YouSaid · the spoken record

Dulles

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS DULLES

lines on the record: 160
first: 1953-09-24
most recent: 1958-09-24
sittings or episodes: 5
sources: un-general-debate

Every line below is reproduced as it was said and linked to the record it came from. Nothing here is summarised or generated. Directory · Search · Corrections

“The crux of the Soviet position was that, even before it will engage in real negotiations on disarmament, it insists upon a paper ban by the major Powers of all use of nuclear elements. The great shield, the supreme deterrent, must first be abandoned, leaving the free nations exposed to the communists’ unrivalled manpower. Once that inequality has been assured, then — perhaps — the Soviet Union will negotiate further from its then gained position of assured supremacy. Such procedure would not increase the security of any free nation. 113.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“We sought to find out whether a fresh approach to the problem could achieve a solution acceptable to the Soviet Union as well as to the free world. The record of these meetings has now been made public. It shows that the representatives of Canada, France, the United Kingdom and the United States tried with patience and with ingenuity to explore all avenues of agreement with the Soviet Union which would be consistent with the security of all nations. Once more we made it clear, as we have again and again in the past, that we seek to eliminate the use of atomic energy for any purpose other than the purposes of peace. 112. These efforts were met by a flat refusal by the Soviet Union even to discuss our proposals on their merits.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“But a programme can be made and vitalized to assure that atomic energy can bring to millions a better way of life. To achieve that result is our firm resolve. 109. Closely allied to this question of the peaceful uses of atomic energy is the whole vast and complex question of disarmament. 110. At this Assembly last year the United States affirmed its ardent desire to reduce the burden of armament. I stated here [434th meeting] that the United States would vigorously carry forward the technical studies on armament control and limitation which are vital to any solution of this problem. 111. Last spring, the United States participated in discussions in London with the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, France and Canada on a Sub-Committee of our Disarmament Commission.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“107. I want to make it perfectly clear that our planning excludes no nation from participation in this great venture. As our proposals take shape, all nations interested in participating and willing to take on the responsibilities of membership will be welcome to join with us in the planning and the execution of this programme. 108. Even though much is denied us by Soviet negation, nevertheless much remains that can be done. There is denied the immense relaxation of tension which might have occurred had the Soviet Union been willing to begin to co-operate with other nations in relation to what offers so much to fear, so much to hope. Nevertheless, there is much to be accomplished in the way of economic and humanitarian gains. There is no miracle to be wrought overnight.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“These efforts have been and will be directed primarily towards the following ends: (a) The creation of an international agency, whose initial membership will include nations from all regions of the world — and it is hoped that such an agency will start its work as early as next year; (b) The calling of an international scientific conference, to consider this whole vast subject, to meet in the spring of 1955 under the auspices of the United Nations; (c) The opening early next year, in the United States, of a reactor training school where students from abroad may learn the working principles of atomic energy with specific regard to its peacetime uses; (d) The invitation to a substantial number of medical and surgical experts from abroad to participate in the work of our cancer hospitals — in which atomic energy techniques are among the most hopeful approaches to controlling this menace to mankind.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“We are determined that it shall be nurtured and developed, and we shall press on in close partnership with those nations which, inspired by the ideals of the United Nations, can make this great new force a tool of humanitarianism and of statesmanship, and not merely a fearsome addition to the arsenal of war. 106. The United States here proposes an agenda item which will enable us to report further on our efforts to explore and to develop the vast possibilities for the peaceful uses of atomic energy.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“To date, the Soviet Union Government has shown no willingness to participate in the implementation of President Eisenhower’s plan except on this completely unacceptable condition. Yesterday, when it was known that I would speak on this topic today, the Soviet Union broke a five months silence by delivering a note in Moscow affirming its readiness to talk further. But the note still gave no indication that the Soviet Union had receded from its negative position. 104. The United States, of course, remains ready to negotiate with the Soviet Union, but we are not ready to suspend any longer our efforts to establish an international atomic agency. 105. The United States is determined that President Eisenhower’s proposal shall not languish until it dies.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Its initial dimensions were not sufficient to impair the military capacity of the Soviet Union, and there was no apparent reason for its rejection. Above all, it was a practicable, easily workable plan, not dependent upon elaborate surveillance. 102. Nevertheless, the proposal was in effect rejected by the Soviet Union last April. Its rejection was not because of any alleged defects in the plan itself. Any such defects would certainly have been subject to negotiation. The Soviet position was, in effect, to say, “We will not co-operate to develop peacetime uses of atomic energy unless it is first of all agreed to renounce all those uses which provide the free nations with their strongest defence against aggression”. 103.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“So, the United States, after consultation with others, prepared and submitted a concrete, detailed proposal to carry out President Eisenhower’s great conception. I myself met several times with the Soviet Foreign Minister at Berlin and at Geneva to discuss this matter. We are quite willing that all documents exchanged between the United States and the Soviet Union during these negotiations should be published. 100. We hoped and believed that if the Soviet Union would join with the United States, the United Kingdom and other nations possessing fissionable material and atomic “know-how”, this act of co-operation might set a pattern which would extend itself elsewhere. 101. The plan we submitted could not have hurt anyone. It was motivated by the hope of lifting the darkest cloud that hangs over mankind.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“I vividly recall that day — 8 December 1953 — [470th meeting] — when we here heard President Eisenhower propose that the nations possessing atomic material should co-operate under the auspices of the United Nations to create a world atomic bank into which they would each contribute fissionable material that would then be used for the purposes of productivity rather than of destruction. I shared the drama of that moment and sensed the universal applause which then greeted that proposal — applause which echoed round the world. 99. Because it oftentimes seems that negotiations publicly conducted with the Soviet Union tend to become mere propaganda contests, President Eisenhower proposed that these new negotiations should be privately conducted.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The peoples of Asia who are already free or who seek freedom need not remain weak, divided and unsupported in the face of the new imperialism which has already reduced to colonial servitude 800 million people of what were once fifteen truly independent nations. 97. The past year has been marked by intensive effort in the field of atomic energy. The United States has sought to share its commanding position in this field in ways which would permit many to join in a great new adventure in human welfare. We hoped to turn atomic energy from an instrument of death into a source of the enrichment of life. 98.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The Manila Pact constitutes significant action taken under the United Nations Charter, which recognizes the inherent right r, t only of individual, but also of collective, self-defence. Those who cry out when others exercise their inherent right of self-defence only expose their own aggressive purposes. 96. The Manila Conference did much more than extend the area of collective security. It adopted a document known as the Pacific Charter. By that Charter the eight nations, Asian and non-Asian, which were meeting at Manila proclaimed in ringing terms the principles of self-determination, self-government and independence. This Charter, and the spirit of fellowship which gave it birth, should serve to end once and for all the myth that there is an inherent incompatibility between the East and the West.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“An eight-year conflict of mounting intensity was brought to a close. We can all rejoice that there has been an end to the killing. On the other hand, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that several hundred thousand persons in North Viet-Nam have, at their desire, been transferred to non-Communist areas and that there still remain millions unwillingly subject to an alien despotism. In this case, an end to fighting has been bought at a heavy price. The final result is still obscure. 95. One result, however, has been the driving home to the nations interested in South-East Asia of the importance of a collective organization for defence against further aggression. At Manila this month, eight nations met, and negotiated and signed a treaty calling for collective defence against aggression.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“They insisted that the United Nations must itself be treated as an instrument of aggression and debarred from any activity in relation to Korea. That counter-proposal, insulting to the United Nations, was unanimously rejected by those who proudly hailed the Korean action of the United Nations as the first example in all history of an international organization which in fact acted effectively against armed aggression. 93. The United States did not conclude that the unification of Korea must await another war. We have exerted all the influence that we possess in favour of a peaceful solution of the Korean problem, and we have not lost faith that such a solution is still possible. 94. At the Geneva Conference, the belligerents in Indo-China also dealt with the problem of peace.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“They are alert to the peril and are working actively to surmount it. 91. Last year, when I spoke here about Korea, I was able to report an armistice. That, I said, had occurred not because the Communist aggressors loved peace but because they had come up against an effective military barrier. I went on to say [434th meeting, para. 16]: “The Korean political conference, if the Communists come to it, will afford a better test.” 92. It took seven months of arduous negotiations to bring about the political conference. When it occurred in Geneva, the United Nations side proposed the unification of Korea on the basis of free all-Korean elections to be supervised by the United Nations. This proposal was rejected by the communist side.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“That concept was born out of a recognition that the best guarantee of permanent peace in Europe was an organic unity which would include France and-Germany, and also that, if this unity merged the military forces of those two, and other European countries, their non-aggressive character would be assured — for such forces would clearly be unavailable for use except as the whole Community recognized the need for defensive action. 90. The votes of Communist deputies more than accounted for the parliamentary majority which in one country shelved the EDC. Thus, they acted to perpetuate European divisions which have .recurrently bred wars. The free nations concerned, however, do not accept with resignation the perpetuation of what, historically, has been the world’s worst fire-hazard.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“Nevertheless, here again we do not accept as final the denial of justice to unhappy Austria — the first victim of Hitlerite aggression and the object of the 1943 Moscow pledge of freedom and independence. The three Western Powers, constant in the spirit of peace, have again within recent days urged the Soviet Union to sign the Austrian State treaty as a deed which, far more than platitudinous words, will show whether other matters can be fruitfully discussed. 89. The problem of peace in Europe has become further complicated because of the recent, setback to the consummation of the European Defence Community (EDC).”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“I pointed out that as between the occupying Powers there was “no substantial item of disagreement” [434th meeting, para. 27], At the Berlin Conference, the three Western occupying Powers eliminated the last vestige of disagreement by accepting the Soviet Union version of every article on which there was disagreement. It seemed, for a fleeting moment, that the Austrian treaty might be signed. Then the Soviet Union invented a new condition: it said that it would not free Austria from Soviet occupation until a German peace treaty had been concluded. 88. Now, there cannot be a German peace treaty until Germany is united. And so it goes on: Austria continues to be an indefinitely occupied nation.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In an effort to eliminate those risks, I went to Berlin last January to confer with the Foreign Ministers of the other three occupying Powers. There, the United States joined with the United Kingdom and France in presenting a proposal for the unification of Germany through free elections — elections which would be supervised by the United Nations or by some comparable impartial body. The Soviet Union countered with proposals which added up to an extension of the Soviet orbit to the Rhine. Accordingly, the dangerous division of Germany still persists. But, I may add, something else still persists — and that is our resolve, in the spirit of peace, to end the cruel injustice which is being done to Germany. 87. Last year, I also spoke of the Austrian treaty as being long overdue.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The American States at that time urged that their tested relationship should be co-ordinated with, and not totally replaced by, the United Nations, which they felt might not be dependable because of the veto power in the Security Council. It was therefore decided at that time to make regional associations a major feature of the United Nations peace system. 85. This year, the Organization of American States showed anew that it is ready, able and willing to maintain regional peace. Thereby, the provisions of our United Nations Charter have been vindicated, and the foundation for peace in the American hemisphere has been solidified. 86. Last year, when I spoke here, I said [434th meeting, para. 25] that “the division of Germany cannot be perpetuated without grave risk?”.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“In Guatemala, there developed an identifiable threat to the peace and security of this hemisphere. The American States exchanged views about this danger and were about to meet to deal with it collectively when the Guatemalan people themselves eliminated the threat. 84. In this connexion, there was occasion for the United Nations to apply the principles of our Charter, which, while affirming the universal jurisdiction of this Organization, do call for a resort first to regional arrangements, before resort to the Security Council. Those provisions had been hammered out in the course of debate at San Francisco, when our Charter was adopted.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The inter-American system rests on a long tradition of co-operation for freedom and peace in this hemisphere. Faithfulness to that tradition and pride in it have served to spare this hemisphere from such wars as have tragically ravaged Europe and Asia during the last century and more. Last March, the tenth Conference of the Organization of American States met at Caracas, deliberated and declared that, if international communism gained control of the political institutions of any American State, that would be a danger to the peace and security of them all and would call for collective action to remove the threat. However aggressive communism may be adjudged elsewhere, we in this hemisphere, without exception, know that its intrusion here would open up grave conflicts, the like of which, happily, we have not known before. 83.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“The efforts which have been made during this past year are not to be appraised merely by whether in fact they have produced concrete settlements. The very fact of making intelligent, resolute and united efforts to seek just settlements has contributed of itself to peace, for it shows a dynamic spirit and a vigilance which are a warning to any potential aggressor. In the past, peace has often been lost by default. That, let us resolve, shall never happen again. 81. I cannot, of course, here touch upon the manifold activities which have recently occurred within and without this Organization. I shall therefore focus mainly upon certain political efforts with which my own country was actively associated as a partner. 82. Let me first speak of the Organization of American States.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“One reason is that men have never put into winning the peace efforts comparable to those which they put into winning a war. Mankind will never have lasting peace so long as men reserve their full resources for tasks of war. To preserve peace, and to do so without the sacrifice of essential freedoms, requires constant effort, sustained courage and at times a willingness to accept grave risks. That is the true spirit of peace. 79. During the year since we last met, many nations have actively worked together on behalf of a just and durable peace. There have been moments when it seemed the scales were precariously balanced between war and peace. That hazardous equation still exists, but at least we see the hazard and we strive to tip the balance in favour of peace. 80.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“I come to the opening of the ninth session of the General Assembly with a deep sense of the significance of this occasion. This annual gathering of the representatives of sixty nations represents mankind’s most hopeful effort to achieve peace with justice. Here is made manifest the close interdependence of today’s world, and also the vast opportunity for constructive results which lies in good partnership efforts. 78. The people of the United States believe wholeheartedly in the Purposes and Principles set out in the Charter of the United Nations. That document marks a milestone in the understanding of the nature of peace. It recognizes that peace is not merely a passive concept, but a call to action. It is not enough to dislike war and to denounce it. War has been hated throughout the ages. Yet war has been recurrent throughout the ages.”
1954-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 9 (1954)
“That should be the overriding dedication of all the nations represented here. It is, 1 assure the Assembly, the dedication of the delegation and the nation for which I have the honour to speak.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“49. To a large extent, the simple wants of the people are denied them because of international tensions. Even these are not always within the direct competence of this Assembly. Some of the problems of which I have spoken are the primary responsibility of other international groupings. That, however, does not mean that these problems are beyond the influence of the members of this Assembly, and that is why I have spoken here of them. This Assembly is the only world forum where the attitudes of the world community make themselves felt. No one can take part in the deliberations of this Assembly without feeling the impact of moral forces. It is an impact which none can disdain. 50. In these coming days, we can — and I think we shall — set up influences which will move the nations nearer to the goal for which all the peoples yearn.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“They want the opportunity to exchange views with others and to persuade and be persuaded by what appeals to their reason and their conscience. They want the right to live in their homes without fear. They want the opportunity to draw together in the intimacy of family life, of community life, and to establish worthy and honourable traditions which they can pass on to their children and their children’s children. They want to be able to work productively and creatively in congenial tasks of their own choosing and to enjoy the fruits of their labours. They want governments to which they consent. Surely it is not beyond the wit of man to make it possible to satisfy such wants and to put to rout the vast impersonal forces which seem imperiously to demand that humanity be bent and broken merely to produce the engines for its own destruction.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We should also welcome suggestions from those non-member nations which aspire to membership and are excluded by the veto in the Security Council. Today, the number and influence of those nations is so great that their views should not be excluded in considering the future of an organization designed to include all peace-loving nations able and willing to carry out the obligations of the Charter. 48. Surely it is possible to make this Organization more responsive to the needs of our peoples. Those peoples want only simple things. They want the opportunity to worship God in accordance with the dictates of their conscience. They want the opportunity to think in accordance with the dictates of their reason.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“This year, the United States Senate adopted a resolution appointing a special committee, of which Senator Wiley is chairman, to study proposals for amending the Charter. Many private United States organizations have shown their desire for a Charter review, and they are preparing for it. 46. The review conference will not work miracles, but it can be of major importance. In order, however, to achieve the best results, the task should promptly engage the best thought and attention of all Member nations- not merely their governments, but also private organizations. The influence of private groups was not adequately felt in 1945, because the .Second World War had not yet ended and normal communications were lacking in much of the world. 47.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“There were other provisions of the Charter which were adopted with great reluctance and concern. It was possible to secure acceptance of the Charter at San Francisco only by means of a provision assuring that there would be an opportunity to review it in the light of experience. It is already apparent, after eight years, that this opportunity should be grasped. 45. In 1948, the United States Senate adopted a resolution calling for the elimination of the veto power from all questions involving the pacific settlement of international disputes under Chapter VI of the Charter and the admission of new Members. The resolution also called for a revision of the Charter under Article 109 of the Charter, if the United Nations should not otherwise have been strengthened.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“That Article provides that unless a review conference is held earlier, the tenth session of the General Assembly, to be held in 1955, shall have on its agenda the question of calling such a conference. I have no doubt that a review conference will be held. Article 109 was put into the Charter in an effort to allay the very large measure of dissatisfaction which was felt at San Francisco with many of the provisions of the Charter. 44. Many nations, particularly the smaller nations, objected strongly to what they thought was an excessive award of power to the permanent members of the Security Council. They feared that the Security Council would prove unworkable localise of disagreements among the great Towers. Unhappily, these fears have in large measure materialized.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“On the contrary, we believe that they have laid the foundation for quick action once the general atmosphere makes this possible. But these studies need to be carried to a still higher state of completion. So far as the United States is concerned, we are prepared to dedicate ourselves with renewed vigour to this high task. Given a concrete demonstration of an equal desire on the part of the Soviet Union to negotiate honestly and sincerely on the substance of these matters, we are confident that the work can usefully go forward. 43. I note that the Argentine, Egyptian and Netherlands delegations have proposed agenda items dealing with Charter revision pursuant to Article 109.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“When that moment comes the nations should be able to seize it. We must not let that moment escape because it might, perhaps, never be recaptured. But to seize that moment when it comes requires that the technical analysis of the problem should before then have been advanced. 41. The United States has already put forward a series of proposals here which have attracted widespread support. Upon these we are not inflexible, except that we do insist that any proposals must meet one fundamental test there must be effective safeguards to ensure the compliance of all nations and to give adequate warning of possible evasions or violations. 42. We do not believe that the studies which have been made up to now have involved a waste of time.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“We know that even as between nations of goodwill it is difficult to find a workable formula to do that. The task cannot, perhaps, be finally solved in the conditions of distrust which exist today, but that does not mean that the task should be abandoned, or even that it should be postponed. We believe, on the contrary, that there should be intensified study of the problem of limitation and control of all categories of armaments. There is a vast amount of technical work which needs to be done preparatory to any final solution, and without that preparatory work no final solution would be practicable. 40. We have faith that the time may come — it might come quickly and suddenly — when political leaders will be prepared to put into effect international agreements limiting armaments.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Also he pointed out the desire of the United States to divert expenditures from destruction to construction which would particularly benefit the under-developed areas of the world. lie recognized that it would be difficult to alter the armaments situation markedly while there existed the present measure of distrust, lie called for deeds, such as those which I have outlined, which would relax the tension. Then he went on to say that “as progress in all of these areas strengthens world trust, we could proceed concurrently with the next great work — a reduction of the burden of armament now weighing upon the world”. I emphasize this word “concurrently”. 39. The United Nations here has, for some years, been dealing with the problem of armaments.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“At the same time, let me make it clear that we recognize that the United States and others have their contributions to make and their obligations to fulfil. That is true both in relation to the USSR and in relation to what our Charter calls “Non-Self-Governing Territories”. 37. I say, on behalf of the Government of the United States, that we are prepared to show in ourselves the spirit which we invoke in others. Such a spirit, if it is mutual, should make it possible to tackle hopefully what is perhaps the greatest problem — that of controlling the forces which could destroy us all. 38. On 16 April, President Eisenhower expressed eloquently and vividly the terrible danger to humanity from present weapons.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“I have, however, spoken of the major causes of present tension and have, I hope, made clear the willingness of the United States to discuss them all. So far the invitations in which we have joined with others of those represented here remain unanswered. 35. Governments which exert themselves without reserve to the creation of ever more powerful means of mass destruction, which tolerate no delay and spare no expense in these matters, and which, at the same time, arc dilatory, evasive or negative towards curing the situations which could bring these destructive forces into play - such governments cannot but stand morally condemned. 36. The Soviet Union can make a great contribution towards the relaxing of these tensions which threaten to develop into major disasters.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“But we foresee that unless Soviet policies are changed, those policies will, in their actual operation, create precisely such surrounding animosity and hostility as Soviet policy, understandably, wants to avoid. 33. Policies which will permit Korea to be united and free, which will allow independence to come peacefully to Indo-China, which will unite Germany and free Austria, which will enable the neighbours of the USSR to enjoy national independence, and which will end the dedication of the Soviet Communist Party to the violent overthrow of independent governments — such are the policies which would go far to end the present tensions. 34. There are, of course, other ways to reduce tensions. I have by no means exhausted all the possibilities.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Our hope is that the Soviet leaders, before it is too late, will recognize that love of God, love of country and the sense of human dignity always survive. Repressive measures inevitably lead to resentment and bitterness and perhaps something more. That does not come about by artificial stimulation; it comes about because the Creator has endowed all human beings with the spark of spiritual life. 32. We can understand the desire of the people of the Soviet Union to have friends. The American people, in the past, have often shown, by generous deeds, their friendship with the people of the Soviet Union. We can understand the particular desire of the people of the Soviet Union to have close neighbours who are friendly. We sympathize also with that desire. The United States does not want to see the USSR encircled by hostile peoples.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Also, we believe, as Abraham Lincoln put it, that there is “something in that Declaration giving liberty not alone to the people of this country but hope to the world for all future time”. No peace can be enduring which repudiates the concept that government should rest on free consent, or which denies to others the opportunity to embrace that concept. We do not conceal that conviction and no United States government could, if it would, contain it. 30. But our creed does not call for exporting revolution or inciting others to violence. Let me make that emphatic. We believe that violent change usually destroys what it would gain. We put our hopes upon the cast possibilities of peaceful change. 31.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The people there are essentially a religious people, and they are essentially a patriotic people. They have a spiritual faith that is enduring and great traditions that will never be forgotten. It is not in the interest of peace or of the other goals of our Charter that the once independent peoples of Europe should feel that they can no longer live by their traditions and by their faith. 29. It is charged that unrest exists among them only as it is artificially stimulated from without. That is true only in the sense that faith is a contagious thing which penetrates even curtains of iron. The American people, like many others, hold to the belief which our founders expressed in the Declaration of Independence, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Austria presents another test case. At the Foreign Ministers meeting held in Moscow in 1943, the Governments of the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States declared their purpose to restore the independence of Austria. That declaration remains to be honoured. An Austrian State treaty was virtually completed six-and-one-half years ago, and today there is no substantial item of disagreement. The Soviet Union has now said that it prefers not to continue to deal with this matter through the deputies of the Foreign Ministers. The three Western occupying Powers have offered to conclude an Austrian treaty at a meeting of the Foreign Ministers which has been proposed. So far that proposal has met with no response. 28. The entire situation in Eastern and Central Europe is bound to be a cause of deep concern.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The people of the Soviet Union, like the French people, have not forgotten what their nation suffered from Hitlerite Germany during the Second World War. They expect, and they are entitled to expect, assurances against a repetition of such events. And that is also the ardent wish of the German people themselves. And that is, indeed, the large purpose of the European Defence Community. It will merge German military strength into the structure of a non-aggressive European community. No single member of that community will have the national military strength to serve national ambitions. That is a result which the Soviet leaders should welcome if they honestly want peace. So the three Western Powers have again sought a meeting with the Soviet Union to accomplish the unification of Germany. So far, our proposals have met with no response. 27.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“This was deemed a convenient way for the Allies to administer the first phases of the surrender terms. It was never intended that Germany should be permanently partitioned. Over four years ago, the United Kingdom, France and the United States put their zones together and enabled the Germans there to have free elections and to build their own political community. The Germans in the Soviet zone have been denied that unity and that opportunity. This division of Germany cannot he perpetuated without grave risks, for no great people will calmly accept mutilation. 26. Since the Foreign Ministers Conference held in Moscow in 1947, many efforts have been made to unite Germany and to establish through free elections an all-German government with which peace could be dependably negotiated. The task has proved to be one of immense difficulty.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“The communist-dominated armies in Indo-China have no shadow of a claim to be regarded as the champions of an independent movement. If the Soviet bloc countries outside Indo-China persist in promoting war in Indo-China, they cannot be surprised if their conduct is taken as proof that they adhere to the design of extending their rule by methods of violence. 23. South-east Asia affords the Soviet leaders a chance to give substance to their peaceful words, and we anxiously await their verdict. 24. Germany is another place where the present purposes of the great Powers face an inescapable testing. 25. When Germany surrendered over eight years ago. four zones of occupation were created, one each for the United Kingdom, France, the United States and the Soviet Union.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“Communist forces are seeking to gain political power by military violence. Their military strength comes from the steady flow of military supplies from communist China and the Soviet Union and from the Soviet-controlled Skoda munition works. The pretext, until now, has been that the Associated States of Indo-China were mere colonies, and that the communist war was designed to promote “independence” rather than to expand by violence the Soviet camp. 22. It is no longer possible to support such a pretext. The French Government, by its declaration of 3 July 1953, has announced its intention of completing the process of transferring to the governments of the three Associated States all the remaining powers that are needed to perfect their independence to their own satisfaction.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“A response was made on 15 September, a response, however, which merely made reference to a proposal which the Chinese Communists had made to the members of this Assembly asking the Assembly to reopen its past decision and to renew its ten-day debate of last month with reference to the composition of the conference. Meanwhile, 28 October, the last day for the opening of the conference as recommended by the Armistice Agreement, is rapidly approaching, without any possibility of making the necessary time-consuming preparations. One is forced to question whether the communist side really wants to comply with the Armistice Agreement and face up to the problem of withdrawing their forces from Korea and creating a united and independent Korea. 21. Let me turn to Indo-China. There, the fighting continues.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“If the Soviet Union and communist China are willing to renounce ambitions which would be served by the control of North Korea, then it should be possible to unite Korea under conditions which will enable the Koreans freely to manage their own affairs. 20. So far, it seems to us that the communist side is pursuing dilatory tactics. The United States, pursuant to the General Assembly resolution [711 (VII)] of 28 August 1953, after consultation among the seventeen nations nominated to represent the United Nations side, proposed a specific time and a specific place for the meeting of the political conference. This proposal was received by the Chinese Communists on 5 September.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)
“It has been a long time since the Koreans have truly been masters of their own destiny. Now we seek tilt opportunity to determine whether any one of the great Powers wants to use Korea again for its own purposes or whether we all will renounce such ambitions so that there can at last be a united Korea for free Koreans. 18. The United States itself seeks no pretext for using Korea as a place for building up a military outpost on the Asian mainland. We are eager to bring our troops home. The Republic of Korea has no ambitions which run beyond Korea. Japan has loyally undertaken to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any other country. 19.”
1953-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 8 (1953)