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1956-09-24
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1969-09-24
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  1. Our Assembly ought perhaps to make a study of the funds developing countries spend on armaments and to compare them, for example, with what they spend on national education or health and, generally speaking with their really productive investments — investments in human welfare. 97. This question is, of course, connected with another on our agenda; the question of foreign military bases. For it is obvious that, at a time when bases of the conventional type are being dismantled one by one, there are being introduced, but more subtly and discreetly, bases of a new kind, consisting in the massive presence of hundreds and sometimes thousands, of foreign training instructors — or alleged instructors.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  2. That is an aspect of the question of disarmament which, I believe, we should consider far more seriously today than we have ever done; and the conventional arms race engaged in by small countries should also be examined in the light of the latest events in the Middle East. 96. If the United Nations were, in one way or another, to sanction armed conquest, there would be nothing left to prevent certain small countries from yielding to the temptation of trying to obtain political concessions or even territorial gains from their neighbours by means of a rapid and effective attack.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  3. But I can think of nothing more ludicrous and wrong than an under-developed country — and the non-aligned countries are in that category — having the means to destroy millions of human beings by nuclear weapons, while continuing to be unable to protect millions of its own citizens from hunger and destitution. No country, except for a very few Powers, and certainly none of our developing countries, can engage in nuclear research save at the expense of its paramount task, which is to overcome under-development. To be convinced of this, one need but remember the damage caused to African, Asian and other countries by the conventional arms race.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  4. There are still obstacles to be surmounted and opposition to be overcome; we are fully aware of the imperfections and inadequacies of the text; but just the same, the fact that it has been drafted by the United States and the Soviet Union constitutes an achievement which is to the credit of both countries, as also of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. 95. We understand the concern of those unaligned countries which find it hard to renounce the right to acquire nuclear weapons, precisely because they do not wish to stand under anyone's protection.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  5. I regret, in this connexion, that the great Powers should have preferred not to compromise themselves by joining the majority of the Assembly in order to launch in Southwest Africa an action which, if firm, could have been decisive. In the particular case of Southwest Africa, we would remind them that the United Nations has a special responsibility, and appeal to them to give full and unreserved co-operation to the United Nations Council for South West Africa. 94. I now come to the problem of disarmament. This is one area in which, despite everything, we can be relatively optimistic. For while there may be reason enough for the mental reservations and apprehensions that some of us may have, the submission of a draft treaty for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is an act of great import.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  6. Leaving aside the activities of mercenaries, no progress has been made with regard to the very worrying problem of South West Africa, or the Rhodesian crisis, or the situation in the Territories under Portuguese domination. Colonialism and racism continue to be rife in an immense part of Africa — one-third of that continent and, certainly not by chance, the richest third — and there is not even a glimmer of effective international action ahead. 93. We do not, of course, count on international action alone to restore freedom and dignity to tens of millions of our African brothers who are the victims of a system everyone regards as anachronistic. But I think that we in the United Nations owe more to the freedom fighters than well-intentioned resolutions and words of compassion.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  7. This may not be explicitly provided for in the Charter, but it is certainly in the spirit of the San Francisco text. We hope in this connexion that this session will not confine itself to merely continuing the Special Committee in existence, but will take up the question again in a more constructive way and will display not only imagination, of which we certainly have no lack, but also, and above all, authority. And now my delegation wishes to congratulate all the members of the Special Committee, in particular Mr. Cuevas Cancino, its dynamic Chairman, on their efforts and their achievements. Tunisia is prepared, as in the past, to contribute to the success of future operations of that kind by all the means at its disposal, however modest they may be. 92. Another sphere in which the United Nations has suffered a setback is decolonization.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  8. My Government deeply regrets that the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations has been unable to make any substantial progress. We had hoped that, following the serious events in the Middle East which shook the entire world, it would resume its examination of the question in the light of the new developments. 90. On the one hand, the events in the Middle East have brought out — unfortunately, a contrario — the usefulness of the peace-keeping operations, and, on the other, it became clear that yet another emergency special session of the General Assembly had to be convened, and this demonstrated once again that the General Assembly should be able to assume a primary role in the maintenance of peace, naturally without prejudice to the role assigned to the Security Council. 91.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  9. In that connexion, the efforts of Yugoslav diplomats to formulate a series — no doubt open to improvement — of principles which could furnish the framework of an acceptable solution should be encouraged and assisted, and we feel that a tribute should be paid to President Tito and to the Government and delegation of Yugoslavia, whose major concern has always been that the United Nations — and particularly the General Assembly - should play a leading role in the search for peaceful solutions to the problems facing us. 88. In connexion with the role which the United Nations could play, both in the Middle East and elsewhere, I should like to comment on the highly important question of peace-keeping operations. 89.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  10. We are confident that the Members of the General Assembly will display the imagination and the spirit of initiative required to enable us to end this session with — at the least — the outline of a solution in hand. We should be able to evolve a majority view here on those principles which should form the basis for a settlement of the question.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  11. In our view, it is when the Arab territories have been evacuated that the international community, acting through the United Nations, both here and in the Security Council, will have the opportunity and the duty to take up at once the substance of the problem and examine it earnestly and with perseverance, in order to find a solution that would be both lasting and just. 86. Tunisia, for its part, having a sense of involvement with the Arabs and of involvement in all mankind, will certainly make such modest efforts as it can to that end. By stating unequivocally that the de facto situation created by force must be undone the United Nations will have placed itself in a position to play its proper part — a decisive and essential part — in bringing about the desired solution. 87.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  12. But all States Members of the Organization must also clearly understand how dangerous a precedent would be created if the withdrawal of troops from territories occupied by force were to be predicated on conditions which, in the last analysis, would be a conqueror's conditions. If the Arabs should simply submit — which, of course, is what Israel wants — that would mean excluding the United Nations from the discussion, depriving it of its raison d'être and saying that Israel is in the right and was being logical in its way in calling for direct negotiations; I say logical in its way, for its attitude Is in line with the logic of victorious aggression, with the law of the jungle, which its leaders seem to have embraced with so light a heart. 85.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  13. This refusal to admit the refugees is followed by frantic appeals to Jewish communities throughout the world to send settlers; two days ago it was declared that such settlement is effective in certain parts of the territories occupied by force of arms, and this creates yet another fait accompli and further aggravates an already highly explosive situation. 84. We understand those who, like the Secretary-General himself, fear that things will go back to where they were; we understand that most of the delegations here present should oppose above all an outright return to the confused and explosive situation which existed previously.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  14. To ask the Arabs to accept one injustice because otherwise they might be exposed to more is not realistic but cynical, for if they were to yield to such an argument even once they would find themselves caught in the gears of a machine which they could not stop, so that, logically speaking, they would henceforward be the willing victims of the dream of the Zionist fanatics, the ones who have coined the well-known expansionist slogan, "From the Nile to the Euphrates," the very ones who arrogantly reply to the General Assembly's unanimous injunctions on Jerusalem and its status that "The situation is now non-negotiable" and who deny to hundreds of thousands of refugees, victims of numerous aggressions — the aggression of 5 June being merely the most recent — the right to return to their homes, in making false statements by which, I believe, no one is deceived.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  15. Violence can only bring forth violence, and the continuing war cannot be stopped until the wrongs have been redressed and the peoples concerned have been given back their rights. 83. It should not be thought that twenty years, or something more than twenty, will be long enough for millions of human beings to forget the injustice which has driven them from their homes and their native land. Certainly a solution to the problem must take account of the facts as they are today, but no solution that fails to take into account the original facts can be lasting. It is a lasting solution that we must seek and find, and to do so we must realize that only the withdrawal of Israel troops from the territories they occupied following the attack of 5 June last can open the way to it.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  16. This is precisely why the United Nations has never been able to make a sufficiently sustained and persistent effort to resolve the perpetual state of crisis which has prevailed in the Middle East for twenty years. Never, since the partition of Palestine, has it taken a close look at the heart of the problem it has created. Never has it been willing to recognize explicitly, in so many words, the flagrant injustice which has given rise to the continuously menacing and explosive situation in question and to face it courageously. My delegation continues to believe that peace cannot be founded on the misfortune of a people. The peace that must prevail between men, communities and countries can never be the result of violence, aggression and humiliation.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  17. We believe it is vital for the United Nations, at this critical moment, to live up to its responsibilities and to the hopes reposed in it by mankind. We must not, once again, disappoint world opinion and, once again, present the picture of a big family where there is a great deal of talking and rather too much squabbling, but where nothing is ever done or, at best, never done soon enough. In the brilliant introduction to his annual report, our Secretary-General has brought out the difficulties which are facing the United Nations and which are basically due to the opposing views on constitutional and political matters taken by its Members; his analysis, which applies to peace-keeping operations, is a priori applicable to the crises which endanger peace.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  18. His great capabilities also enabled him to guide to a successful conclusion the far from smooth discussions and debates of the last two emergency sessions. 81. As our work begins, we should also like to wish success to this session of the Assembly, which is opening under extremely adverse conditions. For we are meeting on the morrow of an emergency special session that has been outstandingly disappointing and sterile; disappointing in that it failed to take any decision on the substance of the problem with which it had to deal, and sterile in that it was unable to obtain results on the only point on which there was an overwhelming majority. Unhappily, therefore, the crisis occasioned by Israel's attack on the Arab countries will be the principal concern of this session as well. 82.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  19. 79. Mr. President, the Tunisian delegation Is highly gratified that you are to conduct the proceedings of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, We have worked with you in the past and we know your past and we know your great devotion to the cause of peace and of the United Nations, Your country, with which my own maintains most cordial relations, has done much for the development of the United Nations. By electing you, the General Assembly has therefore also wished to do homage to Romania and it is from the heart that I convey to you our congratulations and wish you every success. 80. I should also like to congratulate Mr. Pazhwak of Afghanistan on the manner in which he presided over the proceedings of the twenty-first regular session of the Assembly.

    1967-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 22 (1967)

  20. Let us ensure that the United Nations, in its anxiety to show somewhat greater maturity and wisdom, does not fall into the more serious error of adopting a sceptical or world-weary attitude leading to indifference toward such urgent problems as peacekeeping and to such lofty aims as the fulfilment of man's vocation.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  21. My delegation believes that the draft resolution [see A/5755] submitted to the Assembly by the Economic and Social Council will be adopted within the next few days in fulfilment of the wishes of all the developing countries and of the hopes expressed by the Secretary-General. 72. Those are some of the ideas which my delegation wished to put forward today while reserving the right to make its modest contribution during the course of this session. 73. A few weeks ago we celebrated at San Francisco the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations. Twenty years! An age for bold and generous action.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  22. In the view of my delegation, this resolution, which could not be considered at the nineteenth session because of the crisis which paralysed our work, should be given high priority in this Assembly in order to enable the management of the two programmes to make their arrangements as early as possible. The Members of the United Nations have already had an opportunity to express their views on this question and there seems to be general agreement on the desirability of such consolidation, on the reasons for it and on the objectives that we have set ourselves. All that remains, therefore, is to rationalize the activities of the two programmes, to simplify organizational arrangements and procedures and to facilitate over-all planning and the necessary co-ordination of the various types of assistance. 71.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  23. We hope that the United Nations and the specialized agencies will take our efforts, which sometimes exceed our means, into consideration and will give to our programmes the particular attention they deserve in order that international co-operation may be able to play the proper role assigned to it under the Charter. 70. I would not like to end this not every systematic review of economic questions without paying a tribute to the work accomplished by the Special Fund and by the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance in the fields of pre-investment, training and research. My Government has warmly welcomed Economic and Social Council resolution 1020 (XXXVII), which was based on the relevant proposals of the Secretary-General for the consolidation of the two programmes into a single United Nations Development Programme.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  24. It was in the light of such considerations that four North African countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya), conscious of the need for joint action, decided to co-ordinate and harmonize their economic efforts particularly in the field of industrialization which is foremost in the plans of their four Governments. The four-year plan which my country has launched this year is a token of the magnitude of the tasks to which we have addressed ourselves and of the serious and realistic manner in which we are trying to get this great region of Africa moving in the direction of development. 69.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  25. While it is true that all initiatives taken in this field are still in the exploratory and survey stage, it is nevertheless remarkable that this idea which until recently seemed absurd and unworkable because of its implications for the economies of the industrialized countries, has gained acceptance now as an effective means of rapid and harmonious development. 67. It is important, therefore, that these efforts should continue and that they should be more effectively co-ordinated in a specialized agency so that they may result as rapidly as possible in national and regional industrialization programmes which take into account the resources and possibilities of each of the countries concerned as well as the absorptive capacities of local and world markets. 68.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  26. By so doing, we shall have acted to consolidate our new trade organization and enable its work to be carried forward with maximum efficiency and chances of success. 65. Other economic problems will be considered by the Assembly at the present session. My country has followed with the greatest attention the efforts of the United Nations and, in particular, the Committee on Industrial Development, the Special Fund and the specialized agencies to promote the industrialization of the developing countries. 66.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  27. We dare to hope that when the report of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development is under consideration by the Assembly, the representatives of the richer, industrialized and highly developed countries will show a greater sense of realism and solidarity which alone, in our opinion, can buttress the international co-operation underpinning world security and peace. 64. What the Assembly has to do is not to go back on decisions that have been taken nor to reconsider all the questions for which the Conference, we believe, has already suggested solutions but rather to determine the means for the attainment of the desired ends in a spirit of mutual understanding of the interests involved.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  28. The outlines of solutions are set forth in the many recommendations and resolutions to be found in the Final Act of the Conference which constitutes, for us in the smaller countries, a veritable charter for harmonious and — we hope — rapid development. 62. Unfortunately, the richer and more highly developed countries — admittedly, they did not approve all the resolutions — do not seem to be making the necessary efforts to overcome all the obstacles which hinder the implementation of those recommendations and to adopt all the measures likely to assist the developing countries in their march towards progress and some degree of well-being. 63.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  29. The root causes of this situation spring from the many and various bottle-necks with which we are confronted nationally and internationally every time we launch a development project. They include such factors as the population explosion, the rising demand for consumer goods, the chronic balance of payments deficit resulting from the fall in export prices and the concomitant rise in import costs due to the very fact of increased structural investments, the consequent dwindling of our financial resources, inflation and so forth. 61. All these difficulties were examined by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  30. On examining the results achieved, now that we have almost reached the end of the first half of the Decade, we are compelled to note with deep concern that, barring a miracle, the 5 per cent rate of growth of national income of developing countries, which had been set as the target for the end of the Decade, will be only partially attained. Indeed, the World Economic Survey, 1964 submitted by the Secretary-General to the last session of the Economic and Social Council, reveals that in spite of progress in the main sectors, many developing countries have not succeeded, or have succeeded only in very small measure, in overcoming the serious economic difficulties in 1964. Unfortunately, the outlook for 1965 does not seem any brighter. 60.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  31. Since that time, the Organization has not failed to implement those provisions of the resolution which concerned it. As an indication of the magnitude of the tasks performed, it is sufficient to mention the convening of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology, the work done by the regional commissions, the increasing number of projects financed by the Special Fund, the development of technical assistance programmes and, even more recently, the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. 59.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  32. This painful situation, in which millions of human beings find themselves, presents a problem of international solidarity which has not been overlooked by the Organization. 57. In pursuance of the purposes and principles of the Charter, the General Assembly adopted, at its sixteenth session, resolution 1710 (XVI) entitled "United Nations Development Decade"; it established a framework for carrying out the measures required "to accelerate progress towards self-sustaining growth of the economy of the individual nations and their social advancement so as to attain in each under-developed country a substantial increase in the rate of growth, with each country setting its own target, taking as the objective a minimum annual rate of growth of aggregate national income of 5 per cent at the end of the Decade." 58.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  33. In recalling the principles of the Charter and the decisions of the United Nations, the Tunisian delegation is not merely doing its duty as a Member of the United Nations family; it is convinced that it is showing a sense of practical justice and of equity towards the people and the institutions involved. 56. The world economic situation is still a matter of constant concern to all Member States and particularly to those countries which, like my own, are engaged in the hard struggle to develop. The young nations which have achieved independence in the last ten years have had to cope with the numerous and complex problems of the war against poverty, ignorance and hunger, in short, with the problems of under-development.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  34. At this time when the Organization is waging an unceasing struggle against all forms of racial discrimination and is endeavouring to overcome the bastions of colonialism, is it pot paradoxical to see the people of Palestine, the victims of injustice, living as exiles at their own doorstep, because of the obstinacy of an unscrupulous aggressor who pays scant heed to the decisions of the United Nations? The Organization is threatened by a disease which will prove fatal if this inertia bordering on complacency continues: the precarious balance in the area will be upset and will give place to armed conflict, and chaos. The recent fighting between India and Pakistan are a distressing proof of this. 55.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  35. Everyone is aware, unfortunately, of the facts of this tragedy, which demonstrates the triumph of brute force, aggression and flagrant violation of the law of the United Nations, a law which we would all like to see prevail. To see United Nations decisions flouted by the one nation which, since it owes its existence to the United Nations, should be most anxious to carry them out, is dangerous indeed. The Organization must cease compromising and must abandon its passive attitude, for if that attitude became permanent it would be fatal to the Organization's mission and to the cause of peace in the entire area. 54.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  36. The plundered Arab population, driven out of the land of its ancestors, is still living in hope, its eyes turned sadly towards paradise lost. The people lie sunk in misery and continue to eke out an existence thanks to international charity. As the years go by, their condition is deteriorating because of the usurper’s obstinate refusal to heed the Organization's resolutions on the subject and, because of the consequent impossibility of finding a lawful and equitable solution to their tragic problem. 53. Time cannot extinguish the right of the Arab people of Palestine to their country, nor can it justify aggression or plundering in the eyes of the world.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  37. World conscience has been revolted by the apartheid policy and finds it difficult to understand the reluctance of the great Powers to apply economic sanctions, which alone are capable of making the Pretoria Government adopt a wiser course. It is even less able to understand why these same Powers - through their extensive trading and investment — should provide aid and assistance which can only result in consolidating the fascist régime of Pretoria and increasing the misery of the people of South Africa. 52. Nearly eighteen years after the trial of strength which shook the Holy Land of Palestine and replaced the indigenous population with a colony of settlers from the four corners of the world, the situation in that area, far from leading to an equitable settlement, is daily deteriorating.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  38. Those who preach patience and advise moderation but do not offer any alternative solution should have realized, however, that Africa can no longer tolerate a situation in which, with the support of some and the complacency of others, the Pretoria régime holds 40 million Africans in slavery. Economic sanctions alone can thwart the forces of evil in South Africa and thereby discourage its neighbours over the border, who are increasingly hopeful of establishing some day a fundamentally racist régime. Economic sanctions alone can lead Mr. Verwoerd to a more decent policy and can lessen the threat he constitutes to peace in Africa. 51.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  39. Recently, exceeding even what might be termed the unholy alliance between the Salazar, Verwoerd and Smith régimes, a tripartite agreement has apparently been entered into to dominate the southern part of Africa, at the expense of the neighbouring territories. 49. We believe the time for discussions and academic statements is now past. For more than two years we have continually repeated that, in view of the failure of all peaceful efforts, we must envisage effective measures to deal with the mentality of the Pretoria leaders, a mentality which endangers peace and security in Africa and therefore in the entire world. 50.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  40. The efforts of the Special Committee on Apartheid, the information it has supplied and the reports it has submitted, demonstrate a praiseworthy perseverance and patience. Not a day passes, in fact, that we do not hear of new racial laws, further repressive measures and fresh persecutions of a racist nature. The Pretoria régime has reacted with ill-tempered defiance to every decision of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Far from listening to our appeals, our warnings or even the advice of its friends, it has continued to increase and strengthen its military and police potential, and to plot against the security of its neighbours with the assistance of its loyal customers.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  41. Portugal and South Africa would be the first to benefit from this. 47. The situation in South West Africa is also causing my Government profound concern. It is all the more alarming because Pretoria’s racist measures are being continually strengthened. There too, the South African Government's attitude is one of continued defiance of our Organization, its resolutions and its decisions. In this case, where a dishonest administering Power has arrogated to itself the right to dispose of a people, we trust that justice may be heard, thus preventing the outbreak of a struggle whose effects will be felt beyond the limits of South African territory. The Assembly's discussion of this question warrants all our attention and our efforts and should lead to a solution worthy of the United Nations. 48.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  42. Not only does Portugal not recognize the right of our fellow Africans of Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands to self-determination and independence; it is also systematically oppressing the populations under its administration, inhumanly exploiting their labour and their country’s wealth, and is maintaining them in a social and economic condition which is alarming, to say the least. 46. We appeal to all States — and particularly those which are still giving financial assistance to these colonial régimes — to join us in this joint effort at persuasion which must, if necessary, be reinforced by measures such as will lead the Lisbon and Pretoria Governments to abandon their policy of defiance and grant all peoples under their administration the right to self-determination and independence.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  43. In another area, the situation in Aden and the southern part of the Arabian peninsula continues to be of concern to my Government. There would be more peace in that area if a final solution could be found under which those territories were allowed to effectively exercise their rights in practice and to achieve their legitimate aspirations. 45. For many years, a struggle for national liberation has been waged in most territories under Portuguese domination. There again, the Lisbon Government's blindness and obstinacy are without limit. In pursuing its colonialist policy, Portugal has placed itself beyond the pale of the international community. In a great number of the United Nations bodies, its presence is already barely tolerated.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  44. It says it is unable to guarantee the rights of the African majority and it has allowed a racist minority to strengthen its hold over more than 3.5 million Africans. Encouraged by the administering Powers's passive attitude, the de facto authorities in Southern Rhodesia, reflecting the attitude of their South African mentors, have continued to threaten and defy that Power, with the encouragement of the Portuguese Government, who believe that they can turn the situation to account. We believe there is still time for the United Kingdom to pull itself together and use its prerogatives to restore power in Salisbury to a healthier and more democratic level, thus avoiding a conflagration with unpredictable consequences for the peace of Africa and the world. 44.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  45. In this connexion, what was done in the case of the Cook Islands, despite the reservations voiced concerning the procedure followed in consulting the population, might be held up to those colonial Powers which remain deaf to all our appeals, as an example of goodwill and co-operation. 42. On the other hand, in spite of the constitutional arrangements providing for their independence, the peoples of Bechuanaland, Basutoland and Swaziland remain in a precarious and unstable situation because they are exposed to the threat of annexation to South Africa. 43. Moreover, the administering Power in Southern Rhodesia, while it has made many statements, has thus far evaded the Assembly's calls for the convening of a constitutional conference in which, in our opinion, all the political leaders of the Territory should participate.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  46. The time has come, we feel, since no rapid liberation of the colonial territories is taking place, to allow the Special Committee to draw up, as it were, a definitive time-table for decolonization so that mankind may rid himself quickly and finally of this stigma. 40. However, it must be recognized that, in spite of the opposition and inertia with which it is faced, the Committee has done its best to fulfil its mandate. This year, the Committee of Twenty-Four even travelled to the heart of Africa to hear the grievances of those who are still suffering the rigours of foreign domination. 41. It is the bounden duty of all Member States to co-operate with the United Nations in its peaceful efforts aimed at the liberation of peoples.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  47. Five years after the Assembly's adoption of its historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)], the decisions of the Special Committee on decolonization and the resolutions of the General Assembly have still not yet been heeded by the colonial Powers and the latter are simply ignoring them. We deeply deplore this fact. Any rapid implementation of the provisions of the Declaration, which was to open an era of sincere and hopeful co-operation, has been rejected by these colonial Powers which, with manifold excuses, refuse to give their full cooperation to the Organization and still postpone until a distant and even uncertain tomorrow the emancipation of the territories under their domination. 39.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  48. While we welcome with great joy and satisfaction the inclusion in the membership of the United Nations of an every-increasing number of countries liberated from the colonial era, we are nevertheless obliged to note that millions of persons are still the victims of suffering from the oppression and restrictions of foreign rule and are awaiting, with increasingly demanding impatience, the day when they will be able to join us and participate in building a universal community of free and sovereign nations. 38. We regret to note that some colonial Powers have not yet succeeded in ridding themselves of an outmoded outlook and still maintain beneath their yoke oppressed peoples who are exploited in the interests of those Powers.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  49. My country did not shrink from taking up arms in the defence of that inalienable right when persuasion and peaceful negotiation showed themselves to be fruitless and hopeless. Since its independence, Tunisia has striven by every possible means to make that right prevail throughout the world and has given unstinting and unconditional support to all those who are fighting to recover their dignity and their freedom. 37.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)

  50. The Tunisian Government would like to express its gratitude to the Secretary-General for his stubborn optimism and his persistent efforts which have again served to demonstrate that this Organization is the sanctuary of peace. 35. Despite the seriousness and the urgency of some current international problems which are threatening world peace and sometimes the very future of mankind, it is our duty not to lose sight of the pitiful lot of the peoples who are still under colonial domination. 36. When we joined the United Nations, we all undertook an obligation to respect the inalienable right of peoples to self-determination. There can be no delay of or exception to the exercise of this right.

    1965-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 20 (1965)