of resolutions, which admittedly become more emphatic all the time, but about which we may legitimately wonder whether they are not serving as alibis designed to conceal a real lack of resolution. 29. Who among us can seriously maintain that he is unaware of the real problem, that he does not visualize the actual means by which the Pretoria leaders can be brought to see reason?”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Uttered by a man whose devotion to the cause of peace is known to us all, this warning has a special significance, and in our opinion it must be taken seriously if we wish to preserve Africa and the world from terrible upheavals. 27. Far from changing the course of its policy in the direction of equality of rights for all races in its territory and freedom for all its citizens, the Pretoria regime has on the contrary promulgated new legislation aimed at strengthening both racial segregation and the repression of its political opponents. What is worse, it has done all it can to consolidate and extend the influence of its aberrant philosophy in neighbouring territories, particularly in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia. of course all this has been done in defiance of Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. 28.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Of course, a single life saved represents an absolute moral gain for humanity. Only an unbridled ideological fanaticism will deny this. Nevertheless, historical situations such as the one existing in South Africa, finally make one doubt the possibility of peaceful change, lead men to despair and justifiably discredit any appeal to reason. 25. In our Secretary-General’s own words, in the introduction to his annual report on the United Nations’ work, “the latest developments in... southern Africa seem to indicate that the danger of violent conflict in South Africa... resulting from the policies and practices of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, should not be discounted or minimized”. [A/7201/Add.1, para.144]. 26.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Indeed, since last summer we have been witnessing the actual reassumption of control over their own destiny by the Palestinian people, thus adding their defiance of colonial oppression to the already lengthy list of sacrifices being made by the formerly colonized peoples of Africa and Asia. 22. From this rostrum Tunisia wishes to pay tribute to that resistance, to express its faith in the action undertaken to change a fate which was seemingly sealed; Tunisia pledges its support, so far, of course, as its resources permit, for whatever action the Palestinian people, and they alone, may decide to take. 23. The same tragedy of human freedom and brotherhood is being played out in other parts of the world, and Tunisia wishes to express and to reaffirm the same support to the oppressed. 24.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“At that point, this basic fact will emerge spontaneously and will take its normal place in the panorama of our era: I am referring to the great task of decolonization started soon after the end of the Second World War and which, twenty years later, has not yet been completed. 21. The urgent need radically to revise our approach to the Palestine problem is becoming increasingly and grievously evident; for that matter, everything points to it: the failure of the unrealistic pro-Israel policy being pursued, and often imposed, by some Middle East leaders; the start of a clarification process with regard to the relations between States of the Arab world, States, incidentally, that are still sovereign and independent. Everything indicates that need.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Once a more serious attempt has been made by them all and also, and more especially, by the four Great Powers, it will then be necessary to promote and develop among the former belligerents the type of coexistence indicated by the Security Council resolution dated 22 November 1967 [242(1967)]. In fact, we shall have isolated and dealt with one aspect, and a superficial one at that, of the Palestine tragedy; in short, we shall have lifted the veil in which the ambition to achieve hegemony and the political intrigues prevalent in the Middle East since the establishment of the State of Israel have enveloped a basically simple fact: the right of the Palestinians to the liberation of their homeland from the yoke of this new type of colonialism, Zionist colonialism.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“In order to hasten the restoration of law, my delegation holds the view that Israel must conform to the requirements of the Security Council resolution of last November, in other words, it must unequivocally accept both the terms and the spirit of that resolution and co-operate wholeheartedly with Mr. Jarring’s mission. In that way a process will have been started which may lead to the quenching of the fires of the recent past, reduce the military and verbal escalation on both sides which we are witnessing today and to the establishment of a minimum of normal relations between all States in the region.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“We are deeply convinced that tomorrow’s world will not come about so long as even in one portion of the globe nations fear for their sovereignty, or so long as even one man remains enslaved. In this connexion, so long as Jordanian, Egyptian or Syrian territories remain occupied, so long as the Palestinians are deprived of their sacred rights to their homeland and the Middle East is in a state of shock because of recent and all previous violence, or even anxious about the future within a region where three great messages of faith in human brotherhood and the future of mankind have nevertheless resounded — so long as such a situation prevails the universalist ethic from which our Charter derives its strength will continue to be violated. 20.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“For us Tunisians, dignity and glory are not to be confused with overweening pride or foolish vanity, both of which, when political leaders fall under their sway, can only lead to violent clashes between nations. 18. It is said that nations are worth no more than the principles which guide them. But they must honour those principles in their institutions, respect them in their every-day actions, whether external or domestic. Fully aware of its duty as a member of the international community, Tunisia cannot be content with restricting to domestic use the principles which rule its life and have undoubtedly created in our country peace of mind and peace of heart. Tunisia also intends to act and to call to action all Member States of the United Nations so that freedom and peace can be given a chance in this world. 19.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Finally, what is this balance of terror being created in the shadow of deadly silos but a fearful and permanent threat to the very future of our race, liable at each conflict of interests between the great Powers to break down and to bury everything in the oblivion of the ages, even the nations themselves — not only their interests — and to erase all memory of freedom, thereby keeping mankind in a state of anxiety unprecedented in its history? 17. Tunisia believes there is an alternative to the strategy of all or nothing from which the dismal picture I have painted may some day emerge: that of reason, in other words a return to dialogue, to the serious search for a compromise, in those areas of course where opportunities for an honourable compromise without surrendering our principles really exist.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Are the Israeli leaders honouring freedom by the military occupation of Jordanian, Syrian or Egyptian territories, or by perpetuating the tragic fate of more than a million Palestinians who are living as slaves within their own homeland, or by giving a new meaning and content to the Diaspora of their oppressor, a Diaspora which only a short time ago was the source of that people’s moral strength but which, today, unfortunately, goads it to defiance and arrogance — premonitory signs, it should be noted, of its defeat, as other oppressors before it have always learned too late? 16.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Who will maintain, unless he be naive or what is worse, completely Machiavellian, that freedom prevails amidst the lamentations of the enslaved peoples in Rhodesia, South Africa, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea (Bissau) or the Cape Verde Islands? Who can find freedom in the land of that great hope for Africa, Nigeria, after the terrible fratricidal carnage or after the rumbling of the tanks of certain socialist countries that have violated the sovereignty of another socialist country and are doing so in the very name of defending socialism? 15.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Whether it be a question of the peoples’ struggle to break the chains of their bondage or of the state of permanent conflict in the Middle East since the establishment of the State of Israel, of disarmament, or of the role the United Nations should play in promoting and maintaining international peace and security, the principles motivating our action remain the same, because they are rooted in the history of our own struggle for freedom: on the one hand, the right of peoples to self-determination, to decide their own future for themselves, and on the other hand, the need for compromise, for negotiation, in dealings between men as well as between political or State entities or entities which inevitably become such. 14.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“In conformity with its history, its vocation and its ideals, true to itself, Tunisia is trying for its part, guided by the law of the golden mean — in short, by justice — the only law which we wholeheartedly observe, to guard against all extremist trends, all heresies, or to render them harmless; to aim at tolerance of others in the hope of reciprocal action; to find its way towards creativity and progress in peace and harmony; in short, to bring about a future that will be better for mankind, in peace, freedom and dignity. 13.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Perhaps if we were to think about the suffering of the innocent who are being sacrificed to the implacability of jealous but highly suspect gods; if we were to attempt to understand the appeal of the common man who is suffering and dying anonymously in some terribly backward region in Africa, Asia or Latin America, we might then redouble our efforts to build a world more in keeping with the principles of our Charter. 12.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Prompted by our anxious search for peace to interpret any sign as concordant with our wishes, we failed to see that the evil from which international life is suffering went deeper. Besides, how can we expect peace and brotherhood in a world divided into rich and poor, East and West, into ideological blocs and conflicting ambitions, caring more for ideas than for men? 10. Bearing in mind the recent events in Czechoslovakia and the fact that the Paris talks are merely marking time, we should perhaps do well to moderate our hopes and think more seriously about the regrettable situation from which mankind is finding it so difficult to extract itself. 11. We might remind ourselves that justice and freedom are still being flouted in vast areas of the world, and that man is being subjugated to man and is a prey to disease, hunger and ignorance.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“There is good reason to fear that they will despair of us and that before the tribunal of history they will accuse us of breaking our own solemn undertaking, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 8. Were it not for the dialogue on Viet-Nam in Paris, the conclusion of the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [see resolution 2373(XXII)]} and the convening of the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, it would have been difficult if not impossible for the community of nations to show that it was equal to its responsibilities and worthy of itself. We can justifiably congratulate ourselves on those three events so eagerly awaited by all mankind. 9. Unfortunately, disorder and meaningless actions allowed us but a short respite.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“For some months past, the impression gained from international consultations on the problem before us is that “entertainment” has taken the place of the serious consideration which is nevertheless so necessary. 7. Will the easy way out of indifference and complacency or even evasion become the prevailing attitude towards another matter whose importance as a test of United Nations’ credibility has been fully demonstrated? I refer to “decolonization”. Admittedly, there have been torrents of words, large numbers of resolutions, many good intentions. But what good do they do to the tens of millions of oppressed Africans and others?”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“present time it is marked by confusion between what is essential and what is incidental, between phenomena and epiphenomena, between cause and effect — a confusion which is increasing daily, to such an extent that it is hard to believe it will ever come to an end. 6. More than a year after a terribly destructive conflict, some incident or other between Jordan and Israel, or between Israel and Egypt is on the Security Council’s agenda, month after month or even week after week. On this same date last year, we at least had the satisfaction of discussing a policy, in other words a vision, a common action, in depth, designed to construct and embody a future for the peoples of that region.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Would you consider me too pessimistic if I told you how concerned I am at the worsening situation in the Middle East, after a moment at which there seemed to be a glimmer of hope, when the international community believed, on 22 November last, that there might finally be a chance of peace with justice and freedom, the hope of which, after more than twenty years of warfare and suffering, had not been completely banished from the hearts of the children of Palestine or among all men of good will throughout the world who were shocked at the relentless fate which kept the cradle of human brotherhood torn apart and racked by hatred? We feel it is even more urgent to take stock of the new situation since at the.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“May I assure him of our faithful friendship. 3. At the opening of this session, I should also like to express my wishes for success to Swaziland, the latest African State to make its contribution to the advancement of the cause of freedom and peace at a time which does not seem very auspicious. 4. For notwithstanding the tremendous efforts of the United Nations, and more especially the labours of its General Assembly, our world is still in search of itself, or is even being reduced to self-negation and a reversion to the deplorable attitudes we had thought were a thing of the past. 5.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“1. Mr. President, my country which, as you know, enjoys the most friendly relations with your own, is delighted that you have been chosen to direct our proceedings. In associating myself with those representatives who have already congratulated you on the trust unanimously placed in you, I am paying tribute to your qualities as a diplomat and through you, to your country and to the whole of Latin America. 2. We also wish to express our gratitude to your predecessor, our distinguished colleague the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Romania, Mr. Corneliu Mănescu, whose name will, we feel sure, be included in the roll of presidents who have embodied the spirit of peace. Both my Government and I myself will never forget the warm welcome which his country and he himself extended to the President of Tunisia.”
1968-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 23 (1968)
“Is it not anachronistic, not to say scandalous, that at a time when all countries, under the guidance of the United Nations, are seeking more efficacious means of strengthening international solidarity in an effort to combat under-development in renewed brotherhood, the international community should resign itself to impotence, thereby helping to bring about a situation where exacerbated racism and religious fanaticism constitute over-riding and, what is worse, openly admitted motives?”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Day before yesterday [1566th meeting] we heard a statement by Israel's Minister for Foreign Affairs; his country's friends as well as its adversaries agree that it conveyed what the first call a hardening of position and the second, arrogance. I cannot help but see a cause and effect relationship between Israel's extreme attitude and the General Assembly's inability or unwillingness to come to a decision.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“There is still a long and hard road ahead before our country reaches an economic take-off, but substantial gains have been made; we are bound to say that a decisive part was played in this by outside aid, and we freely express our gratitude to the friendly countries which have had their share in it, and to the United Nations, whose Development Programme is particularly active in Tunisia. 116. The fight against under-development remains our primary concern, as we think it ought to be for all the countries of the Third World, whether in Latin America, Africa or Asia. But that can be so only in times of peace. 117. The Middle East, alas, that vast region which pertains to both Asia and Africa, has been the victim of war, aggression and occupation.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“"These are the principles on which Tunisia bases its socialist revolution, in the conviction that they constitute the way best suited to a country which is striving to rise to the status of a developed country." 114. At the same time, we resist the temptation of believing or proclaiming that our experience is of universal value, or even that it is valid for all underdeveloped countries; but we are convinced that our methods, our will to make progress and our rejection of facile demagoguery and striking slogans constipate an experience which deserves a few moments' meditation. 115.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“There is a word we are chary of using because we hold it sacred and because it has been depreciated through over-use in political terminology today, but it describes rightly what has occurred in Tunisia; that word is revolution. 113. The method we chose to overthrow the old order of things and to replace it by institutions designed to serve the people is socialism, but a purely Tunisian socialism, adapted to our needs and conditions. As the President of the Tunisian Republic has said: "What matters, when we are faced with a choice of roads leading to a better life, is to define our goals, which are: an end to exploitation, prosperity for all, a decisive voice in economic and political matters for the masses. Where ways and means are concerned, what counts is efficiency, progress towards unanimously accepted goals.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We have had ten years fraught with difficulties, many of whom vestiges of the colonial era, ten years of bitter struggle against under-development in all its forms, including backward economic structures, superannuated social institutions, and mental attitudes unsuited to modern times, ten years at the end of which there is at last a reasonable and serious hope that in the near future the Tunisian will fully recover his human dignity, as well as his freedom. Looking back, we can see that profound changes have taken place in Tunisia: women have been completely emancipated, the children are in school, the citizens are becoming increasingly aware of both their rights and their duties in a society which is ever striving for greater justice. 112. The least indulgent observers have had to admit that our structures have undergone a total change.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“Only those countries can hope to achieve some development which count on themselves first, which are really prepared, as they say they are, to make every sacrifice and accept every discipline to improve the lot of their peoples. 111. Tunisia, for its part, having a decade of independence behind it, can for the first time take stock of what it has accomplished in its struggle against under-development and for the promotion of human welfare.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“This hope is not unfounded, for we find that, while there are Inadequacies and failures, the world is becoming increasingly aware of the urgent need to remedy the first and prevent the second. Thanks to this awareness, and to the sum total of experience acquired by international and national organizations, it should be possible to remedy the situation before it reaches the point of no return. 109. The idea is generally accepted today that there can be no peace in a world in which only one-third of the population enjoys a comfortable existence, while the other two-thirds live under extremely precarious conditions if not in complete destitution. 110. The hope which the under-developed countries place in international solidarity is very real; but we know that we cannot possibly count on that solidarity alone.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“It should also be noted that, from 1960 to 1965, the flow of resources to the developing countries did not increase in proportion to the growth of the developed countries. In our view, these two basic trends should he corrected, so that multilateral aid is augmented and so that the rich countries participate in a more regular and consistent, and less precarious, manner in the development and progress of the countries which are emerging, or endeavouring to emerge, from their present situation. 108. We express the hope that the second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development will usher in a new phase in the process that was begun in 1964 and that it will concentrate on realistic action and on the adoption of concrete and practical solutions to the problems facing the international community.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“The latest newcomer is the United Nations Capital Development Fund [resolution 2186 (XXI)], which is to assist the developing countries by making available to them additional capital aid in the form of grants and loans, especially long-term loans. 106. We would express the hope that the first pledging conference, set for the end of October, will be successful. There is always a risk that the proliferation of such organizations might lead to a scattering of efforts and raise still further the already high operating costs. That could occur if these organizations did not operate to full capacity and if certain trends in the international flow of capital were not corrected. It is startling to note, for example, that during the period 1961 to 1966, only 10 per cent of that flow was furnished by the international organizations. 107.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“FAO projections for 1975 include a net deficit of cereals which may be as high as 47 million tons, while imports to make up for this deficit might amount to over $8,000 million. 105. Thus, the international community does not seem to be winning the race against need. The developing countries must make a very special and persistent effort if this race is to be won. Moreover, the assistance which’ the rich countries should furnish in the name of international solidarity and which I believe is a duty for all should not in itself be the decisive factor; improvement in the terms of trade is equally necessary. The United Nations seems to us to be perfectly situated to achieve that objective. It is encouraging to note that new organizations concerned with the main aspects of development are constantly being added to the United Nations family.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“In the same document we read with reference to UNCTAD: "It is also my duty to record, however, that, in the period under review, progress made towards the fulfilment of the aims and objectives set forth in 1964 has been alarmingly slow, and that no significant breakthrough has been registered in either trade or development financing ..." [Ibid., para. 71] 103. Thus, on three subjects of capital importance in international economic life the Secretary-General uses — and rightly so — a language which should cause deep concern to the Members of the United Nations. 104. I would also point out that the situation as regards the food balance in developing countries continues to be alarming.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“In the introduction to his annual report, the Secretary-General writes: "Again this year, I am constrained to express my great concern regarding the loss of momentum in international aid and its adverse effects on the results of the current Development Decade." [A/ 6701/Add.1, para. 61] And he adds: "The Kennedy Round of negotiations has been a noteworthy success, but it must be recognized that the new agreements do not give much satisfaction to the developing countries, especially in the agricultural sector." [Ibid.] 101. It Is discouraging to see that in 1966 the rich countries taken together contributed a much smaller percentage of their gross national product to development aid than in 1960. 102.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“We are beginning to see today the results of years of preparation, and a whole framework of economic and social activities is emerging the purpose of which is to break the vicious circle of colonial or semi-colonial heritage holding captive the African, Asian and Latin American countries and to enable them, if not to close, at least to reduce the gap between themselves and the developed countries. 99. Despite this optimistic attitude of ours, we cannot but give close heed to the alarm sounded by our Secretary-General in his Annual Report to the Assembly, and particularly in the Introduction to that report. The Economic and Social Council, in its own report for this year [A/6703] expresses the same concern. 100.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)
“In our view, the difference between a so-called training base and just a base is merely one of terminology, and it is clear that the first term is simply camouflage for the second. It seems to me that here is not only matter for thought, but matter for action, and rapid action, to prevent the initiation of the usual and fatal process which, once started, cannot be halted, of an arms race in countries the sum total of whose resources does not suffice to enable them to rejoin the developed countries and break out of the vicious circle of economic, social, intellectual, and In fact human under-development. 98. This brings me to another subject on which my delegation is optimistic — the unremitting, laudable, but unfortunately little publicized, efforts the United Nations has been making in the economic and social sphere.”
1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)