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1953-09-24

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1958-09-24

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un-general-debate

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1. “May we not hope that, if only the minds and efforts of Governments were to be concentrated more fully upon the welfare of their own peoples and upon creative tasks of universal import, the issues that divide the world may fade away and the "cold war" become a thing of the past.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

2. “We need to see more clearly that progress in raising living standards and in extending freedoms all around the world is being held back because of aggressions engineered to advance the expansionist urges of certain countries. The treasuries and the energies of the nations are largely being directed into a tragic and vain search for armed security in a world where aggression is not yet effectively outlawed. Every aggression is a threat, not only to the fragile barrier that stands between us and a general nuclear war, but also another set-back for the human aspirations of mankind. 87.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

3. “If not, that would mark the beginning of the end of this Organization and its efforts to achieve world order and world peace. 84. The United States, as one of the so-called great Powers, continues to stand ready to dedicate that power to world order. That is an asset which, I suggest, ought not lightly to be thrown away. 85. Fellow representatives, the future of the United Nations, and indeed the prospect for the successful building of a peaceful world, depend upon the way in which all of us here in this Assembly discharge the solemn obligations of the Charter. We have the two great purposes which I have discussed: namely, the maintenance of a just peace and the development of human betterment in the world. 86.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

4. “President Truman, speaking in April 1951, said "If history has taught us anything, it is that aggression anywhere in the world is a threat to peace everywhere in the world." And President Eisenhower, speaking on 11 September 1958, called upon us "to defend the principle that armed force shall not be used for aggressive purposes. Upon observance of that principle depends a lasting and just peace." 83. But the teachings of history tend to be forgotten and there is some evidence that we are forgetting those lessons here. We have our Charter and our implementing resolutions. These, when they were adopted, clearly represented the will of the world community, which this Organization was prepared vigorously to support. But is that still the case?”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

5. “The United States believes that this double standard is incompatible with the basic purposes of our Organization and that it poses a challenge which we shall have to meet. 80. A related concern is the apparent reluctance of some nations to support those basic principles of the Charter which outlaw aggression, direct or indirect. Our Charter, in Article 1, paragraph 1, calls for "suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace". This represents international law that all should recognize and that all should seek to enforce. 81. After the First World War, the United States, like other States, failed adequately to support world order. But during the Second World War and ever since, the United States has strongly supported that concept. 82.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

6. “In most of these cases, the veto vote was the only negative vote and the vetoed proposal was objected to only because it would have interfered with some ambitious objective of the State in question. It is difficult to reconcile that conduct with the spirit of our Charter. 77. In the General Assembly there is a similar pattern. Most of the Governments here give great weight to the recommendations of this Assembly. But there are others which defy those recommendations when they interfere with national policies. Hungary is an example. 78. In consequence, there is no uniformity in the acceptance and application of our Charter and our processes. There are two different standards of conduct. 79.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

7. “Before closing, I should like to refer to a major concern of the United States which stems from the fact that our membership seems sharply divided in its attitude towards this Organization. 75. Most Members of the United Nations look upon our Organization sincerely and genuinely as a means to promote world order, and they are willing to adapt their national policies to this great goal. But there are a potent few who seem to participate in the United Nations only as it gives them opportunities for maneouvres that will advance their own narrow nationalistic purposes, even at the expense of world order. Otherwise, they flout the United Nations. 76. In the Security Council eighty-five vetoes have been cast by one of the permanent members.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

8. “Establishes an ad hoc committee consisting of [certain nations to be appointed] and requests it to report to the General Assembly at its fourteenth session on the following: "(a) The activities and resources of the United Nations and its specialized agencies relating to outer space; "(b) The nature of specific projects of international co-operation in outer space which could be undertaken under United Nations auspices; "(c) Useful United Nations organizational arrangements to facilitate international co-operation in this field.” 73. The United States hopes that this draft resolution will find unanimous approval. As we reach beyond this planet, we should move as truly "united nations". 74. Mr. President, I have discussed some of the current problems now confronting this Assembly.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

9. “Ten precious years were lost in the development of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy because full international co-operation was not promptly begun. We cannot afford a similar delay in this vast new dimension of human experience which offers perhaps an even greater challenge and opportunity than the splitting of the atom. 71. The United States believes that the United Nations should take immediate steps to prepare for a fruitful programme of international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space. We suggest that a representative committee be established to make the necessary preparatory studies and recommendations. 72. The United States is submitting to this Assembly a draft resolution with the following significant operative paragraph: "[The General Assembly] "1.”

   1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

10. “Major strides in man's conquest of his newest and most exciting frontier, outer space, have taken place during the past year. How shall outer space be used? That question is of intense interest and importance to all mankind. We must make every effort to dedicate outer space exclusively to constructive pursuits. To this end, the United States, in January 1957, had already proposed that interested countries should seek to develop an international system. 69. We recognize that the problems involved in establishing such a system are very complex. Also, we cannot await a comprehensive disarmament programme. Meaningful steps can now be taken, at least to assure that the exploitation of outer space results in maximum benefit to humanity. 70.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

11. “The United States stands ready to play its full part in this great peaceful crusade. 65. The major obstacle to maximum economic development is, of course, the ever-present danger of direct and indirect aggression and the consequent staggering cost of armament and of collective security. Whenever there is an outburst of military activity, as now in the Taiwan Straits, that is a set-back not merely to peace, but to economic progress as well. 66. The United States, for example, feels obligated to devote to defence programmes some $45,000 million a year, and that will lead us, this year, into a large budgetary deficit. 67. But despite this fact we are determined to move forward in this field of international economic development. 68.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

12. “(7) The United States will seek to enlist the assistance of our universities and scientific institutions, joining with those of other co-operating countries, to achieve scientific and technological break-throughs on problems of particular concern to less developed countries. (8) The President of the United States will seek funds from the Congress for international health programmes. 63. We hope that other countries may, during the coming year, also chart long-term programmes to assist economic growth. In thus paving the way for sound, continuing action by many countries, 1959 could become a year of outstanding initiative in the long term process of economic growth. 64. The great challenge of poverty and disease can only be met through vigorous, realistic action.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

13. “(5) The United States is prepared to consider the feasibility of creating an international development association, as an affiliate of the World Bank, under conditions likely to assure broad and effective support. (6) The United States is prepared to provide vigorous support for technical assistance. It will do so through its own programmes, through the United Nations Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, and through a substantial initial contribution to the United Nations new Special projects Fund. This will greatly enlarge the technical-assistance activity of the United Nations.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

14. “(2) The United States will undertake increased efforts to emphasize the constructive role that private initiative can play in economic development. We hope that other nations will also explore these important potentialities. (3) The United States will consider how we might cooperate with regional development programmes, where this is desired by the countries of the region. The wish for a regional approach should be clearly manifested and supported by the Governments of the areas concerned, and there should be evidence that a regional approach has advantages over a bilateral approach. (4) The United States will suggest that consideration be given to the advisability of increasing the capital of the World Bank and the quotas of the International Monetary Fund.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

15. “The people of the United States admire the vigorous efforts of the leaders and the peoples of less developed countries to help themselves. Yet much remains to be done, 61. The United States believes that the time has come for the nations of the world to take stock of accomplishments to date and to chart a new long-term course's of co-operative action. We propose that the nations dedicate the year 1959 to these purposes. 62. Let me mention some of the major steps that the United States would be prepared to take or support in the coming year, subject, of course, to action by our Congress as appropriate: (1) The United States will carry forward its existing development-financing programmes on a vigorous and effective basis.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

16. “In any event, we will continue to press for worldwide measures to reduce the danger of surprise attack. There is now a prospect that technical talks in this field may start in Geneva in November 1958. 58. I turn now to economic development. President Eisenhower, at the recent third emergency special session, made a significant proposal looking to more rapid economic growth in the Near East. The United States hopes that conditions in that area will lead to the effective fulfilment of that proposal. 59. Economic development is, of course, an aspiration shared by all peoples. In the newly independent nations, and indeed in many which have long been independent, there is a burning desire for economic and social progress, for higher standards of living, and for freedom from the slavery of poverty. 60. Much has been accomplished.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

17. “The General Assembly may desire, by an appropriate resolution, to give encouragement to the forthcoming negotiations. 55. The best hope for progress in arms control now seems to rest in taking moderate but concrete steps to reduce the dangers of war. 56. I recall that, some months ago, the Soviet Union complained in the Security Council of Arctic flights by United States military aircraft. The United States, denying that any such flights had occurred, nevertheless proposed the establishment of an inspection zone in the polar region. Such a zone would increase security because it would lessen the possibility of great surprise attack across the top of the world. This constructive proposal received wide acclaim and the world was shocked when it was vetoed by the Soviet Union. 57.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

18. “Today colossal sums which could be devoted to human betterment go into armament. 52. In past months there has been a significant breakthrough on the arms-control front. The United States has long urged that verification techniques were essential to any disarmament agreement. We believe that Governments must have a clear understanding of the practical capabilities of a verification system. The Soviet Union has apparently finally recognized this principle in connexion with a possible arrangement to suspend the testing of nuclear weapons. 53. A technical consensus as to the necessary monitoring system has been reached by qualified experts of different nations. We hope now to begin to negotiate at Geneva a substantive agreement. We do this in expectation that further arms control arrangements will shortly come into effect. 54.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

19. “(3) The planning staff could develop concrete arrangements so that a United Nations decision to employ such a "Peace Force" could be promptly implemented. (4) The costs of the stand-by arrangements should be kept small, and that should be possible if there is no force-in-being to be maintained. 50. These arrangements should make it possible to bring together on short notice a United Nations group to meet a need which has become evident over recent years. Such a group would be an important bulwark of the objectives of the Charter concerning the pacific settlement of disputes. 51. I turn now to measures which will advance human progress as well as the cause of peace. Most important is arms control to reduce, on the one hand, the risk of war and, on the other, the cost of being ready for it.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

20. “Another matter before this session of the General Assembly is the possibility of creating a stand-by United Nations peace force. This was urged by President Eisenhower when he addressed Us last month [733rd meeting, para. 281. 49. The United States suggests the following points for consideration: (1) We conceive of the "Peace Force" not as a combat force, but rather as a group that would observe and patrol, and by its very presence make visible the interest of the world community in the maintenance of tranquillity. Also, we believe that Members other than the permanent members of the Security Council can most usefully contribute personnel. (2) A small planning staff might be created within the United Nations Secretariat to develop stand-by plans for calling into being, deploying and supporting such a "Peace Force".”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

21. “It is our conviction that measures can be taken by the United Nations which will discourage such broad-, casts. This would reinforce the solemn commitment of States in the Near East to "respect the systems of government established in the other member States and regard them as exclusive concerns of these. States" [General Assembly resolution 1237 (ES-III)]. 46. One possibility is a United Nations monitoring system for radio broadcasts from whatever source, crossing national borders in the Near East. Such a system could have a salutary effect. If propagandists realized that their words were being heard in this forum of the world, and being recorded here for possible future action, they might exercise moderation. 47. We hope that the Assembly will consider this problem at the present session. 48.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

22. “Our able Secretary-General, who has just visited the area, will shortly make his report, and we hope it will indicate that the objectives of resolution 1237 (ES-III) are being given practical effect, so that a schedule for early withdrawal of forces can be carried cut. 42. I turn now to a related proposal made by the President of the United States, Mr. Eisenhower, at the third emergency special session, for the monitoring of inflammatory propaganda [733rd meeting, para. 26]. 43. Inflammatory propaganda has been repeatedly condemned by this Organization. Nevertheless, it persists. 44. One of the contributory causes to recent tension in the Near East was broadcasts from certain countries, inciting peoples of other countries to violent acts against the established order. 45.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

23. “If, through deeds, the words are given reality, there will be a new opportunity to promote political, economic and social welfare in the area. 40. We are somewhat, although not wholly, reassured by the course of events thus far. It has seemed practicable, in agreement with the President and the President-elect of Lebanon, to withdraw from Lebanon a second contingent of United States forces. Also, the United States expects to discuss with the new President of Lebanon, soon after he takes office next Tuesday, 23 September 1958, a specific schedule for early withdrawal of the remaining United States forces. 41.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

24. “Just three weeks ago the General Assembly took unanimous action designed to ease a serious situation in the Near East. Significant agreement was reached on three crucial points: (1) States should respect the freedom, independence and integrity of other States and avoid the fomenting of civil strife; (2) The United Nations should buttress this pledge of non-interference in the Near East; (3) United Nations measures to ensure the territorial integrity and independence of these countries would facilitate the early withdrawal of foreign troops from Lebanon and Jordan. 39. It is significant that it was the Arab nations themselves which developed the agreed formula. Thereby they assumed a major responsibility.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

25. “Such reprisals are symptoms of a more basic crime: the continued brutal suppression of the Hungarian people by a puppet regime imposed by Soviet military power. 34. The United Nations cannot let itself be discouraged because its past appeals have been ignored. Every Government that believes in the principle of self-determination, in fundamental human rights, or in the protection of small nations, has a solemn duty to continue to make its position unmistakably clear. 35. The Soviet Government also defies all efforts to achieve the reunification of Germany in freedom. 36. Members of the United Nations that believe in freedom and self-determination for Asia and Africa should equally support it in Eastern Europe, 37. I turn now to the Near East. 38.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

26. “We seek a prompt cease-fire and equitable conditions that will eliminate provocations and leave for peaceful resolution the different claims and counter-claims that are involved. 31. The United States reserves the right to bring this matter to the United Nations if it should seem that the bilateral talks going on in Warsaw between the ambassadors are not going to succeed. 32. I turn now to Hungary. There tragedy continues. The whole civilized world is shocked by the cruel measures of terror and reprisal. The grim hangings of former Hungarian Prime Minister Imre Nagy and General Pal Maleter were perpetrated in shameful secrecy, violated assurances of safe-conduct and no reprisals, and defied the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly. 33.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

27. “The fact is that, when one régime attempts by force to take additional territory which has long been under the authority of another Government, recognized as such by a respectable part of the world community, that is a use of force which endangers world peace. 29. The United States considers that the Chinese Communist armed aggression poses a grave threat, with ominous implications. Surely it demonstrates again, if further demonstration were needed, that the Chinese Communist régime is not "peace-loving" — to use the phrase from our Charter. 30. We believe that a peaceful solution can be found. Talks are going on between the United States and the Chinese Communist ambassadors in Warsaw.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

28. “It condemned the Chinese Communist regime as an aggressor because of its part in that armed attack. 26. I do not ignore the argument that today's Chinese Communist attack is a so-called civil war operation. Andrei Y. Vyshinsky, representative of the Soviet Union, made a parallel argument in 1950. He told us that the war in Korea was purely a "civil war" and that outsiders who intervened were "aggressors". The United Nations overwhelmingly rejected that contention. 27. Also, I do hot ignore the fact that the off-shore islands are physically close to mainland China. But we can scarcely adopt the view that nations are entitled to seize territory by force just because it is near at hand. 28.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

29. “This cannonading was accompanied by an attempted naval interdiction of the islands and by calls upon the defenders of the islands to surrender or be annihilated. 22. I know there are in this situation many complicating factors. But there are two facts that are undisputed and that are decisive. 23. First, the Chinese Communist regime has never during its nine years of existence exercised authority over Taiwan, the P'eng-hu islands, or the islands of Quemoy and Ma-tsu. Secondly, the Chinese Communists are now attempting to extend their authority to these areas by the use of naked force. 24. The issue is thus a simple one: armed conquest. 25. In 1950 the United Nations met that issue squarely. By an overwhelming vote it found that the attack of North Korea to "unify" Korea was armed aggression.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

30. “It has advanced the independence or self-government of peoples ready for such responsibilities. It has stimulated economic development and human betterment. 19. But much remains to be done to reinforce peace and to hasten the progress that can then be achieved. I shall speak first of the problems of peace and then of the opportunities for progress. 20. Let me first turn to the situation in the Taiwan (Formosa) Straits area. 21. On 23 August 1958 the Chinese Communists suddenly launched a heavy bombardment of the Quemoy islands. The artillery was largely supplied by the Soviet Union. Hundreds of thousands of shells rained down on those islands during the ensuing weeks, bringing death and destruction, particularly to civilians.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

31. “16. Mr. President, I wish first of all to congratulate this Assembly that it meets under your presidency. You helped to create this Organization and you have worked with it and for it ever since. Your election to the presidency is a personal tribute that is richly deserved. 17. Let me also congratulate this Assembly on the fact that there has emerged, in the person of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Sudan, one who has also demonstrated the qualities that justify his holding high office in this Organization. We particularly recall his recent contribution to the positive outcome of our emergency special session on the Near East. 18. The United Nations, now in its thirteenth year, continues to work constructively for peace and order. It has promoted the peaceful adjustment of sharp political differences.”

    1958-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 13 (1958)

32. “The United States stands ready to contribute generously to the economic development of the area under conditions which will promote and strengthen the freedom and independence of the nations. This prospect of enlarged freedom and well-being will never be realized, however, so long as the area is looked upon as a subject of conquest and as a potential base for the domination of Europe, Asia and Africa. 52. The United Nations may not be able, by any material power that it can muster, to tranquilize the scene. But we can exert our influence. May we at least do that, and thereby once again serve the cause of peace, hope and happiness.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

33. “Nothing that the United Nations can do should lead to the relaxation for one moment of the vigilance and the efforts of each free nation to maintain its own genuine integrity and independence and that of every other free nation. Nevertheless, when there is such a situation as that which now exists in the Middle East, the General Assembly ought at least to consider it and to discuss it. Discussion, as our Charter suggests in Article 11, paragraph 2, may itself be salutary. The United States reserves the right, in the light of that discussion, to introduce concrete proposals. 51. It is a tragedy that the Middle East, so rich in culture and tradition and contributing so greatly to the material and spiritual welfare of all the world, should be distraught, as it is today.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

34. “Also, we believe that these Soviet acts may lead the recipients of Soviet arms, perhaps unwittingly, into acts of direct aggression. Those who feel an abnormal sense of power, as a result of the recent putting into their hands of large amounts of Soviet-bloc arms, are being incited against their neighbours by violent propaganda. And that, I say, is risky business. 50. Of course, in this situation the primary responsibility rests upon the Member States themselves. It is they who should abstain from acts of aggression, direct or indirect. It is they who have an inherent right of individual and collective self-defence.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

35. “It authorized the President to give economic and military assistance to help the nations of the Middle East to remain independent. It also says, "the United States is prepared to use armed forces to assist any such nation or group of such nations requesting assistance against armed aggression from any country controlled by international communism". On 7 September 1957, President Eisenhower called attention to the danger in Syria and reaffirmed his intention to "exercise as needed", the authority given him by that congressional resolution. 49. The Soviet Communists appear to be engaging in "acts, direct or indirect, aimed at impairing the freedom, independence or integrity" of certain nations of the Middle East in violation of the United Nations "Essentials of peace" resolution.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

36. “The United States has consistently supported the "Essentials of peace" resolution, and has done so specifically in relation to the Middle East. In 1947, when international communism was seeking to take over Greece and threatening Turkey, President Truman said in a speech made on 12 March of that year, "totalitarian regimes imposed on free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace". When the Soviet threat to the Middle East was recently resumed, the Congress of the United States, by a joint resolution adopted on 9 March 1957, declared that "the United States regards as vital to the national interest and world peace the preservation of the independence and integrity of the nations of the Middle East".”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

37. “One consequence of this is that Turkey now faces growing military danger from the major build-up of Soviet arms in Syria on its southern border, a build-up concerted with Soviet military power on Turkey's northern border. Last week the Soviet Union sought by intimidation to prevent Turkey from making internal dispositions of its own security forces. 47. I turn now to recall the position of this Organization with respect to so-called indirect aggression. In 1949, the General Assembly adopted a resolution entitled "Essentials of peace". The resolution calls upon every nation "to refrain from any threats or acts, direct or indirect, aimed at impairing the freedom, independence or integrity of any State ..." [resolution 290 (IV)]. When this resolution was voted upon, the only nations voting against it were the five Soviet-bloc States. 48.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

38. “This technique, as Lenin specified, involves inciting nationalism to break all ties with the West and thus create so total a dependence upon the Soviet Union that it can take full control. 46. So, in 1955, the Soviet rulers began intensive propaganda designed to incite the Arab nations to believe that with Soviet arms, Soviet technicians and Soviet political backing, they could accomplish extreme nationalistic ambitions. This Soviet Communist effort has made progress in Syria. There Soviet-bloc arms were exultantly received and there political power has increasingly been taken over by those who depend upon Moscow. True patriots have been driven from positions of power by arrests or intimidation.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

39. “In 1949, after the adoption of the Marshall Plan and the conclusion of the North Atlantic Treaty, the Soviet Union shifted its principal effort to the Far East. There it supported the Communist revolution in China, the war in Korea and the war in Indo-China. 45. In 1955, after the successful defence of Korea by the United Nations and the conclusion of the South-East Asia Collective Defence Treaty and other defensive pacts, the Soviet rulers again made the Middle East the centre of their external efforts. This time they tried to use, in Arab countries, the technique that Stalin and Lenin had prescribed for bringing about the "amalgamation” — that is their word — of the so-called "colonial and dependent peoples" into the Soviet orbit.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

40. “I turn now to the Middle East, speaking first of a past we would all prefer to forget. But we dare not forget because, unhappily, the past lives in the present. 43. Russia’s rulers have long sought domination in the Middle East. In 1949, when the Soviet leaders were seeking a division of the world with Hitler, they stipulated "that the area south of Batum and Baku in the general direction of the Persian Gulf is recognized as the centre of the aspirations of the Soviet Union" [Molotov communication to the German Ambassador. 25 November 1940]. In the immediate post-war period the Soviet Union prolonged its military occupation of Iran; it sought trusteeship over Libya, and it fomented subversion against Greece. 44. Between 1945 and 1949, however, Central Europe became the principal theatre of Soviet activities.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

41. “If we cannot advance on a universal front, let the nations, wherever possible, draw closer together, so that, within the limits of safety, we may relieve the burden, and reduce the risks, of armament. 41. But let us not fatalistically assume that the Soviet response of last month is its last word. At first, in its aide-mémoire of 27 April 1954, the Soviet Union rejected the proposal for an International Atomic Energy Agency, calling it a scheme which would serve only "aggressive forces". We persisted then; let us persist now. if this Organization will put the weight of its influence behind the principles of the joint proposals, it is not impossible that those principles will yet obtain universal acceptance. Since the stakes are so high, no chance, however slight, should be left untried. 42.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

42. “Also, there is need better to assure that the vast power which now resides in armaments shall serve only for security and never as an instrument of purely nationalistic policies. 39. There are today about fifty nations which have made collective defence pacts as authorized by Article 51 of our Charter. Such a framework is conducive to the development and application of these principles. For the very purpose of collective security is to enable each party to get more security with less armament. Already, for example, in Western Europe, there is on the one hand the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], which calls for contributions to a common defence and on the other hand the 1954 NATO treaty for Western European Union, which provides for limitations upon national armaments. 40.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

43. “They accept what, to some of them, seem sacrifices and to others risks, in order to chart a course which will reduce the danger of war — not just nuclear war, but all war. Whether or not the Soviet Union today refuses to follow in that course, we can be confident that the enlightened efforts that produced these proposals will not have been in vain. Even if the Soviet Union now rejects the joint proposals, those proposals should not, on that account, be regarded as dead. Their principles are valid and will live on. 38. The search for limitation of armaments cannot be held in a state of suspense. Economic considerations alone require efforts to relieve the peoples of the terrible burden of armaments.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

44. “We cannot believe that that sweeping, almost contemptuous, Soviet rejection is final. Never before have so many nations, of such great military power, joined to make proposals so far-reaching. Any Government that summarily rejects them would accept a frightful responsibility before all the world. 36. Humanity faces a tragic future if the threat of war is not brought under control, for that would mean that men, in order to survive, must learn to live as burrowers in the earth to find protection against death. It would mean that man would be a slave to the rapidly mounting costs of an arms race. It would mean that individual freedom would give way to the requirements of survival. 37. The free-world members of the Sub-Committee on Disarmament reject that future.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

45. “Last March, the United States and the United Kingdom declared their intention to conduct nuclear tests only in such a manner as would keep world radiation from rising to more than a small fraction of what might be hazardous. Indeed, because each year a percentage of radio-activity dies away, we have reason to hope that, in the future, any needed testing can be accomplished without any material raising whatsoever of the levels of radio-activity in the world. 35. The joint proposals which I described derive from months, even years, of effort and discussion. They were submitted formally on 29 August 1957. The Soviet Union representative instantly rejected them. He declared them a "sham”. He went on to insist that the work of the Sub-Committee on Disarmament should be recessed, and he refused to agree on a date for the resumption of its task.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

46. “But if the Soviet Union rejects inspection against surprise attack, if it rejects a world-wide system to end the production of fissionable material for weapons purposes, if it rejects co-operation to prevent the promiscuous spreading of nuclear weapons throughout the world, if it refuses to start a reciprocal reduction of existing stockpiles of such weapons, then we doubt that it is prudent to forgo efforts to make nuclear weapons into discriminating defensive weapons substantially free of radio-active fall-out. 33. It is, of course, essential that experimentation with nuclear weapons should not itself carry a threat to human life. The United States has a concern second to none in this matter. We shall invite the United Nations to send observers to one of our next tests so that they can see how these tests are conducted. 34.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

47. “And does the Soviet Union not want nuclear weapons to be refined into effective defensive weapons which could repel an aggressive attack by those who control the most manpower? 31. We want to reduce, to the maximum extent possible, the danger of surprise attack and thus the danger of war itself. We want, to the maximum extent possible, to stop the future use of fissionable material for weapons purposes. We want existing stockpiles of nuclear weapons to start on their way downwards. We want to end the risk that nuclear weapons will spread promiscuously throughout the world, giving irresponsible persons a power for evil that is appalling even to contemplate. 32.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

48. “Also, we seek to make nuclear weapons into discriminating weapons, suitable for defence against attacking troops, submarines and bombers, and for the interception of intercontinental missiles. 30. The Soviet Union seems not to want the character of nuclear weapons thus to be refined and changed. It seems to like it that nuclear weapons can be stigmatized as "horror" weapons. Does it calculate that, under these conditions, Governments subject to moral and religious influences will not be apt to use them, and that the Soviet Union, not itself subject to moral or religious restraints, would thereby gain a special freedom of action and initiative as regards such weapons?”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

49. “Fourthly, the joint proposals would establish a study of outer space to the end that it shall be used only for peaceful, and not for military purposes. The Soviet Union has announced that it has discovered ways to use outer space to wreak vast destruction anywhere. That is no new discovery. The United States, too, knows how that can be done. Our task is to see that it is not done. 28. Finally, the joint proposals also contemplate beginning to reduce the number of armed forces and putting a part of the present stock of armaments into internationally supervised depots. 29. Let me say here a few words about the much debated matter of testing. We seek, by experiments now carefully controlled, to find out how to eliminate the hazardous radio-active material now incident to the explosion of thermo-nuclear weapons.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)

50. “They provide that, once an adequate control system is established, no fissionable material shall ever again be produced for weapons purposes, and that existing fissionable material available for weapons will be regularly reduced by transfers to non-weapons purposes. Most experts, including those of the Soviet Union, agree that there is no dependable way to control existing stocks of fissionable material and to exclude their clandestine use. But we believe that it is possible to assure that no fissionable material hereafter produced shall be used for weapons purposes. That we propose to assure, and surely that is worth doing. 26. In the third place, the joint proposals call for suspending the testing of nuclear weapons for two years and thereafter if other aspects of the programme are moving forward as agreed. 27.”

    1957-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 12 (1957)