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Mangwende

THE RECORD WRITES THIS SPEAKER AS MANGWENDE

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155
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1981-09-24
most recent
1987-09-24
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4
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un-general-debate

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  1. The argument can then be made that the black people of South Africa and the majority-ruled independent States surrounding South Africa would be the first to suffer if sanctions were imposed against South Africa. We do not want the international community to shirk its responsibility to the people of South Africa by hiding behind our vulnerability to South Africa's reprisals if mandatory sanctions are imposed against it. We accept that there is a price to be paid for the liberty of our brothers and sisters in South Africa and Namibia.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  2. She second is to use the bandits in Mozambique, known as Mozambique Nationals Resistance Movement, to cut all of Zimbabwe's outlets to the sea through Mozambique, whether by raiT. road or pipeline. South Africa's continued use of rebels in Mozambique is a flagrant violation of the solemn and binding undertaking it entered into at the time of the signing of the Nkomati agreement. Besides trying to overthrow the Government of Mozambique, the second aim of these bandits as directed by Pretoria is to make Zimbabwe and other landlocked southern African States become totally dependent on South Africa. In this way, it is hoped, we would become hostages in any moves to impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  3. After that disastrous mission, the racists then tried to recoup their bruised pride by sending a murder squad into Gaborone, the capital of Botswana. That gang of cutthroats murdered, in cold blood, 12 refugees and Botswana nationals, including a six-year-old boy, all in their sleep. The action of the regime against the small kingdom of Lesotho, against Zambia, Mozambique and my own country, Zimbabwe, are a matter of public record. In the case of Zimbabwe the racists have a dual strategy. The first is to recruit, train, finance, equip and deploy dissidents and malcontents, whom they infiltrate back into Zimbabwe to spread destruction and fear. A social radio station has been installed in Northern Transvaal, for use by these bandits, which daily broadcasts hostile propaganda against my Government.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  4. There is the incarceration of thousands of schoolchildren, women and workers for daring to demand justice and equality, and the suppression of peaceful demonstrations with bullets, truncheons and the hippo-hide whips called sjamboks. The picture has been depressingly familiar. Not content with inflicting such misery, destruction and bloodshed on its own citizenry, the racist regime has continued to export violence to neighbours. The recent barbaric and unprovoked acts of aggression unleashed against the innocent people of Angola is one in a litany of dastardly deeds that Pretoria has perpetrated against Angola. It should be recalled that earlier this year one of its commando units was caught red-handed trying to blow up the Cabinda oil installations in Angola in the hope of crippling the economy of that country.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  5. Despite the recent semantics of reform, the sad reality is that the regime remains obdurate. Racism is the order of the day. the majority are still denied participation in the process of government, and the carnage and slaughter continues unabated. What we have seen is the gimmickry of the creation of the tripartite parliaments, a mere elaboration of the doctrine of separation; the setting up of innumerable commissions whose findings are known even before those commissions are set up. It has all been talk, talk, talk, without any concrete positive action. What is really needed is a dismantlement of apartheid. The only action we have witnessed is the old brutal repression at home and naked aggression broad. Nearly a thousand people have been killed in the streets of South Africa in the last 12 months, and the carnage continues.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  6. It is the appearance or the reality of the indifference and cynicism of these great nations that emboldens the racist regime. Time and again we have seen the United Nations frustrated by the abuse of the veto power by the United States and the United Kingdom in defense of South Africa. I appeal to the leaders of these two great nations to live up to some of the noble traditions of their countries by accepting their responsibility in the fight for justice and human dignity in South Africa and Namibia and to stop being the misguided protectors of this evil regime. I speak these words, not in anger, for we already have too many angry young men and women in southern Africa today; it is more with sadness and sorrow that I mention the tragedy in South Africa.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  7. The inability, nay the unwillingness, of those great Powers that wield such obvious influence over South Africa, to flex their muscles in order to force Pretoria to change its inhuman policies, is one of the greatest betrayals of the United Nations system and the concept of the brotherhood of man. We have all recently witnessed just how vulnerable South Africa is to economic pressure from the Western countries. This vulnerability was recently demonstrated by the nervousness that led to a heavy depreciation of South African financial assets in international markets. Yes, South Africa was nearly brought to its knees by nervousness alone. I therefore would ask this august body to reflect on what concerted international political action could achieve in South Africa if the mere nervousness of markets produced such a panic.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  8. The hallowed principles of "equal rights and self-determination of peoples", and the cardinal principles that "States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State" are all violated by the apartheid regime of South Africa. Aggression, intervention, interference, discrimination, destabilization, colonialism and racism are the hallmarks of the Pretoria regime. The Pretoria regime's continued existence poses a threat to international peace and security. Apartheid is in every sense and meaning a crime against humanity and a threat to international peace and security of the same genre and origin as nazism, its spiritual and philosophic ancestor.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  9. Unity of purpose is particularly vital when dealing with hotbeds of tension and conflict in the present world. Regional conflicts, if incorrectly handled, have the capacity to engulf us all in a major catastrophe. And of the many regions of tension and conflict today, few challenge the United Nations system with such poignancy as the tragic situation prevailing in southern Africa. In that corner of the world many fundamental principles forming the bedrock of this Organization and the brotherhood of man are under severe threat from the arrogance and greed of a small group of frightened and narrow-minded men.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  10. The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations gives us an occasion to commit ourselves and our collective resources to the challenge of eradicating poverty, illiteracy, hunger, malnutrition and disease throughout the world. There is no alternative to multilateralism. It is a fact of life dictated by the reality of inter-independence, a reality that can only be ignored at our own peril. A consensus for development is pXso a consensus for resuming dialog on the institutional obstacles to the launching of the global negotiations on the establishment of a new economic order. Indeed, the people of the world and their governments have the potential of rising to sued) a challenge, and this solemn occasion should generate the necessary political will that would sustain that renewed commitment to development.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  11. We call upon the international community in a spirit of solidarity to lend its support to this legitimate African request., Today the spirit of multilateralism is at its lowest ebb, meaningful dialog no longer exists and confidence and support for multilateral institutions have been replaced by confrontation and bilateralism. This development stands in antithesis to the dreams of yesterday. Worse still, over the past 40 years we have forged a truly interdependent world and the present policies of some industrialized countries seem to be alien to our economic reality - perhaps they belong to a future era, a future of anarchy. Our plea is for moderation, dialog, negotiations and compromises.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  12. The OAU leaders have assumed responsibility for pulling Africa out of this tragedy. But to do this effectively they still need more support as well as the creation of external economic conditions conducive to the resumption of growth and economic activity. Since there is a perceptible international consensus to resolve the African issue, as evidenced by the consensus declaration on the African economic crisis adopted by the General Assembly, it is time that this good will was translated into concrete action. The OAU Summit has already initiated consultations on the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to Africa.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  13. At present such a forum does not exist. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has called for an international conference on debt. It is important that the present session of the General Assembly make advances towards that objective. We have already stated that it is not serious to expect Africa over the medium term to sustain the present hemorrhage of capital caused by debt servicing. The twenty-first session of the Organization of African Unity summit on economic matters has called for an international conference on African debt. This proposal should be viewed as part and parcel of the present initiatives for halting the economic crisis in Africa. The African economic crisis is one of development, and unless the structural constraints are addressed it is likely to become a permanent feature.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  14. An examination of the interrelationships among the issues of debt, trade, money and finance convinces us that the existing narrow approaches to the debt crisis are inadequate. The responsibility for resolving this crisis must be shared equitably between the debtor and the creditor countries. Such an approach suggests a condition for resolving the debt crisis, the condition being that the debtor country should remain solvent and viable in order for that party to discharge its contractual obligations, thus satisfying that conditions can safeguard the international credit system as we know it today. If it is a shared objective that the present credit system has to be preserved, which implies the solvency of the debtor country, then we need a forum where debt policies consistent with those shared objectives could be negotiated.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  15. It is equally scandalous to expect Africa, a continent that is fighting for its survival to shoulder a debt burden of 59 per cent of its export earnings. Essentially, our argument is that the recession of the early 1980s halted the capital formation process in the developing countries and an injection of new capital is a condition for the reactivation of the development process. As it is, high interest rates and the scarcity of new loans are forcing countries to make repayments at the expense of essential imports. It is unrealistic to expect that trade surpluses would diffuse the debt bomb particularly in a trade context characterized by rising protectionism, declining commodity prices and monetary instabilities.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  16. This conclusion is not rhetorical but is prompted by the consideration that at present developing countries are engaged in a costly adjustment process that requires massive capital inputs. In such circumstances the present trend of reverse capital flows to developed countries is not acceptable and should be stopped. Developing countries are now paying $72 billion annually in interest payments and in the coming five years about two-thirds of the third-world debt will have to be repaid or rolled over. As for Africa, the projections are that capital outflows will exceed combined official development assistance inflows. It is unrealistic to expect that developing countries would in the medium- and long-term, generate trade surpluses sufficient to finance their currently structured debt obligations.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  17. Indeed, no durable economic recovery can take place unless urgent steps are taken to safeguard the incomes of primary commodity producers. The Integrated Program of Commodities has already demonstrated its potential for protecting the incomes of primary goods exporters, and it would be to be benefit of all if more and elaborate commodity agreements were concluded. The activation of the Common Fund for Commodities and the strengthening of both the stabex scheme and IMF compensatory facility for export earnings shortfalls would contribute significantly to the recovery of incomes in developing countries. Durable economic recovery would be stabilized only by policies that would generate a sustained transfer of financial resources to developing countries.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  18. A necessary condition for the rehabilitation of productive capacity is the restoration of a dynamic, open and non-discriminatory international trading system. Hence if free trade is to resume its role as an engine of growth, it is important that we halt the state of decay that has beset the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) system. In this regard, we call upon the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries to honor the standstill and rollover commitments that were negotiated in UNCTAD IV and in the GATT Ministerial meeting of 1982. If trade is to be beneficial to all countries, developing countries should be guaranteed just and equitable prices for their exports.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  19. Although this observation is supported by empirical evidence, it is alarming to concede that at present there are no negotiated policy instruments to counteract the emerging negative trends. Instead of active policy intervention we seem to have resigned our fate to certain magical forces that would diffuse economic recovery through some random process of osmosis. The imperative before us is not to dream but to develop a coherent set of co-ordinated policies to counteract these trends. The first order of business would be to seek ways and means of injecting fresh liquidity in the world economy through the enlargement of the capital base of the World Bank, the easing of International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditions, debt cancellations, multi-year debt re-scheduling and a special issue of the special drawing rights (SDRs).

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  20. Many countries have gone or are going through a period of severe crisis and in Africa, a combination of the crisis and adverse climatic and man-made factors have generated catastrophic conditions with horrific consequences. Opinions have been expressed during the course of this debate that the recession is now behind us and that the worst is over. But we all know that the worst is indeed not over as yet. We all know that we are still suffering; we all know there are some countries which are still in the grip of this terrible situation. The combined effects of many of those policies, and indeed the combined effects of these problems, has brought about a situation which is in fact bringing many countries to near collapse.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  21. We hope that at the forthcoming super-Power summit, both President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev will avoid point-scoring and posturing and remember the heavy responsibility they carry on behalf of the whole of humanity; for never before in the history of man have the hopes and future of so many depended on the wisdom and good sense of so few, as is the case in the nuclear age. One of the greatest challenges facing the world today is the task o£ achieving international co-operation to manage and sustain economic recovery from the recession of the early 1980s, a recession to be remembered as the worst ever during the post-war era.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  22. We call on Member States to put an end to nuclear-weapon testing. We commend those States that have heeded the voices of their people and resisted the pressure to have nuclear missiles stationed on their territories or to have nuclear-weapon-carrying ships call at their harbours. Such principled actions will go a long way towards the removal of threats to peace. We call on the Soviet Union and the United States seriously to engage in negotiations to end the mad race for armament.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  23. There must be recognition of the fact that restraint on one side cannot reasonably be demanded in the face of unlimited expansion on the other." This clear warning must be heeded. Peace is in the interest of all of us and we all need it. Let us all, as a first step, be involved in the reduction of the military budget - which is now, we understand, $900,000 billion - and use the savings to feed the hungry, shelter the homeless, cure the sick, and educate the ignorant and illiterate. Nuclear-weapon States must live up to the letter and spirit of the 1963 Non-Proliferation Treaty and begin arms reduction talks leading to the signing of a total nuclear disarmament treaty. The same nuclear-weapon-State parties must demonstrate their commitment by engaging in sincere and ongoing pursuit of the nuclear-arms control negotiations.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  24. The chances of a nuclear holocaust increase with the inevitable proliferation of nuclear weapons. The proliferation of nuclear weapons is inevitable, because those possessing them have failed to abide by the terms and expectations of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. As the Secretary-General stated in his message to the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: "the Treaty is not a one-way street. In signing it, the nuclear-weapon States parties agreed to pursue in good faith negotiations on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament. In this respect, the implementation of the Treaty has been largely one-sided, to the understandable concern and profound dissatisfaction of its non-nuclear-weapon parties.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  25. Forty years after the founding of this Organization, the Member States have still not succeeded in removing the biggest threat to peace - the bomb hanging over our heads. For whereas 40 years ago one country possessed the bomb, today there are five and probably nine countries with the resources and technical know-how to develop nuclear weapons, and the number is increasing. The total destructive capacity of bombs in the possession of the two super-Powers only - the United States and the Soviet Union - is enough to kill and wipe out everyone and every living organism, not once but many times over. Yet the stockpiling, the perfecting and deploying of these weapons of mass incineration is continuing, with some plans to base some of them in space. What space is there left for peaceful purposes?

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  26. The United Nations has developed into a reliable center for harmonizing actions of nations in the attainment of the common objectives. We should all unite, and reaffirm our determination to improve the Organization for a better world, avoiding the dangerous retreat into the chaotic chauvinistic cocoon of isolationism. We believe in the ability of the multilateral system to resolve international problems, but for this to become reality we must fulfill our obligations to the Charter and act in accordance with its principles. One of the major objectives of the United Nations whose theme runs like a binding thread through the Charter is "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war", and to that end the Member States are called upon to unite by taking collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to peace.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  27. Despite the obvious failures and weaknesses of the United Nations because of the lack of a political will on the part of some States that are reluctant to offer more support for the Organization, the United Nations system has more than demonstrated its validity, practicality, potentiality and indeed its necessity. When the United Nations fails, it is in fact the Member States collectively that have failed and when the United Nations succeeds, it is the collective success of Member States. The United Nations is a vehicle or facilitator at the disposal of Member States. Its ability successfully to carry us all to our destination depends on our collective efforts concertedly and vigorously to push the correct buttons on the machine.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  28. The list of failures includes the continuing arms race and spread of nuclear weapons development capability outside the so-called nuclear club, the withdrawal and threats of withdrawal from some international organizations like the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the International Labor Organization (ILO), non-accession to or non-ratification by some States of a majority of the human rights Conventions; countless violations of the united Nations Charter and decisions; the repeated use of the veto deliberately to frustrate the majority in the Security Council itself or recommendations from the overwhelming majority in the General Assembly - a travesty of the democratic process which we all cherish - and the contempt with which some States defiantly refuse to answer charges brought against them in the International Court of Justice.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  29. Forty years after the war, the relatively long and unprecedented period of peace, during and because of which the world has witnessed a significant economic recovery and expansion, great scientific and political developments, and an increase in the awareness and enjoyment of human rights, the world is facing yet another danger, the danger resulting from man's cynicism about the capability of the United Nations to live up to the expectations that are set out in the purposes and principles of the Charter. The cynics point to the conflicts in Korea, Viet Nam, and more recently, in Central America and the Middle East, to the Iran-Iraq war, to the conflicts in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and to the problems of Namibia, South Africa's abhorrent apartheid system, and so forth.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  30. Similarly, I advisedly recall the following principles of this Organization: the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members; the principle that all Members should fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the Charter; the principle that States, in settling their international disputes, shall not endanger international peace and security and justice; and the principle that States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State. These were considered the sine qua non basic purposes and principles necessary for the creation and maintenance of peace and for conducting civilized, legal international relations.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  31. based an respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples ..." and a future where there would be "... international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character ...". I advisedly recall the above purposes of this Organization.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  32. It is our fervent hope that this report and the declaration to be adopted during this fortieth anniversary celebration will be seriously studied and a mechanism will be set up to explore modalities for implementing some of the suggestions that could strengthen our Organization. At the end of the Second World War 40 years ago, the world was faced with cities in ruins and economies in shambles, millions of refugees and displaced people, millions of orphans and disabled men and women, and with millions of people under colonial domination and oppression. Out of these ashes of despair, the United Nations was born as a symbol of faith and hope in a future where all nations, large and small, would be free to take collective responsibility for the maintenance of peace; a future in which free nations would "... develop friendly relations ...

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  33. This year's report of the Secretary-General (A/40/1), like those of previous years, provides us with ideas and facts, both disturbing and encouraging; pinpoints and analyses the flaws and strengths of our Organization from its corporate body to its separate organs; warns against deviations from the original purposes and principles of our organization, in particular against the drift towards unilateralism, isolationism and protectionism to the exclusion and at the expense of collectivism, internationalism and multilateralism; and advises on some courses of action to repair damages to and restore confidence and hope in the Organizations' capabilities and potentialities.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  34. Finally, I wish to thank the Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in search of peace and for the excellent practical interpretation of the meaning of the United Nations which he demonstrated in the past year to millions of the hungry and homeless of the world. Such a successful concrete manifestation of guided collective efforts in solving international humanitarian problems as we witnessed in the past year augurs well for the future and is ample justification for the continued existence of this Organization. Allow me at this juncture to express the profound grief of the people and Government of Zimbabwe over the tragedy that befell the brother people of Mexico during the past month, we offer our most heartfelt condolences and convey our feelings of solidarity to the people and Government of Mexico during these sad times.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  35. Mr. President, I wish to extend to you. Sir, my congratulations on your election to the presidency of the historic fortieth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that your now legendary wide diplomatic experience and wisdom will guide this important fortieth session of the General Assembly to a fruitful conclusion of its work. I should like to assure you, Sir, of my delegation's co-operation in your effort to carry out your arduous duties and to fulfill your heavy responsibilities. At the same time we would like to express our appreciation to the President of the thirty-ninth session of this Assembly, our brother Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, for the efficient and businesslike manner in which he conducted the affairs of the last session.

    1985-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 40 (1985)

  36. Unfortunately, however, the sixth session, like the deadlocked global negotiations, also proved to be a huge disappointment to us of the South. Again, this is one of the several opportunities to solve the present global economic crisis which, sadly, have been allowed to slip through our fingers, to our common detriment, whether we are poor Southerners or rich Northerners. 141. Let me end this statement with a question which is bothering me, as it must, I believe, be bothering all members. When are we going to grasp the magnitude or seriousness of the economic crisis facing the international community, which is now threatening the very fabric of our societies? Is time really on our side, as some seem to suggest?

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  37. Unfortunately, however, the process of global negotiations has now stagnated for some time, partly because some leaders of the North have not yet come to perceive poverty in a global context and partly because some of those who see it as a world phenomenon still lack the necessary political will and courage to join hands with us. 140. We had also hoped that the sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development would provide a golden opportunity in the various areas of trade and development and in the monetary and financial dimensions of development and payment arrangements. Similarly, we had also viewed that session, and especially its decisions on the issues of trade, raw materials, commodities, money and finance, as providing new impetus and an important contribution to the global negotiations.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  38. It is our strong opinion that the first step towards the discovery of the solution to this crisis lies in the realization that, whether we belong to the poor South or the richly endowed North, whether we are a superpower or a small Power, whether we espouse a capitalist or a socialist social and economic system, there are in fact many common international economic interests and goals whose attainment is possible only through a united approach and action by all of us. Perhaps this realization already exists and what is lacking is agreement on what steps we should take to attain the common goals. We of the South have invested our hopes in global negotiations as the most effective and most realistic instrumentality through which solutions to world poverty can be found.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  39. The sooner we come to grips with the practical realities of the economic interdependence of the North and the South, the better for us all. This interdependence makes economic recovery in the North dependent upon the activation of development processes in the South. The view that economic prosperity in the North will have a trickle-down effect upon the South, thus generating growth, must, therefore, be rejected. We are faced here with a global crisis the solution of which demands a global approach.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  40. This has also led to a decline in their exports to industrialized countries, which in turn threatens the world with the disruption and cumulative decline of global economic activity. The liquidity problems of the developed countries have been further aggravated by the unprecedented increase in interest rates, which makes external borrowing very difficult. Added to that are difficulties in gaining access to international capital markets. 138. In sub-Saharan Africa the current economic crisis has been aggravated also by the deteriorating food security situation resulting from drought. Although many developing countries in other regions have recorded marginal increases in food production, food production has not matched population growth in most of those areas. 139.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  41. The upward movement of commodity prices, symptomatic of this accelerated inflation, has also had a devastatingly adverse effect on developing countries. In particular it has limited imports of food and capital goods which are vital to programmes of economic development. 137. Also, for the first time in 35 years, prices of commodity exports from developing countries have plummeted, and have now reached their lowest levels. Added to that, developing countries find it increasingly difficult to gain access to markets in the developed countries, largely on account of protectionism. There is, therefore, a serious decline in the foreign exchange earnings of developing countries, causing a corresponding contraction in their import capacity, amounting to $85 billion during the past two years.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  42. For instance, whereas the 1980-1981 output increased by 1 per cent, in 1981-1982 it tumbled even below that level. Similarly, for the first time in almost half a century, world trade declined by 6 per cent in 1982. 136. This unprecedented malaise in the world economy has also been accompanied by very disturbing stagnation. In response to this, some industrialized countries made the combating of inflation a primary objective of macro- economic policy. In most cases, however, this produced no satisfactory results or, where relative success was achieved, it was at the risk of a downward movement of aggregate economic activity and unemployment. This, therefore, largely contributed to the staggering number of 30 million unemployed people in the countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  43. With one clear and loud voice, therefore, we must demand an immediate end to the arms race, for there can be no real peace and security as long as we live in constant fear that one day some mad person may pull the nuclear trigger and reduce us and the planet to ashes. True peace and security can be ensured only by general and complete disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, under international control. 135. I wish now to comment on the current world economic situation, which is characterized by inequitable relations and a crisis unprecedented in modern times. There is a very serious decline in economic activity, which has had a particularly debilitating effect upon developing countries. The world economy's rate of growth has also seen and continues to experience a marked contraction, although we hear that there are signs of recovery.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  44. For instance, the same countries have been carrying out many tests since 1963, when the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United States and the United Kingdom signed the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water. Also, during the same period, the acquisition of military nuclear technology has spread to other countries. 134. Consequently, today, in spite of arms reduction and disarmament talks, the world has seen an unprecedented piling up of military weaponry, including nuclear arsenals of such deadly perfection that should their use ever be resorted to in any conflict the outcome will be total destruction of this planet.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  45. Our efforts to ensure respect for the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of States, as well as whatever endeavours we may undertake to improve social and economic conditions in our respective societies and world-wide, cannot by themselves inspire confidence in the future, as long as humanity continues to live under the spectre of a nuclear holocaust. We are most concerned that the more the nuclear Powers, especially the two super-Powers, talk about arms reduction and disarmament, the more they increase and perfect their respective military capabilities, including military nuclear power.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  46. We further wish to point out that no settlement can be regarded as fair and just unless it respects and guarantees Guyana's independence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. Finally, Zimbabwe wishes to affirm the position taken at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, held at Melbourne in 1981. 132. Members will recall that international peace and security were gravely threatened last year when tension between the United Kingdom and Argentina erupted into open military conflict. Our position is that the two parties should initiate earnest negotiations for a peaceful and just solution to the Falkland or Malvinas Islands question without delay, in order to avoid the recurrence of last year's dangerous events. 133.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  47. Zimbabwe strongly condemns the activities of the criminal and counter-revolutionary elements that are being recruited, equipped and directed by foreign powers to destabilize Nicaragua. We shall continue to support fully the heroic people of Nicaragua in their struggle to defend their hard-won revolution 131. Similarly, we note with deep concern that a dispute exists between the two neighbouring countries of Guyana and Venezuela. We wish to call upon the two parties to strive for a peaceful and just settlement to this very unfortunate dispute. In our view, such a settlement can only be attained through the strict observance of United Nations and Non-Aligned Movement principles relating to the inadmissibility of the use or threat of force in the settlement of disputes.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  48. We have emphasized elsewhere that having waged a heroic and truly revolutionary struggle against the externally propped-up and supported Fascist dictatorship of Somoza, the hard-working Nicaraguans need to be left alone in peace and quiet to forge ahead with the challenging task of economic and social reconstruction and rehabilitation. For this formidable task, Nicaragua needy the maximum mobilization of its financial, material and manpower resources. Unfortunately, however, Nicaragua has been, and continues to be, compelled to divert most of these scarce resources towards the defence of its territorial integrity and sovereign independence from external aggression.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  49. There, tension, and sometimes even open conflict, continue gravely to threaten regional peace and stability, with very serious consequences for international peace and security. This tension is very largely attributable to foreign intervention and interference, aimed at destabilizing and undermining progressive Governments in the region and in the Caribbean area. Nicaragua is a typical example of one of the countries target ed for campaigns of destabilization and aggression from the outside. Cuba and Grenada have also been, and continue to be, targets and are subjected to all sorts of blackmail and intimidation by an external Power. 130.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  50. With particular reference to the Korean situation, we must warn that die perpetuation of the idea of two Koreas by foreign Powers not only destroys any prospects for a peaceful solution of this problem, but it also aggravates the tension which has existed on the peninsula for a long time now. It has been and continues to be our view that the continuing military build-up in the south of the peninsula militates against any possibility of meaningful dialogue between the South and the North. Accordingly the Assembly should, in our view, call for the immediate withdrawal of those foreign troops, so as to set a stage for the peaceful reunification of Korea. 129. In concluding my comments on the violations of the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of States, I now want to turn to the situation in Central America.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)