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“I do not for a moment criticize those countries for taking timely precautions. But then they, and particularly their Press and some of their clerics, should not criticize and attack South Africa for taking similar precautions, and for far more valid and far more urgent reason?. 116. Let me remind our critics and enemies that if the system of differentiation practised in South Africa is to be regarded as discrimination, then it is practised also against the White population. Whites are not allowed to enter the Bantu residential areas without permits; they enjoy no trading rights in Bantu townships. Similarly, Whites are debarred from land ownership in the Bantu homelands or territories and they, are not permitted to participate in the Bantu Authorities. Eventually Whites will be barred from trading in the Bantu homelands. 117.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Would the United States of America, Canada, the Latin American countries—all countries whose respective early histories of colonization are similar to that of South Africa—be prepared, if their relative proportions of White to non-White populations were the same as in South Africa, to hand over the control of their countries to Negro or to Indian majorities? That, I think, is a pertinent question which demands an answer. 115. Why is it that certain Western countries with large White populations are taking steps to limit the quotas of non-White immigrants? Is it because in those countries racial friction has already manifested itself and they are taking timely precautions to prevent the extension of such friction? Are they perhaps worried about the formation of racial political blocs or pressure groups, particularly in the larger centres?”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“By providing the necessary labour, non-Whites contributed their share to the development of the country. 113. Fourthly, the White population of South Africa is now being told by African countries and by some of the Asian countries, and also by the delegations of certain Western countries, that what has been built up over three centuries by their forebears and by successive generations of White South Africans, must be placed under the control of the non-Whit^ majority. That will be the logical consequence of the demand for full political equality in the same State. But then I would add, there can be full political equality if each of the races in the State is to have its own separate political development, which is the policy of the present Government. 114.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Their ancestors moved southwards from East and Central Africa and crossed the Limpopo River at about the same time as the original Dutch settlers arrived at the Cape. At that time the only inhabitants of the southern end of Africa were nomadic groups of Hottentots and Bushmen. The Bantu living in South Africa today, therefore, have no greater claim to the southern end of the African continent than the White population. 112. Thirdly, as was correctly stated by Mr. Tom Mboya, South Africa is today a highly developed and industrialized country—the most highly industrialized country on the continent of Africa. This was accomplished against tremendous odds with considerable sacrifices, and by the initiative of South Africans of European descent.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On the contrary, as I have pointed out, in these respects far more is done in South Africa for the Bantu and other non-Whites than in any other State in the whole African continent, 109. In order to appreciate the position in South Africa, the following basic facts must be borne in mind. 110. First, the White population of South Africa is a permanent one whose ancestors came to the country more than three hundred years ago. We are not "colonists", as is so often erroneously alleged. We cannot return to the countries of our forefathers. We are strangers in those countries, just as the Roosevelts, the Eisenhowers, the Diefenbakers and the Vanderoilts are today strangers in the countries of their forebears. Hi. Secondly, the Bantu, or black, peoples of South Africa are not the original inhabitants of the country.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I want to inform the Assembly, as I did on a previous occasion, that never in the history of the Union of South Africa, now the Republic of South Africa, has there ever yet been a single -instance of organized attacks by Whites on non-Whites. Again I ask, why pick on South Africa? 108. The main complaint is that the large non-White majority does not share full political equality with the Whites, that the principle of "one man one vote" is not applied. It is not seriously contended by our critics and enemies that the non-Whites in South Africa are oppressed—they say so but they do not seriously mean it—or that their material needs, housing, social services and education, are not attended to.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Does it help them in any way if the central government of a particular country frowns" against racial discrimination, while it is sanctioned and not prohibited by municipal, provincial and state authorities of that country? Have the leaders of the African delegations in this Assembly taken note of this "unofficial" type of racial segregation? 107. And what about the almost criminal neglect of the needs of small non-White communities in certain Western countries? Why pick on South Africa? Are there perhaps political and particularly economic and financial considerations which induce the leaders of African States to close their eyes to the actual practice of colour discrimination as well as religious, caste and other forms of discrimination, in certain countries, while threatening sanctions against South Africa?”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“May I say that African leaders who, I am sure, keep in touch with happenings in other parts of the world, are, of course, aware of the fact that colour and racial discrimination are practised in certain Western and also in certain Eastern countries that are Members of this Organization. 106. The reply is generally: "Yes, but in those countries discrimination and segregation are not sanctioned by law, as in the case of South Africa". Leaving aside for the moment the question, whether South Africa's policy of differentiation and separate development is the same as discrimination and segregation practised in other countries, that reply . offers little comfort to the non-Whites in those countries who are the victims of racial discrimination and segregation.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On the other hand, where certain South African countries have taken measures to boycott imports from South Africa we have not retaliated and their exports are still freely admitted to South Africa. 104. Mr. Tom Mboya is quite right, South Africa can give aid and guidance to other African countries, and is willing to do so, as we have done in the past. What, then, is his reason for declining assistance from South Africa? 105. I have already referred to the reason which he gave in the first part of his statement, namely what he called South Africa's policy of racial discrimination.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“On many occasions, and again this year, we have willingly acceded to requests from African States and territories to supply vaccines and other remedies for animal diseases from the world famous Onderstepoort Veterinary Research Institute. We have done so also in cases where the African country concerned has taken up an actively hostile attitude towards South Africa. 102. South Africa has played a leading part in the CCTA, and yet at the Abidjan Conference this year, several African delegates demanded South Africa's expulsion from that body. We are a founder member of that body. One of the delegates even walked out whenever a South African delegate participated in the discussions. Similar hostility to the South African delegation was shown at the Conference of the Economic Commission for Africa which was held at Addis Ababa. 103.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Mboya correctly described what South Africa has achieved, but I fully endorse his opinion that the new States of Africa could look to South Africa for substantial aid and for guidance in regard to industrial, scientific and other matters— provided, of course, that the African States wish to make use of that aid. 100. I myself, in my capacity as Foreign Minister, and also the present and previous Prime Ministers of my country, have in the past expressed our real desire to co-operate with other African States in matters of common concern and to give advice and practical assistance where necessary, as indeed we have frequently done through the medium of the CCTA, the Council for Technical Co-operation, and FAMA, the Foundation for Mutual Assistance in Africa South of the Sahara, which is a body for giving mutual assistance. 101.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I have also indicated the extents to which the needs of the Bantu are being attended to by way of housing, social and medical services,. 99. But South Africa's growth and the advanced state of its industrialization could also be of great benefit to the emergent African States. In support of this contention, I quote a statement made on 20 August last by Mr. Tom Mboya, the African leader in Kenya. After violently attacking South Africa because of what he termed "South Africa's policy of racial discrimination", he said: "With its high degree of industrialization, technical progress, manpower, resources and materials, South Africa could have been a pillar of the new and independent Africa. The emergent nations of Africa would have looked to South Africa as a sister nation, before anyone else, for aid and guidance," Not only has Mr.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Six hundred thousand Bantu out-patients receive medical attention annually. No African country can boast of anything nearly approaching a hospital of this size, which serves the non-Whites of only one of South Africa's large cities. There are large hospitals for non-whites also in many other centres, particularly the huge Edward VIII Hospital at Durban. 97. These facts are, of course, never disclosed by South Africa's enemies and critics. The totally false impression is given, again in the course of the present general debate, that the non-Whites in South Africa are ill-treated and oppressed, and that they have to be "saved" by the United Nations. 98. I have said that the non-Whites in South Africa share in the growth and prosperity of the country.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In respect of social and medical services, housing and education, South Africa, per caput of its non-White population, spends considerably more than any other State on the whole of the continent of Africa—approximately five to six times more. 95. This particularly applies to health services. The Baragwanath Hospital, which serves the Bantu and Coloured population only of Johannesburg and its environs, is the largest and best equipped on the Continent of Africa, and in fact ranks among the best in the world. There are 46 wards and 10 operating theatres. Beds are available for 2,500 patients. The hospital is served by 182 full-time medical doctors, of whom half are specialists. At present 15 of them are Bantu doctors, and this number is being progressively increased. There are 1,000 Bantu nurses, and all the ward sisters are Bantu. 96.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“This increase is progressively being maintained. The Bantu is living in a well-laid-out Bantu township, in a neat home, provided with the necessary amenities, electric light, drinking water, satisfactory sanitary arrangements. 93. Judging from an article in yesterday afternoon's New York World-Telegram, we in South Africa have reason to. be satisfied with the manner in which the needs of "our non-White workers are attended to. The children of the Bantu receive both primary and secondary education, and the elders of his community draw old-age pensions at the end of each month. 94. Medical and social services are provided for the physically unfit.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It is known to us that an influential member of the Fund, later expressed doubts as to whether alleged conditions in South Africa would justify permission to draw the second half—or "tranche", as it is called—at a later date. It gives me pleasure to inform the Assembly and particularly those who were inclined to have doubts about South Africa's political and economic stability, that it has not been necessary to draw even the first "tranche", owing to the progressive increase in our currency reserves and because of South Africa's basically sound economic position. 92. According to United Nations statistics, the annual per caput income of the South African Bantu alone—that is, apart from the Coloureds and Indians—has, during the five years from 1953 to 1958, increased by more than 64 per cent. Those are United Nations statistics.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“In connexion with this matter of the economic position, 1 should like to mention that a recent dispatch in a leading New York newspaper from its representative in Johannesburg, supposedly based on a speech by the Minister of Economic Affairs of South Africa, not only gives a false impression of that speech but also gives a distorted picture of South Africa's economic condition. This particular reporter is in the habit of sending biased dispatches from South Africa. 91. In common with certain other Western countries South Africa has experienced a drop in its exchange and currency reserves. In order to forestall a further drop, it was decided to exercise the right of members to draw on the International Monetary Fund. As is usual in such cases, permission was granted to draw one-half of the requested amount immediately.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“89. Let us take a look at my country. The first thing that strikes one is that, "while there is unrest and turmoil in several other African countries—from what used to be the United Arab .Republic and from Ethiopia in the north, and Ghana in the west, to Northern Rhodesia, in the middle-south—quiet conditions prevail in South Africa, in spite of strenuous efforts by subversive elements in London, New York, Accra and Cairo, acting in concert with subversive elements in South Africa, to stir up trouble in the Republic. The activities of these organizations and of expatriate Bantu agitators has had little influence on the South African Bantu, who prefers satisfactory social conditions and economic progress. 90.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The ruler of Ghana is flirting with Moscow and Peking. Guinea, soon after being given its independence, promptly became a disciple of Moscow. Mali appears to be going the same way, and others are likely to follow. The Congo (Leopoldville)—not Brazzaville—may well be the next. In past years, when the United States and other Western delegations were taking the lead in attacking colonialism, and urging the African States to become independent, they little thought that they were securing further recruits for Moscow and Peking. 88. As I shall show later in my address, South Africa has profited by the mistakes made by some of the colonial Powers, and in its Bantu legislation is building up a system of self-government for the different Bantu ethnic groups, which, while observing democratic principles, takes account of Bantu tradition and custom.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“John Tettegah, the Secretary-General of the Ghana Trade Union Congress, was equally emphatic when he told a gathering in Ghana in December last: "Africa does not need a Westminster-type parliamentary system, in which two or more political parties compete with each other for authority ... Africa cannot afford to accept foreign systems which are incompatible with the African way of life, thought and practice." In speaking thus, Mr. Tettegah was echoing the sentiments of his leader, Dr. Nkrumah, who, soon after achieving independence, rid himself of an effective parliamentary opposition, and further threw overboard the democratic principles which had been preached in Ghana by a succession of British administrators and governors. Only about ten days ago further steps were taken to convert Ghana to an authoritarian State.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It simply does not work that way. One reason is that the masses in many African countries are still illiterate, and in some cases are told to vote for a symbol, for instance, an animal, printed on the voting paper. In any case, even the educated Africans do not appear to be interested in, or are not enamoured of, the Western system of political parties that compete with each other for the governing of the country. It is a foreign plant that will not thrive on African soil. This system has recently been criticized by Sobhuza, the Paramount Chief of the British-protected Swazis; also by Mr. Chimpembere, one of the Nyasaland leaders. 87. Mr.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Iain McLeod, the new Leader of the British House of Commons, who certainly cannot be described as being antagonistic to the aspirations of the Africans, recently stated: "There is considerable anxiety about the pace of events in Africa ... I share these anxieties. I think that the pace of events in Africa, and elsewhere in the Colonial Territories, is dangerously fast". 86. The leaders of the anti-colonial campaign here in the United States, in Europe and also in the General Assembly, laboured under the mistaken impression that the parliamentary system of government, born in Britain and adopted by other Western countries, including the United States of America, could be grafted on to the traditional customs and practices of the African peoples—or, shall I say, transplanted to the alien soil of age-old African tradition.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Under the system of "colonial oppression", as it is sometimes termed, the British not only prepared his country for independence, but were good enough on their departure to leave a large number of civil servants and technicians to assist Nigeria during the first years of independence. 84. In view of this statement, one wonders whether the Prime Minister of Nigeria approves of the highhanded action of the United Nations in arresting and deporting European civil advisers of President Tshombe of Katanga, who was anxious—as were the Governments of Ghana and Nigeria—to retain the services of trained advisers for the purpose of ensuring the continuation of the stable economic conditions which have prevailed almost ever since the United Nations General Assembly decided to take action in the Congo. 85. Mr.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“While the attainment of full national independence is a matter for congratulation, the question must inevitably arise whether the country concerned is ready or able to assume the responsibilities of independent statehood. The question has arisen, and will arise again, in connexion with the Soviet item on the agenda calling for a time-table for independence for all dependent countries—except, of course, their own occupied territories. 83. In August of last year no less a person then Sir Abubakar Balewa, the Prime Minister of Nigeria, stated in a television interview here in New York: "I do not believe Africa's Non-Self-Governing territories will benefit from the immediate granting of independence. I don't think there are enough trained people to man the civil service." Sir Abubakar speaks from experience.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I would add that, in view of the difficult financial situation now facing this Organization, the time would seem to have come when those who favour projects entailing extraordinary expense should also be willing to pay for them, and not merely to vote for them in the Assembly. 80. As the representative of an African State, I naturally would like to review the African scene. What is happening in this vast continent, which occupies the strategic position of being situated between the West and the East? 81. The outstanding feature of events in Africa has been the large number of African territories that - have attained independence during these past two or three years. At the beginning of 1958 there were only three independent States in Africa. Today there are twenty-eight—and more are to follow, 82.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I now give formal notice that South Africa is not prepared to contribute to the expenditure already incurred, or to be incurred, by the United Nations in the Congo. 78. In that connexion may I remind the Assembly that the Republic of South Africa—unlike a number of other members of this Organization—is not in arrears either with the payment of its annual dues to the United Nations, or with its contribution to the upkeep of the United Nations troops in Suez. 79. May I say, in passing, that my Government has serious doubts as to whether the United Nations Force should continue to be maintained in the Suez area. It is surely not intended that it should be kept there indefinitely, and for all time.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“It was not taken for the purpose of maintaining order, and is in conflict with the Security Council resolution of 21 February 1961 which, inter alia, expressed the conviction that "the solution of the problem of the Congo lies in the hands of the Congolese people themselves without any interference from outside". 76. As I have said, conditions in Katanga have been relatively stable, both politically and economically. As a result of orders, for which Mr. O'Brien may, or may not, have been responsible, military action was taken, action which I am personally inclined to describe as aggression, with resultant conditions of chaos. 77. When I spoke on this matter on 19 September 1960 [862nd meeting, para, 122], I said that South Africa reserved its position with regard to expenditure to be incurred in the Congo.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“120.] I referred to the fact that the leaders of Katanga had expressed the desire to have a different constitutional arrangement, and I then said: "This surely is a matter for the Congolese themselves, whose decision, I submit, should not be influenced either by resolutions of this Organization or by the actions of this Organization or any other State." That was the view which I expressed on behalf of the South African delegation more than a year ago. That is still our view, which has been justified and further strengthened by recent events in Katanga, 75. Military action was obviously taken for the purpose of forcing a political arrangement on the people of Katanga, and, incidentally, securing the mineral wealth of the Province.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“At last year's special session, I stated from this rostrum that, quite apart from the doubts which existed as to whether action taken by the United Nations, primarily for the purpose of restoring internal order, was in all respects justified, there was the important question whether the Unit ed Nations had the right to intervene in the internal conflicts of the Congo or in political conditions in the Congo, as provided for in the resolution before the Assembly last year. I said at that time: "This raises the further question as to whether the type of State which will eventually emerge in the Congo is any concern of this Organisation". [862nd meeting, para.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The history of the United Nations actions in the Congo is not a happy one, and no one knows where it is going to end. 73. Recently, there has also been the action taken by the United Nations Forces against President Tshombe of Katanga. Conditions in Katanga have been relatively stable, both politically and economically. Instead of appreciating those conditions, the United Nations military forces, acting under the Security Council resolution of 21 February 1961, swooped down on Katanga, thereby creating those very conditions which the Organization was supposed to present. 74.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“After October the operation may have to be wound up". 71. I may mention that, in dealing with unnecessary and what one might call fruitless expenditure incurred by the United Nations-, the writer in The Times of London did not refer to the cost incurred by Mr. Fabregat's party, which attempted to enter South West Africa illegally and, after having been thwarted in that attempt, proceeded to wander about the rest of the African continent-at United Nations expense. 72. The writer of the article from which I have just quoted is particularly concerned about the alarming financial aspect of United Nations action in the Congo— and so, I am sure, are delegations here. When this matter was discussed at the special session of the General Assembly last year, I warned against precipitate action.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I wonder if representatives here appreciate what is going on. 70. The writer in The Times of London suggests remedial action, such as "liquidating both its Congo and Middle East operations". Another suggestion, he says, is "to divide the normal budget into Secretariat expenses," on the one hand, to which all Members would continue to contribute and, on the other hand, operational expenses, "to be financed by those Members who favoured them, and were willing to pay for them". He concludes with this statement: "The United Nations cannot be kept going for many more months at its present rate of income and expenditure, without becoming bankrupt. When the General Assembly meets on 19 September"-this article was written early in September—"it will be confronted with the urgent need to scale down the Congo operation.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“He could also have pointed out, had he had the information at the time, that on the normal United Nations budget the total arrears exceed $83 million, and that for the maintenance of the United Nations Force in the Suez the arrears amount to approximately $21 million. About seventy States are in arrears of their contributions to the Congo adventure. 69. The writer" dismisses the suggestion of internal economies, which he says "would not make the difference between solvency and bankruptcy". He deals with the suggestion of tiding us over the trouble by raising loans from banks and from financial institutions, but he does not find that suggestion very helpful. He writes: "To keep going, the United Nations has been borrowing from its working capital, its Special Fund and its Children's Fund (UNICEF)".”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The writer, who is the United Nations correspondent of The Times of London, opens his article with this question: "How long can the United Nations go on supporting its military operations in the Congo ... without going bankrupt?". After pointing out that, at the time of writing, the Congo and Middle East Emergency Forces were costing $140 million per year, which is more than twice the United Nations normal annual budget, the writer asks: "How can the Organization hope to extricate itself from this extraordinary expenditure?". He adds that already a considerable number of States are 7,n arrears of their annual payments. He points out feat with the exception of South Africa, the twenty-six African States together contribute only 2 1/4 per cent of their annual budget.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“They vigorously protest when an attempt is made to apply the principle of self-determination to the millions who are living in Soviet-dominated countries, or when the right of self-determination is claimed by the Naga people or the Sikhs in India. So much for the political conditions obtaining in this Organization, 68. No organization, political or otherwise, can hope to survive if its financial position is unsound. The last financial report issued by the late Secretary- General revealed an unsatisfactory state of affairs. This was recently summarized and commented upon by one of the world's best-known newspapers, The Times of London, which, in an authoritative article, described the United Nations as bordering on bankruptcy. I cannot do better than to quote from that interesting article.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The purposes and ideals set out in the Preamble to the Charter and in Chapter I are relegated to the background, and delegations are increasingly interfering in the domestic affairs of Member States, generally for the purpose of serving their own selfish ends. 67. There are Member States which, at meetings of the General Assembly and elsewhere, pose as the champions of human rights and human dignity, but which close their eyes to the fact that these principles are not honoured in their own countries. Among these are the delegations of the Soviet Union and its satellite countries, which conveniently ignore conditions existing in Hungary and in the Soviet Union's occupied or colonial territories. So, also, they strongly urge the right of self-determination, provided it is applied only to territories which are not under their control.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The annual sessions provided opportunities for international intrigue and for the formation of racial, geographical and ideological blocs. Not content with an East-West rivalry, a so- called third world seems to be in process of establishment. All this is a far call from the injunction of the Charter to harmonize the actions of nations. Delegations give prior consideration to their own national interests, or to the interests of the group to which they belong, rather than judging issues on their merits. Caucus meetings of the different groups or blocs have assumed greater importance than meetings of the Assembly or the different Committees. 66.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“After his death, attempts were immediately made to exploit this tragic event for the purpose of creating geographical and particularly ideological differences in the United Nations Secretariat. The Soviet delegations are continuing in this campaign and no settlement is as yet in sight. 64. The peoples of many countries are asking where and how the United Nations fits into this somewhat depressing and dismal picture. They want to know what has happened to the lofty sentiments and the noble purposes set out in Chapter I of the Charter. 65. What does the record of the past fifteen years show? Instead of "harmonizing the actions of nations" and achieving "international co-operation", the annual sessions of the General Assembly very soon became battlegrounds for conflicting national interests and rival ideologies.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The sixteenth session of the General Assembly opened with the United Nations facing the most crucial test of its chequered career. The world is in a state of turmoil and many people are living in fear. There are trouble spots in many parts of the world, the most dangerous being the Berlin situation which has become linked with uncontrolled nuclear testing. The prospects of securing disarmament are daily receding into the background. 63. To add to this state of international tension there came the tragic death of the Secretary-General, which gave an impetus to the campaign launched last year against Mr. Hammarskjold personally by the Soviet Union and its Satellite States.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“This official document has at no time been barred from entering South Africa. 60. It is difficult to believe that anyone holding the position of Foreign Minister of his country could make a statement to this Assembly which is devoid of all truth, and which, as leader of his delegation, he should have known was a fabrication. The Foreign Minister of Ghana owes this Assembly an apology for this attempt to mislead his fellow delegates. 61. I hope that after I have completed this statement which I am about to make, the Foreign Minister of Ghana will come to this rostrum and apologize to the South African Government, and to my delegation, for these untrue and insulting allegations. It is this sort of conduct which, to use his own words, is likely "to undermine the authority and prestige ... of the United Nations ..." [Ibid., para. 72,] 62.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“I have here what the Foreign Minister of Ghana described as an "official document A/PV.869 of the United Nations". It is a booklet inscribed as follows: "Issued by the Permanent Mission of Ghana to the United Nations, 144 East 44th Street, New York 17 ...". This document is nothing more than a reprint in English and in French of Mr. Nkrumah's speech before the General Assembly, with his photograph on the front page, and issued by the Ghanaian delegation. In view of the attacks and the vilification of South Africa in that speech, this booklet was naturally and correctly classified as objectionable literature by the South African customs authorities. 59. I also have, here the official document, A/PV.869, to which the Foreign Minister of Ghana referred. As can be seen, it is something entirely different.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“He said, inter alia: "This speech of President Kwame Nkrumah appears in document A/PV.869, in the Official Records ..." "Any person in ... South Africa ... who is found in possession ... of this official document of the United Nations ... is liable to imprisonment . .." and so on. [Ibid., paras, 72 and 73.] Later is his speech he said, I would remind you again: "This is the first time that an official document of the United Nations ... has been treated by the Government of another Member State with such contempt." [Ibid., para. 74.] 58. There can .therefore not be the least possible doubt that the Foreign Minister of Ghana was untruthfully informing the Assembly that an "official document" of the United Nations had been barred from entering South Africa.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“the delegation of Ghana will insist that the General Assembly should consider whether, in the circumstances ... South Africa should not be expelled from membership of the United Nations." [Ibid., para. 75.] 55. Mr. President, you will, I am sure, agree that this is a very serious charge, particularly coming from the Foreign Minister of a Member State, I was quite certain that false information had been given to the Assembly, but I nevertheless cabled to South Africa for full information. 56. What are the facts? 1 have received the document which was sent to South Africa by the Ghanaian Information Office, and which has been falsely represented as being an official document of the United Nations. 57. May I repeat the statement made from this rostrum by the Foreign Minister of Ghana.”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“South Africa ... who is found in possession of a copy of this official document of the United Nations, which contains President Kwame Nkrumah's speech, is liable to ... imprisonment ..." [Ibid., paras. 72 and 73.] 53. It will be noted that the Foreign Minister of Ghana specifically refers to an "official document" of which he also quoted the official number, that is, A/PV.869. 54. To make it quite plain to the Assembly what he had in mind, the Foreign Minister then proceeded: "This is the first time that an official document of the United Nations which contains a statement made by a representative of a Member State has been treated by the Government of another Member State with such contempt." [Ibid., para. 74.] He went further, and stated: "...”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“Before addressing the Assembly and in exercising my right of reply, I wish to refer to a statement made by the Foreign Minister of Ghana when he participated in this debate on 26 September. He alleged that an official document of the United Nations had not been allowed to enter South Africa. He said: "...the Government of ... South Africa has now embarked upon a policy to undermine the authority and prestige ... of the United Nations ... and. has started to classify certain types of United Nations documents, which are unpalatable to them, as 'objectionable literature'.'1 [1015th meeting, para. 72.] He then referred to a speech made by President Nkrumah on 23 September 1960, and he went on to say: "This speech of President Nkrumah appears in document A/PV.869, in the Official Records of the United Nations." "Any person in ...”
1961-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 16 (1961)
“The basic principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of any Member State contained in Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter was put there by the founders of the United Nations particularly for the protection of the smaller and weaker Member States. Those who are today making a mockery of that Article are engaged in removing one of the foundation stones upon which the United Nations rests. 89. The United Nations is being increasingly subjected to stresses and strains and is passing through a very difficult period. The position of the Organization is not as strong as is generally believed. I suggest that this is not the time to weaken one of the cornerstones upon which the United Nations rests.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“The effects of these activities were recently seen also in Pondoland, which is part of the Transkeian territory, where the policy of progressively increasing the powers of self-government is operating satisfactorily. The Bantu in the Transkeian territory have always been law abiding and contented. 87. In regard to the charges made against South Africa I am convinced that the peasants and labouring classes of most of the countries which are attacking South Africa would consider themselves fortunate indeed if they could be in the position of the great bulk of the Bantu peoples of my country. 88. In conclusion, a word of warning.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“So, also, the Bantu living in urban centres are being given an increased measure of participation in municipal affairs. There is continual consultation with Bantu leaders, both in their own territories and in the urban centres, in regard to their particular needs and interests. 86. In spite of everything that is being done to improve the position of the Bantu and other Non-Europeans, we find that, in line with the communist policy of penetration of Africa, subversive elements under the influence of communist agents are active among the Bantu. There was the trouble at Sharpeville and Langa earlier this year. Our neighbours in the Federation and in Southern Rhodesia have recently also found it necessary to deal with communist-inspired organizations there, which are allied with those operating in South Africa.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I go further and say that, according to available information and statistics, and from what I have seen personally, the Bantu and other Non-European peoples of South Africa are, in the above-mentioned respects, much better cared for than the working classes, the labourers and peasants, in many countries of Asia and of the Middle East, of Central America and the Caribbean Islands, and also of certain South American countries. 85. True, in South Africa we do not have the system of "one man, one vote”. But, as I fully set out in my statement from this rostrum last year, we are making rapid progress in the development of self-government for the six territories which have been reserved for occupation by the Bantu only-huge territories, comprising some of the best parts of the country.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)
“I have referred to a number of countries which, in view of conditions existing there, do not have the right to accuse South Africa of denying to its nonwhite peoples the fundamental freedoms which are set out in Article 55 of the Charter and which include higher standards of living, social services and health and education services. Statistics show that in these respects far more is being done in South Africa, per caput of the Bantu population, than in any other country of the African continent.”
1960-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 15 (1960)