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Mangwende

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155
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1981-09-24
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1987-09-24
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un-general-debate

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  1. Accordingly, we must record our deep concern about foreign intervention and interference in Afghanistan, Kampuchea, on the Korean peninsula and in East Timor. We must observe, with deep regret, that in most instances, though not necessarily in all, the perpetrators of intervention and interference in the affairs of other States are permanent members of the Security Council who, by their position, should be most aware of the heavy and special responsibility for international peace and security which the Charter has placed on them. 128. We call upon those concerned to leave the peoples of Afghanistan, Kampuchea, Korea and East Timor freely to exercise their right to determine their own social and political systems, and to choose their leaders without any intervention and interference.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  2. The question of Cyprus has been before the Assembly for a long time now, and we are deeply concerned that no solution to it seems to be in sight. Foreign intervention and occupation continue there, seriously threatening that country's sovereign independence, territorial integrity and the unity of its people. The President of Cyprus has proposed the total demilitarization of that country and Zimbabwe fully supports this proposal. 127. As a small country, holding very dear the principles of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of sovereign States, Zimbabwe is greatly disturbed whenever and wherever there is evidence of their violation, even if the violators are our friends.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  3. We are convinced that no solution to the Middle East question can be just and lasting unless it recognizes and guarantees the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and an independent Palestinian State. 125. It is also a matter of deep regret that for over two years two very dear Members of the Organization have been involved in an internecine war. I am referring here to the very unfortunate war between Iran and Iraq, both of which are friends of Zimbabwe. We reiterate here our appeal to them to do their utmost to settle this conflict without delay by negotiation. The continuation of this war, which has already caused a great deal of suffering and misery, apart from costing each country very dear in material terms, is in no one's interest. 126.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  4. Zionist Israel's invasion of Lebanon last year and the subsequent slaughtering of hundreds of Palestinian refugees at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps are but two of the numerous ugly manifestations of the Zionist killer instinct and are reminiscent of Nazi barbarity. Surely the international community does not need other Sabras and Shatilas to jolt it into realizing that Zionism is one of the most deadly threats to international peace and security. The international community should demand of Israel unconditional withdrawal from all the Palestinian and Arab lands which it has been occupying since 1967. We believe that this would contribute greatly to the finding of a peaceful and lasting settlement in that region.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  5. The question of security in and around the Indian Ocean has been an item on the international agenda ever since the Third Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Lusaka in 1970, which called upon all States to respect the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Zimbabwe fully endorses this demand. We call upon those that bring weapons of mass destruction to the region and those super-Powers involved in competition and rivalry for spheres of influence to end those activities, .which continue to threaten peace and security in the region. We equally condemn the maintenance of foreign military bases and call upon all concerned to respect fully General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) of 1971. 124. The situation in the Middle East continues to cause great concern to the international community.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  6. Such a step by Morocco would bring peace to the area, to the benefit of the peoples of Morocco and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. 122. For about two decades Chad has known no peace. The people of Chad, like any people, have a right to peace and undisturbed economic and social development. It is our view that the fratricidal wars and strife which continue to bring death and misery to the people of Chad are to a very large extent the result of external interference in the affairs of that State. We therefore call upon the Assembly to demand the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Chad to enable the people of Chad to discuss their problems among themselves, under the auspices of the OAU. 123.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  7. They have an opportunity to do this now and at the forthcoming Security Council meeting, which will also consider the report of the Secretary- General. 120. If, however, South Africa refuses to co-operate, the Council should be asked to take appropriate action, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. 121. Let me now explain our position on other troubled areas of Africa. Zimbabwe has always viewed the question of Western Sahara as that of a people yearning and fighting for self-determination. Consequently we support the demand of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic for self-determination and sovereignty, and sincerely hope that Morocco, a key member of the OAU, will soon reconcile itself to this reality.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  8. They must now stop pampering the regime and tell it that enough is enough. We call upon each of them, as a first step, to condemn and reject linkage categorically, and demand Pretoria's compliance with United Nations demands to make possible the immediate implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We must warn the members of the Western contact group that they cannot afford to equivocate regarding the need totally to reject linkage and to reaffirm their total commitment to the immediate and unconditional implementation of resolution 435 (1978). This immediate removal of ambiguities will help to arrest the rapid erosion of the little confidence in them that may still exist among front-line States and, indeed, in the entire African continent.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  9. Why should the international community be required to interfere in a matter that rightly concerns Angola and Cuba? Besides, have any of the Cuban soldiers been found on South African territory? Why should the Cuban forces in Angola be regarded as a stumbling-block to the independence of Namibia? 119. We also reject linkage because it is calculated to give the wrong impression that it is Angola which is responsible for the current deadlock on the Namibian question. We cannot accept this wicked view, which seeks to shift the blame and responsibility from the perpetrator to the victim of the injurious act. It is South African intransigence that has brought about the deadlock, and pressure must be brought to bear upon South Africa until that regime leaves Namibia and Angola. In this the role of the contact group members is critical.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  10. It must be borne in mind that this resolution, which was the result of painstaking consultations and negotiations, was and is still strictly meant to be the basis of a solution to the Namibian question only. It was never meant to be a prescription for a comprehensive solution of the problems of the southern African region as a whole, least of all to provide for the geopolitical concerns and preoccupations of any Power or group of Powers. 118. It is also becoming increasingly clear that linkage is nothing but a smoke-screen designed to conceal the fact that it is South Africa that must unconditionally withdraw its own troops which have been occupying parts of the Angolan territory for over two years now. When are those racist forces which have brought so much misery and death to Angola going to leave that country?

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  11. The Secretary-General says that, although every outstanding issue relevant to resolution 435 (1978) has been resolved and we are tantalizingly close to finality on the modalities of implementing the plan, the position of South Africa regarding the issue of the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola as a precondition for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) still makes it impossible to launch the United Nations plan. ? 117. I must reiterate here my Government's total condemnation and rejection of any attempt, from whatever quarter, to bring any new factors into the Namibian decolonization equation. This linkage, besides being obviously unfair, illogical, irrelevant, illegal and grossly immoral, is also a very serious breach of resolution 435 (1978).

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  12. Members will recall that, in an effort to obtain South African co-operation in the immediate implementation of the United Nations plan, the Security Council adopted resolution 532 (1983) in May of this year, empowering the Secretary-General to hold consultations with the parties to the cease-fire agreement proposed under the plan. The Secretary- General has since published a report on his visit to South Africa, Namibia and Angola, in fulfilment of his mandate.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  13. The Pretoria regime, then desperately looking for excuses to delay further the independence of Namibia, was only too grateful when one was thrown into its lap by that country. 116. As the Assembly knows, since August of last year, South Africa and that member of the Western contact group have maintained that the Namibians should remain under Pretoria's illegal occupation until the Cuban forces that have been in Angola since 1975, when Angola invited them in to help defend that country against South African aggression, have been withdrawn.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  14. Although we knew that such reservations were utterly unfounded, we took them into consideration, to the satisfaction of the Pretoria regime itself and to those among the Western contact group who seemed to be sympathetic to the regime's view. 115. In retrospect, however, the folly of making any concessions to that nonsense about United Nations impartiality is painfully obvious. For, when in August last year we were all agreed that every issue relevant to the plan was in place, and we were preparing to approach the Security Council to adopt an enabling resolution, setting in motion the process of implementing the United Nations plan, further issues were raised, at first by a Security Council member which also belongs to the Western contact group.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  15. Yet not only do the resolution and the United Nations plan remain unimplemented, gathering thick layers of dust, but there is also real concern that some of their authors are, wittingly or otherwise, casting dark shadows of doubt upon the entire plan by encouraging South African intransigence. 114. Since the abortive pre-implementation Geneva meeting of 1981, the failure of which is entirely attributable to South African intransigence, which in turn was encouraged by mixed signals from certain capitals, we have been presented with a series of pretexts to delay the implementation of the United Nations plan on the independence of Namibia. South Africa was said to be harbouring reservations about the United Nations impartiality in supervising elections in Namibia, as provided for under the plan.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  16. While making it absolutely clear to South Africa that it will not succeed in any of its insidious and diabolic aims, we must also warn the Assembly that the lack of any appreciable progress on the question of Namibia's decolonization is now an international scandal and a great shame to the Organization. Equally disturbing and disconcerting is the apparent indifference of certain Members of the Organization, which are also permanent members of the Security Council, to the gravity of the threat which Pretoria's defiance of international demands for Namibian independence poses to the reputation and effective role of the United Nations. It is now four years since Security Council resolution 435 (1978), embodying a realistic and internationally acceptable formula for the achievement of Namibian independence, was adopted.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  17. As we have pointed out elsewhere, Pretoria's policy of regional destabilization has as some of its main objectives the following: first, the negation of the liberation struggle at home and in Namibia which, in arrogant defiance of the Namibian people and the entire international community, South Africa continues to occupy; secondly, the racist regime wants to intimidate and deter front-line and other States in the region from supporting the struggling masses in South Africa and Namibia; thirdly, the regime is also desperately battling to foil and frustrate our regional economic co-operation and endeavour within the context of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference. 113.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  18. The catalogue of examples of Pretoria's acts of aggression, brutality, and political and economic destabilization, would be too long to read within the scope of an address of this nature. Suffice it to say, therefore, that military aggression and economic brute bullying and blackmail are causing great difficulty and suffering to the peoples of the region, including the slaughtering and massacring of many innocent souls. 112.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  19. These campaigns assume all sorts of forms and shapes, including blatantly naked and unprovoked military aggression, as has been unleashed against Angola during the past two years, against Seychelles and Lesotho in 1982, and against Mozambique and Zimbabwe occasionally. 110. It is common knowledge that Pretoria also recruits, trains, equips and infiltrates into our countries unpatriotic and dissident elements, who harass, kill and maim innocent civilians engaged in productive development. Also taking effective advantage of geographical and historical economic links with its economically weak neighbours, the regime openly and brazenly sabotages their respective economies. 111.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  20. Feeling itself very much cornered by the escalating domestic liberation struggle, as well as by the Namibian struggle, and by the consolidation of true and genuine freedom and social justice in the neighbouring independent States, the apartheid Pretoria regime is espousing and practising a policy of confrontation and open conflict against the free nations in the region. Thus, no country, from the People's Republic of Angola in the West, to the Republic of Seychelles on the Indian Ocean, and from the Kingdom of Lesotho, in the regime's own hot belly, to Zambia in the North, is being spared from Pretoria's destabilizing campaigns.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  21. As we believe in the justice and legitimacy of their cause, we support their demand for international support, diplomatic, moral and material, and we call upon the international community, especially the United Nations, to intervene effectively in South Africa. The racist regime's archaic apartheid philosophy and policies are not only decidedly against the entire march of human history but are increasingly threatening stability, peace and security in our region. We must warn that such a threat to the stability of this vital region will produce vibrations and tremors, with dire consequences for international peace and security. 109.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  22. Today, the closely related and complementary systems of apartheid and Zionism are, understandably, the most spoken about and the most roundly condemned in all international forums. Indeed, in this very Assembly, speaker after speaker has drawn urgent attention to racist Pretoria's dangerous domestic and k /ional policies. Domestically, the racist regime continues its policy of politically discriminating against and relentlessly exploiting the masses of the black majority, economically and culturally. 108. Having been denied all possibilities of attaining political and social change by peaceful means, the oppressed South African masses are now, as would any people in similar circumstances, waging a war of liberation against the racist white minority regime.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  23. It was because of this commitment to the principle of collective international security that Zimbabwe rendered its modest contribution to the Security Council's consideration of the report on the work of the Organization submitted at the thirty-seventh session by the Secretary-General, searching for ways and means of enhancing the effectiveness of the Council as the body charged with the primary responsibility for ensuring international peace and security. 106. With the indulgence of the Assembly, I should like now to begin my brief observations on the international scene from the standpoint of my own region, southern Africa, one of the regions in which international peace, stability and security are very gravely threatened. 107.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  24. Indeed, the annual report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, submitted for our consideration, conveys the same warning: 1983 has, so far, been a frustrating year for the search for peace, stability and justice and for those who believe that the United Nations is the best available international instrumentality to achieve these ends . 104. I wish by way of prefacing my brief review of the international scene to recommit my own Government and country to the purposes and principles of the United Nations, as outlined in the Charter, and especially to the maintenance of international peace and security. 105.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  25. Imre Hollai of Hungary, the President of the thirty-seventh session, for the exemplary manner in which he fulfilled the duties and responsibilities of his office. 102. I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate and welcome to the Assembly the new Member, the sovereign State of Saint Christopher and Nevis, and to express our best wishes for its prosperity at home and for a most satisfying participation in the deliberations of the Assembly. 103. The thirty-eighth session is taking place against the background of a very dark and threatening international scene. Many speakers who have addressed the Assembly before me have made this point.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  26. 100. My first and most pleasant duty is to congratulate you, Mr. President, your Government and the people of Panama on the honour which this session of the General Assembly has bestowed upon you by electing you as its President. The General Assembly is also to be commended for its very good choice of a steward. Your now very well-known qualities of leadership and statesmanship, so amply tested and demonstrated during the period you served your Government and country in various capacities, including that of Vice-President, and your wide knowledge of international affairs qualify you most eminently for the elevated position which you now hold. 101. May I also add my own voice and that of my delegation to the many which have already paid tribute to Mr.

    1983-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 38 (1983)

  27. The calls by the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement to create nuclear-free zones in such regions as Africa, the Indian Ocean, the Middle East and SouthEast Asia have been ignored contemptuously. 68. The search for an international agreement to reduce arms, and ultimately to bring about general and complete disarmament, must be continued vigorously. My delegation is most appreciative of United Nations efforts in this regard. We also support the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on disarmament and we believe, too, that a world conference devoted to this issue is in the interest of world peace and security.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  28. United Nations efforts and calls to stop the further spread of military nuclear technology have been and continue to be ignored, and the list of countries possessing this dangerous technology has become even longer. Also, since 1963, when the Soviet Union, the United States of America and the United Kingdom signed the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and under Water, many tests have been carried out by those same countries. Even more disturbing, other countries, including apartheid South Africa and Zionist Israel, are known to have added their names to the list. It would appear that some countries regard every region of the world as available for their nuclear testing activities.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  29. Although we do not believe that there is any panacea for the current economic woes of the South, we are convinced that NorthSouth cooperation will contribute markedly to averting the catastrophe facing our world today. 67. By far the biggest threat to international peace and security, and to the very existence of human life on this planet, is the vicious arms race between the two superPowers. This race, which began just after the Second World War, is being fueled by growing EastWest tension, as each superPower seeks to gain mastery over the whole world and to ensure its security against the other by the massive production of arms, including nuclear weapons.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  30. While no one would blame the economic woes of the developing countries entirely upon the economic policies and practices of the major industrialized nations, most observers would agree that leading industrialized countries have so far been responsible for retarding progress towards the achievement of international cooperation in dealing with the declining world economic situation. For instance, it is the total lack of political will, coupled with stubbornness, in some quarters, on the part of these nations that has been the chief stumbling block to the launching of global negotiations for the creation of a new international economic order. 66. The delegation of Zimbabwe wishes to pledge its full support for, and cooperation with, any efforts to bring about intemationaTcooperation in dealing with the serious world economic situation.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  31. Some have warned against its national and regional consequences, which are bound to have serious repercussions on world stability. It has been observed that every country, developing and industrialized, has been experiencing a low level of economic performance, stagnation in industrial output, inflation and increasing unemployment. The ravages of the adverse world economic situation have been more severe in the economies and societies of the developing countries than in those of the industrialized nations. 65. What is more disturbing is the fact that the immediate future is not promising for the developing economies and societies, which are certain to experience a further decline in the coming years. The only hope, in our opinion, lies in in international approach to what is certainly a worldwide crisis.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  32. We believe that the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from the South and the cessation of malicious propaganda will greatly contribute towards the creation of an atmosphere conducive to this goal. 63. Zimbabwe also fully supports the initiatives of President Kim II Sung of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and his Government. Ws believe that the establishment of a confederate system as envisioned by President Kim II Sung is a most realistic step towards the ultimate unification of Korea. 64. I should like now to turn to the economic factors which are some of the main causes of tension on the international scene. Many speakers before me have already referred to the deteriorating world economic situation.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  33. We also appeal for the strict observance of, and respect for, the territorial integrity, sovereignty and nonaligned status of both Afghanistan and Kampuchea. 62. On the Korean peninsula, external intervention and interference have taken the following main forms: a massive foreign military buildup in the South and foreign propaganda geared towards the throttling of any positive move towards the reunification of Korea. The enemies of Korean unity would like, for instance, to perpetuate disunity among the people of the peninsula by preaching the divisive myth of the so-calledF two Koreas policy. The United Nations must reject outright any designs to create two Koreas and the international community should, instead, support those patriotic forces in Korea labouring to bring about the reunification of Korea under one national government.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  34. Regrettably, however, this fundamental pillar of relationships among nations has been, and continues to be, transgressed in several areas, including Afghanistan, Kampuchea and the Korean peninsula, to mention only some of the areas where such violation is taking place. As representatives know, in all these cases, external interference not only makes murky waters even muddier but also certainly endangers world peace and security. Zimbabwe strongly believes that it is the right of every sovereign nation to settle its internal affairs without outside intervention and interference. Accordingly, Zimbabwe supports the call for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed on Afghan and Kampuchean territory.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  35. It pleases us even more to see them occupy the seat, which has always been theirs by right, in this assembly of sovereign nations as the one hundred fifty-fifth Member State of the United Nations. To them we extend our warmest congratulations. 60. By the same token, we also wish to salute Belize, which attained nationhood on 21 September this year, and we are extremely pleased to see the Belizean delegation occupying its seat in the Assembly. 61. One of the most sacred principles of the United Nations is that of nonintervention and noninterference in the internal affairs of sovereign State.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  36. The United Nations is the only hope left to all the peoples still living under foreign occupation and oppression for their freedom, self-determination, peace and the fulfillment of their national aspirations. Accordingly, my delegation very strongly supports the people of East Timor in their efforts to enlist United Nations assistance in their struggle for self-determination. We call upon all freedom-loving people to support the FRETILIN6 liberation movement, which is guiding the East Timorese in their struggle for freedom. 59. We also note with joy that, after decades of colonial rule, the people of Vanuatu have now gained freedom and independence.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  37. In the meantime, the international community, collectively and severally, must continue its political; diplomatic, material and military support for the struggling Palestinians under their gallant liberation movement, the PLO. 57. The delegation of Zimbabwe holds the view that the Arab States which are resolutely and determinedly supporting the Palestinian struggle, in spite of Israeli aggression against them, must be commended for that internationalist duty. They should also be assisted by the international community in the defense of their sovereignty and territorial integrity against Zionist aggression which is designed to deter them from supporting the PLO and from giving asylum to Palestinian refugees. 58.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  38. Naturally, the dispossessed and oppressed Palestinians and their gallant revolutionary movement, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], are fighting with all the means at their disposal to wrench their fatherland, including historic Jerusalem, from the Zionists. Again Zimbabwe fully supports the just and legitimate Palestinian struggle for survival, liberation, independence and sovereignty that is being waged in that area. 56. We also wish to call upon the United Nations urgently to take appropriate steps to compel Israel unconditionally to withdraw from all Palestinian and other Arab lands occupied during the 1967 expansionist war, including the city of Jerusalem, in order to facilitate Palestinian self-determination.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  39. They are both racist philosophies whose followers believe that certain races are inferior. Both doctrines justify and encourage the territorial occupation, dispossession and colonization of the so-called racial inferiors. 55. In the Middle East Zionist expansionist policies and practices have resulted in the grabbing of Arab land and are seriously threatening the very existence of some Arab States and communities. The main cause of tension in that region is Zionist Israel's refusal to accept the universally recognized fact that the Palestinians are a people which, like every other people, is entitled to its own freedom and an independent and sovereign State.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  40. We believe that the referendum mentioned in the resolution on Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [see A/36/534, annex II, resolution AHG/Res.103 (XVIII)], is a step in the right direction. 53. My delegation is equally concerned about the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Middle East. As representatives know, for decades the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement have been warning against the dangerous situation developing in that region. 54. As in southern Africa, in the Middle East too the rapid deterioration is mainly attributable to one factor, in this case Zionism. Indeed, as political and social doctrines, Zionism and apartheid share several common characteristics; hence the existence of what has been called a Tel AvivPretoria axis.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  41. The Sahraoui, under the leadership of the gallant and revolutionary POLISARIO5 movement, have for many years been fighting for their country's liberation. Zimbabwe stands solidly behind them because their cause is just and in conformity with the principles of the United Nations, the OAU and the nonaligned movement. 52. The delegation of Zimbabwe also wishes to see the United Nations and the OAU take the necessary measures to implement their respective decisions and resolutions to bring about a ceasefire in the area. Zimbabwe wishes to see the people of Western Sahara establish their republic on their own territory.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  42. I should like, in that context, to express our sincere appreciation and gratitude to those countries, organizations and institutions which have already responded so generously to our .appeal for financial, technical and material aid and assistance. Indeed, the remarkable success of the Zimbabwe Conference on Reconstruction and Development in March this year was largely attributable to a positive international response to our needs. 5U. l should now like to turn to other areas where foreign aggression, occupation and domination continue to deny the indigenous societies their sovereignty, with serious consequences for regional stability and international security. 51. On our own continent, for instance, the Sahraoui people of Western Sahara are still denied their right to self-determination by a foreign Power claiming their Territory.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  43. Consequently, not only do we, as the concerned nations, promote diplomatic relations among ourselves and with other regions, but we are also taking practical measures to develop our respective national and regional economies. Our countries are cooperating amongst themselves economically and are also encouraging cooperation with other regions. The formation of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference in early 1980 clearly demonstrates that determination to develop our economies through regional and interregional cooperation and also effectively to resist the racist regime's economic blackmail. 49. Those honest efforts can succeed only if there is an effective mobilization of our national and regional resources, as well as generous assistance from the developed countries which are Members of this international body.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  44. The Republic of Zimbabwe joins its free and independent neighbors in the region in telling racist South Africa unequivocally that intimidation, whether military or economic, will never deter us from our progressive and internationalist duty and responsibility to give whatever assistance we can to the forces fighting for social justice, political independence and sovereignty in our own region or for that matter anywhere else in the world. 48. Those of us living in the troubled region also know full well that economic independence is crucial not only to our ability effectively to support the processes of liberation in South Africa and Namibia, but also to the maintenance of our own respective hard-won national independence and sovereignty.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  45. For instance, it is not a secret that, taking advantage of the fact that the economies of the neighboring States are linked to it by geographical and historical factors, apartheid South Africa often adopts a policy of economic intimidation and blackmail. Pretoria's economic bullying and its military aggression against the front-line States are aimed at deterring us from giving material, moral and diplomatic support and Assistance to the oppressed South Africans and Namibians and their respective authentic liberation movements. 47.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  46. And yet, racist Pretoria continues arrogantly to defy with impunity the already very numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. It has disregarded, again with impunity, an equally large number of calls and resolutions of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the nonaligned movement to end its illegal occupation of Namibia and to facilitate genuine political changes internally in order that the black people of South Africa may exercise their full rights as free citizens of their land. 46. We have already expressed grave concern and warning about the dangerous military consequences for our region caused by the regime's destabilizing policies and activities. We must also emphasize and warn against the equally injurious effects of the apartheid system upon national as well as regional economic developments.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  47. The activities of the murder and kidnapping squads of the apartheid PretoriaGovernment are well known in the capitals of neighboring Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Swaziland, the United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe, where hundreds of Namibian and exiled South African patriots have been cold-bloodedly murdered. Many more have been and are being kidnapped and abducted to apartheid South Africa to be tortured to death in the regime's death chambers, euphemistically called prisons. 45. The international community has now given the racist minority regime more than enough warning and opportunity to end its crimes against the black majority in South Africa and Namibia in particular and humanity in general.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  48. Those voices wanted the invasion to be seen within a context other than that of an unprovoked aggression against another State resulting , in the violation of that State's territorial integrity and national sovereignty. 44. In addition to its attacks against the neighboring States with its well-equipped air force, it is also a well known fact that the Pretoria regime finances, equips and trains dissident and unpatriotic Angolan, Mozambican, Zambian and Zimbabwean criminal elements which are regularly unleashed to return to their respective countries to commit sabotage, rape and murder against their own people. Nor is this list of the racist regime's crimes complete.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  49. By far the most dangerous crime in the racist regime's endless catalog of brutalities against humanity is the recent unprovoked invasion of Angola. As representatives know, the invasion was followed by the occupation of the southern part of Angola by the enemy forces, which killed thousands of civilians and senselessly destroyed much Angolan property. The world was stunned and revolted by the regime's disregard of international law. And yet, it must also be sadly observed that Pretoria was not without advocates, if not supporters, in its acts of brutality against the peace-loving people of Angola. As representatives will recall s when in August last the Security Council met to discuss apartheid South Africa's aggression against Angola, certain voices would not support the relevant draft resolution.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)

  50. Not only does this regime employ the most repressive police and military machines to silence internal opposition and resistance by the politically oppressed and economically and culturally exploited black majority, but the white racist minority Government also, without any provocation, repeatedly invades the neighboring sovereign States. Thus, unashamedly, the regime's forces have invaded and continue to attack the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of Botswana, the People's Republic of Mozambique and the Republic of Zambia. Again, without any provocation, the racist Pretoria regime has declared its intention to attack our young republic and is currently doing everything in its power to destabilize it. 43.

    1981-09-24 · UN General Assembly · General Debate, Session 36 (1981)