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1996-08-15
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2002-10-17
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un-security-council

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  1. We commend Ambassador Fowler for his strong commitment and tireless efforts in transforming the sanctions Committee into an active and robust body, one which is very much at the forefront of the Organization's attempts to cripple the war-making capability of UNITA. We once again welcome the report of the Panel of Experts and take note of the conclusions and recommendations contained in it. The report puts forward a set of 39 bold and far-reaching recommendations for the consideration of the Council. Following on from our deliberations at the open meeting of 15 March 2000, substantial work has been put into the draft resolution before us today, which would give effect to the large majority of the Panel's recommendations. The draft resolution before us is a very important one.

    2000-04-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4129 (2000) · source

  2. My delegation, Sir, is pleased to see you presiding over another meeting of the Security Council. We also welcome the presence at this important meeting of the Minister for External Relations of Angola, Mr. Miranda. We would like to thank the Canadian delegation, in particular Ambassador Robert Fowler, for its outstanding efforts to spearhead the work of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 864 (1993). There has been a tremendous shift in the international focus following the commissioning of the Panel of Experts established by the Security Council pursuant to resolution 1237 (1999), and the issuance of its report in document S/2000/203 of 10 March 2000.

    2000-04-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4129 (2000) · source

  3. However, as in all cases pertaining to the Council, the findings are not as important as the manifestation of the necessary political will on the part of Council members to follow up on the Council's decisions which will be made on the basis of these findings. I think we are all generally aware and know how to improve sanctions. What remains is political will. Unless there is this political will, this exercise will not mean very much.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  4. In conclusion, my delegation welcomes the issuance of the note by the President of the Council to establish a working group to develop general recommendations on how to improve the effectiveness of United Nations sanctions. Today's debate and the presidential note demonstrate the Council's serious response to the need for a serious examination of the sanctions issue in the context of our time. It is to be hoped that the deliberations of the working group will be able to make in-depth examination of, inter alia, all of the issues identified in the note and to report its findings to the Council by 30 November 2000.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  5. Suffice it to say that these sanctions have had a devastating impact on the people. By continuing to maintain economic sanctions on Iraq in the full knowledge of its deplorable consequences, the Security Council will continue to undermine the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations, thereby undermining the confidence of the international community in the Council itself. It is time for us to view the matter, beginning with an immediate impact assessment of the decade-long sanctions. Only a comprehensive assessment will be able to tell us in an objective way whether the sanctions on Iraq have been carried out in the right way or what went wrong and what needs to be done in the interest of ending the plight of the ordinary people.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  6. Capacity constraints exist within the United Nations Secretariat and United Nations sanctions committees, as well as within regional groupings of States that impose sanctions and humanitarian agencies operating in sanction-affected countries. These constraints must be addressed. In examining the question of more effective and humane United Nations sanctions, we cannot but consider the sanctions imposed on Iraq as an example of a sanctions regime that went very wrong. The sanctions imposed on Iraq are the most comprehensive embargo ever devised. The prolonged economic strangulation of that country, combined with the destruction resulting from the Gulf War in 1991, has created one of the worst humanitarian crises of the past decade. This has already been highlighted by my delegation in a recent statement made in the Council.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  7. The costs to the sanctioning States involve legal innovation and/or reform, the ongoing detailed information-gathering for targeting and impact monitoring, enforcement and providing humanitarian aid. High administrative or transaction costs may also be incurred in planning and implementation monitoring, reporting, coalition- and consensus-building, and so forth. This requires adequate, competent and dedicated human resources, which the Organization often has been reluctant to fund. In some cases the frozen assets of the target country can be used to offset some of the costs. What is clear is that cheap sanctions are unlikely to be effective sanctions.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  8. Where little or no assistance is available, the affected States may have no choice but to continue surreptitiously with their traditional economic relationships in order to avoid economic hardship to themselves. On occasion, they do so openly, as was clearly the case with respect to the sanctions regime on Libya, when the Organization of African Unity decided in 1998 to cease complying with the United Nations sanctions directed against Libya. Prolonged trade sanctions have social costs which are hard to measure and hard to reverse. Furthermore, for a sanctions regime to be effective, there are significant management and enforcement costs involved.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  9. Sanctions affect third countries in that they often impose extremely high economic costs on the major economic partners of target States. This aspect of the problem is well recognized in Article 50 of the Charter, but it is very rarely invoked, or if invoked, is seldom seriously addressed. Despite calls from Member States for these costs to be spread equitably, this rarely happens. Assistance to disadvantaged States has been ad hoc and inadequate. It is true that some provisions for third-party compensation have been made, but mostly in those cases where the interests of major powers have been engaged in the pursuit of sanctions, notably in the former Yugoslavia and Iraq. No such aid has been forthcoming in the case of the African sanctions regimes.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  10. Such measures are more likely to receive the international cooperation necessary for effective monitoring and enforcement. The analogy of smart sanctions to smart weapons systems is very apt indeed. While the United Nations talks about comprehensive sanctions as a blunt instrument, the supposedly precise targeting of smart sanctions, like smart bombs, is meant to reduce collateral damage, that ubiquitous term used to refer to unintended targets. Unfortunately, many civilians have become victims of the so-called smart bombs. They are smart to the extent that men can make them so. Let us hope that smart sanctions will perform much better than smart bombs in minimizing the collateral damage on the unintended target: the general public.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  11. Greater uniformity and consistency are needed not only in Security Council resolutions and the guidelines for monitoring and enforcement provided to Member States and regional organizations, but also in the national legislation and administrative procedures of Member States. A smart sanctions strategy should be part of a carrot-and-stick diplomacy designed to bring about the negotiated settlement of disputes. Coercive measures, when applied, should be combined with concrete incentives for compliance as instruments of persuasive diplomacy. Targeted financial sanctions, arms embargoes and travel bans offer promise as a means of focusing coercive pressure on decision-making elites while minimizing humanitarian and third-party costs.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  12. The imposition of sanctions, while legitimate and provided for in the United Nations Charter, must also be humane in implementation, or else it will lose the support of the international community, which is necessary for the effectiveness of the sanctions regime and the credibility of the Council. A more effective strategy for the use of sanctions should be based on an understanding of why sanctions succeed or fail. The institutional capacity of the United Nations system must be enhanced, including the mechanisms for monitoring and impact assessment, as well as with respect to the technical assistance and specialized expertise which should be made available to the respective sanctions committees.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  13. That should also apply in respect of non-United Nations sanctions regimes, such as those imposed unilaterally or regionally. The widespread humanitarian suffering that comprehensive economic embargoes in particular can cause raises the moral question as to whether the Security Council can violate social and economic rights and/or civil and political rights in the pursuit of international peace and security. It is of course recognized that targeted regimes retain the primary responsibility for the continuation or lifting of the sanctions that have been imposed on them and for the well-being of their people. However, this does not absolve the Council of its own responsibility to ensure that the fundamental rights of the population in the target country are respected or preserved.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  14. Hence the importance of ongoing assessment of the impact of sanctions, which should be modified if deemed necessary, or even lifted if they prove to be ineffective, so as to spare the people from further unnecessary hardship. If sanctions are meant to be an alternative to military action, then surely their implementation must take cognizance of and respect the basic principles of international humanitarian law, such as the concept of "proportionality" in the damage inflicted, and the necessary distinction between civilian and military targets. There are also other international conventions and legal instruments that sanctioning authorities cannot simply ignore. In its implementation of sanctions regimes, the Council must demonstrate that every possible effort is being made to avoid violating the basic rights of the general population.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  15. Sanctions directed at an elite or ruling class will have a direct and indirect effect on the population under their control in virtually every aspect of their lives, be it air travel, trade and commerce or other economic activities covered by the sanctions. This is because targeted elites do not live in splendid isolation; they live in societies. Indeed, sanctions sometimes have the unintended effect of entrenching or even strengthening the very targets they were intended to coerce. In the end, it is the innocent, ordinary people living in areas under their control that pay the price, not the intended target or targets.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  16. Among the pertinent questions that should be considered in depth are those of the extent and location of the assets of the targeted elites, the kinds of measures that are likely to have the greatest impact on the intended targets and the positive elements that can be built into the sanctions regime to motivate compliance by the targeted individuals or entity. Conditions for the lifting of the sanctions at the appropriate time should also be incorporated in the sanctions regimes. Malaysia has serious reservations and will not support the imposition of sanctions beyond a time-frame that is necessary or feasible. This is because experience has shown that sanctions rarely work on the intended target or targets. Instead, they have brought unmitigated suffering on ordinary people.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  17. With the exception of the sanctions on Iraq - the only existing comprehensive sanctions today - there is now a clear preference on the part of the Council to impose the so-called targeted sanctions whereby certain elites or groups of individuals or entities are targeted with a View to coercing them to comply with certain stipulated requirements or a general change of behaviour or policy before the sanctions can be lifted. This, clearly, is a more acceptable and humane form of sanctions. However, as in the case of comprehensive sanctions, there should be careful and exhaustive analyses of the likely impact of these targeted sanctions.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  18. It is regrettable that more often than not the Council is quick in imposing sanctions but slow in lifting them when the conditions that had prompted the sanctions are no longer in existence. The sanctions on Libya, which were only suspended and not lifted, are a clear case in point. Clearly, if sanctions are to secure the strong support of the international community, it is imperative that sanctions that have served their purpose be formally lifted by the Council.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  19. The recently imposed sanctions on Afghanistan - or, more specifically, the Taliban - would be another case in point since, again, without the required pre-assessment of the likely impact of the sanctions, a series of measures were decided upon by the Council through its resolution 1267 (1999) and additional measures, as contained in the presidential statement of 7 April 2000, are now being contemplated. Sanctions, as provided for in the Charter, are meant to be provisional in nature and should be implemented accordingly - that is, provisionally and not permanently. Also, in their implementation, serious consideration should be given to exemptions on humanitarian grounds.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  20. Such assessments are an invaluable and indispensable tool in assisting the Council to determine the appropriate steps that may be taken in respect of specific sanctions regimes. In most instances, it has not been easy to effectively implement a sanctions regime except when it serves the particular interests of one or more of the permanent members of the Council - the sanctions on Libya and Iraq being the obvious cases in point. In these two instances, the sanctions were carried out with almost religious zeal.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  21. It is Malaysia's conviction that sanctions against a country and people should be resorted to only when all other peaceful measures have been exhausted and have failed. As an instrument of coercion, they should be used with great caution because of their unintended grave consequences to the innocent population of the targeted country. We also believe that before the imposition of sanctions there should be a pre-assessment report on the likely impact of the planned targeted measures. When sanctions are finally imposed, there should be a periodic evaluation of the sanctions and an early comprehensive assessment of their impact. These assessments provide an objective and scientific basis for an overall evaluation of the effectiveness or otherwise of the sanctions imposed by the Council.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  22. The challenge before the Council now is to design sanctions regimes that work effectively with minimal unintended collateral impacts and with the unqualified support of the international community. We commend the efforts made by a number of countries, such as Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom and Canada, and, of course, the important seminar organized by the International Peace Academy this morning. Malaysia, as a matter of principle, is against the imposition of sanctions on any country unless the Security Council, after careful consideration, has determined that the State or country in question is indeed a threat to the peace, is committing a breach of the peace or is guilty of aggression which requires the direct, collective response of the international community short of the use of military force.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  23. We are very pleased to see you, Sir, presiding over this meeting of the Council on this very important subject. I should like to commend Canada for putting this issue on the Council's agenda for this month in the context of its pursuance of the human security agenda. While sanctions are not mentioned per se in the Charter of the United Nations, they are certainly a tool available to the Security Council, short of military force, to use against States Whose policies and actions constitute a threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression. This is provided for in Article 41 of the Charter. However, because of the grave, unintended collateral impacts of all-encompassing sanctions, these measures have given rise to serious concern on the part of the international community.

    2000-04-17 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4128 (2000) · source

  24. Nana-Sinkam, UNOGBIS and the United Nations country team in Bissau for their efforts thus far and for their continued success in assisting Guinea-Bissau in its peace-building efforts.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  25. We agree with the Secretary-General that the ability of the Organization to fulfil its critical facilitation role in Guinea-Bissau is very much dependent on the continued and additional support of the international community. In conclusion, Malaysia commends the Economic Community of West African States, as well as the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries, for their important roles in facilitating the transitional process. We also commend States Members of the Organization, particularly France, the Netherlands and Cyprus, for their contributions to the trust fund established in support of the activities of UNOGBIS. We also wish to join others in commending the Secretary-General's Representative, Mr.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  26. Furthermore, we are pleased to note the improvement in human rights, as well as the overall humanitarian situation in the country, and the role that UNOGBIS continues to play in the process. The continued improvement in relations between Guinea-Bissau and its neighbours has helped to facilitate the smooth and early return of refugees to the country. We welcome this. Guinea-Bissau requires our continuing attention and assistance as it moves forward to consolidate peace and stability in the country. Malaysia joins others in calling on the international community to support the Government's three-month transitional programme, pending the organization of a new round-table conference.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  27. For a smooth transition to democracy in Guinea-Bissau, it is important for the military to support the supremacy of civilian institutions and the rule of law and to confine its role to that of national defence. Meanwhile, we continue to be concerned about the wide circulation of small arms, which serves only to further complicate the security situation. My delegation therefore welcomes efforts to develop a package of incentives to encourage civilians to turn in their weapons under the coordination of UNOGBIS, with the active support of the World Food Programme and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. In addition, we must underline the importance of the World Bank mission to the country proposed for early next month in an effort to promote the demobilization and reintegration of the military into civilian life.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  28. However, we note that, as Guinea-Bissau moves ahead with its democratization process, the military has, nevertheless, continued to maintain a high public posture. We strongly urge the former military junta to fulfil its earlier pledge that it would endeavour to stay out of politics and would remain loyal to the newly elected President. We are heartened to hear about the positive outcome of the negotiations between the Government and the former military junta to redefine the role of the military in accordance with the rule of law and democracy. We pay tribute to the Foreign Minister of the Gambia for the commendable role he has played in this regard.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  29. The successful completion of those elections and the subsequent setting up of a new Government has ushered in a new chapter for the people of Guinea-Bissau, one full of the promise of a democratic and peaceful political future. It also brings to a close the transitional Government established in accordance with the Abuja peace accord of 1 November 1998. In this regard, we would like to congratulate President Kumba Yala on his impressive mandate and wish him every success as Guinea-Bissau completes the process of a return to civilian rule. We support the President's intention to fight corruption and to build a more just and democratic society. The early identification by the Government of post-electoral priorities for the short and medium term is most heartening.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  30. My delegation wishes to thank you, Mr. President, for convening this formal meeting today to discuss the Secretary-General's latest report, of 24 March 2000, on developments in Guinea- Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Peace- building Support Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS). We also wish to thank Sir Kieran Prendergast for introducing the Secretary-General's report and for updating us on the situation. The report has made clear that the people of Guinea- Bissau strongly desire peace and wish to put the traumatic events of the civil strife behind them. We welcome the fact that the process of normalization and the transition to democracy is taking place in earnest following the successful holding of the legislative and presidential elections in that country.

    2000-03-29 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4121 (2000) · source

  31. It is a matter of humanitarian concern and of morality, not of polemics. For us, it is a matter of conscience, especially in view of our membership. I believe it is the same for many other members of the Council, as well as for those outside of it.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  32. In appealing to the Council to act on this call, let me remind Council members of the sad and unnecessary deaths of the innocent children of Iraq by quoting the noted Lebanese philosopher and writer who wrote, "They died in silence, for humanity had closed its ears to their cries". In this regard I would like to recommend that Council members View an important documentary film made by Mr. John Pilger, entitled Paying the Price: Killing the Children of Iraq, which was produced by Carlton Television of London and first aired in the United Kingdom on ITV. Viewing it might perhaps open our ears to the cries of those Iraqi children who are still living. I have spoken at length on this subject. For Malaysia, the issue of sanctions on Iraq is a matter of great importance and concern to our people, as it is to other peoples elsewhere.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  33. It is time for us to view the matter not, for the most part, through the narrow prism of security - which is important, but which has substantially been addressed - but also and equally frequently through the broader prism of humanity. Accordingly my delegation strongly urges the Council to commission an immediate and comprehensive impact assessment of the sanctions on Iraq. The periodic United Nations reports, while they are useful and serve their purpose, simply do not tell the whole story; only a comprehensive study can do so. Such a study is not only necessary, it is long overdue.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  34. The continuing demonizing of Iraq must stop if we are serious in our professed concern for the plight of the Iraqi people. After more than nine years of the most comprehensive economic embargo on a State Member of this Organization, it is clear that the continuation of the sanctions regime in its present form is morally indefensible. Its continuation will only prolong the agony of the long-suffering Iraqi people and damage the credibility of the United Nations - this Council in particular. By sustaining economic sanctions against Iraq in the full knowledge of their deplorable consequences, the Security Council will continue to undermine the Charter of the United Nations.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  35. The defenders of continued, relentless sanctions have argued that they are necessary to prevent Iraq from threatening its neighbours and rebuilding its arsenal. The goal of these sanctions, however, seems to have changed. The original United Nations resolutions imposed sanctions to pressure Iraq to eliminate its programmes of weapons of mass destruction. Policy statements emanating from some capitals, however, suggest that sanctions will remain in place until certain political objectives have been achieved. This policy clearly undermines the original objective of the sanctions, around which the international consensus against Iraq was originally based, and makes children and families in Iraq virtual hostages to the political deadlock between Governments.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  36. On the economic front, economic reconstruction efforts, by one conservative estimate, will need between $50 billion and $100 billion just for essential infrastructure utilities. External debts will also be another burden that Iraq will have to bear even as it attempts to rehabilitate the economy. There have been disturbing reports about the effects of depleted uranium arising from shells used against Iraq during the Gulf War. The highly toxic particles have been known to cause cancer and to result in irreversible damage to the kidneys and deformation of the foetus. There have been reports of a disproportionately high incidence of cancer among Iraqis in the south, where these munitions were largely used. The matter should be investigated and assistance rendered to Iraq to overcome the problems posed by these toxic wastes.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  37. These children will be physically and mentally stunted for the rest of their lives. Iraq's younger generation is growing up resentful of the sanctions, bitter, angry and alienated from the world. An entire people have been stripped of their pride and dignity and may find it difficult to collaborate with the international community. There will assuredly be long- term social and political impacts of the sanctions. These are but some of the more apparent examples of the pervasive impact of the sanctions. The true and complete picture will be known only after a comprehensive impact assessment of the sanctions regime has been made. Even if sanctions were to be lifted today, the problems afflicting Iraq today would persist well into the future. We believe that the real impact is more pervasive than we really know.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  38. Iraq's education system has collapsed, with thousands of teachers leaving their posts because of the unbearable working conditions. The drop-out rate for primary and secondary levels is estimated at 30 per cent. Less than 4 per cent of funds available were allocated to the education sector. The difficulty of getting educational materials essentially means that an intellectual embargo is also in effect. The health services have not been able to handle preventable diseases - such as diarrhoea, gastroenteritis, respiratory tract infection and polio - from spreading to epidemic proportions. Hospitals attempt to function with collapsed water and sewerage systems and without even basic supplies for hygiene and minimal care. UNICEF estimates that 30 per cent of Iraqi children are chronically and acutely malnourished.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  39. Extensive holds in the electricity and oil sectors have serious consequences for the people of Iraq. In 1990, prior to the adoption of resolution 661 (1990), no study was done to advise the Council on the probable humanitarian impact of the proposed sanctions. That was a regrettable omission, but that mistake should not be compounded by a failure to carry out an impact assessment. The sanctions should be subjected to monitoring and regular reviews during the operation of the sanctions regime, as is provided for. The social costs of the sanctions have been enormous. Children have been compelled to work, beg or engage in crime in order to survive. Young women have been compelled into prostitution out of dire economic circumstances. Fathers have abandoned their families, unable to cope with the economic and psychological pressures.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  40. How can such incremental increases hope to succeed when the cause of the problem is structural in nature? Much of the civilian infrastructure in Iraq was destroyed during the war and in subsequent bombings of the country, which continue even now in the illegal so- called no-fly zones, which violate Iraq's sovereignty and further complicate the situation. Iraq cannot rebuild or repair the damage to its pre-war status because the disbursement of money for the oil-for-food programme is controlled by the Security Council. Many of the needed spares and equipment are prohibited by the sanctions regime. Holds on contracts, worth hundreds of millions of dollars, hamper overall efforts in some critical sectors to alleviate the humanitarian situation. What good are food and medicines if clean water is not available?

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  41. Regardless of the improvements that might be brought about in the implementation of the current humanitarian programme - in terms of approval procedures, better performance by the Iraqi Government or funding levels - the magnitude of the humanitarian needs is such that they cannot be met within the context of the parameters set forth in resolution 986 (1995)". Let us pause and ponder this very pertinent observation. Resolution 1284 (1999) seeks, inter alia, to streamline the approval process in the sanctions Committee, secure improvement in performance on the part of Iraq and remove the oil export ceiling. However, the prohibitions on the dual-use items - critical inputs in many civilian projects - remain very much in place. This resolution does not even begin to address the essence of the humanitarian problem.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  42. The humanitarian panel established by this Council and headed by Ambassador Celso Amorim of Brazil, a former member of the Council, made an important observation which I wish to quote because of its pertinence to the subject under discussion. It observed that "even if all the humanitarian supplies were provided in a timely manner, the humanitarian programme implemented pursuant to resolution 986 (1995) can admittedly only meet but a small fraction of the priority needs of the Iraqi people.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  43. It is time for the international community to craft a new policy on Iraq that addresses the legitimate security concerns of the international community but does not inflict indiscriminate suffering on the Iraqi people. If we are serious in our intention and efforts to alleviate the suffering of the innocent Iraqi people, there should be no linkage between progress in disarming Iraq and the humanitarian efforts being undertaken by the Council. The economic sanctions should be drastically overhauled, eased and delinked from military sanctions. The oil-for- food programme, a humanitarian measure that was meant to be temporary, is no panacea to mitigate the effects of the sanctions.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  44. The World Health Organization, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations support similar conclusions. A number of concerned and courageous individuals, notably Mr. Denis Halliday, Mr. Hans Von Sponeck and Ms. Jutta Burghardt, who are intimately acquainted with the realities on the ground, have all confirmed what we already know, or do not wish to know: that the continuing economic sanctions on the Iraqi people are indefensible and must be terminated as soon as possible. We believe that more and more people of conscience and courage will speak out in the weeks and months ahead, as the deplorable humanitarian situation in Iraq can no longer be defended with a clear conscience by men and women of good will.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  45. It has been said that the sanctions regime imposed on Iraq is not a form of development aid. Indeed, it is not: it is a form of punishment. But for how long should this collective punishment continue? For the unfortunate victims, who are desperately poor after a decade of sanctions, poverty is a life sentence that daily crushes their human spirit and dignity as a people. Unless this is the intended objective of the sanctions - and I do not believe it is - their prolongation is, in Malaysia's View, inhumane and unconscionable. We believe that the loss of lives and the untold suffering of the civilian population are excessive in relation to the concrete and direct benefits accruing from efforts to disarm Iraq. UNICEF is not the only United Nations agency to report on the negative impact of the sanctions regime.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  46. We therefore call on Iraq to fulfil its obligation in this regard, along with all of its other international obligations, to continue its participation in the Tripartite Commission and the Technical Subcommittee and to cooperate in resolving these issues once and for all, in the interest of humanitarianism and for the sake of restoring normalcy to the region. The economic sanctions imposed upon Iraq since 1991 have inflicted suffering primarily on civilians, especially the most vulnerable members of the Iraqi population, namely, the elderly, the sick and children. We believe their continued suffering for an indefinite period in the future is incompatible with the spirit and letter of the United Nations Charter. The deprivation caused by the embargo is equally incompatible with the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  47. Likewise, we sympathize and empathize with the families of the more than 600 Kuwaiti missing persons and other third-country nationals, who need to be accounted for and more aggressively sought. We support the efforts of Ambassador Yuli Vorontsov, the recently appointed coordinator tasked with resolving this issue as well as with facilitating the return of the country's national archives and other property that were taken out of Kuwait. These are important humanitarian issues on which there is complete consensus in the Council.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  48. How ironic it is that the same policy that is supposed to disarm Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction has itself become a weapon of mass destruction, resulting in the deaths of innocent children. In the name of the international community, United Nations economic sanctions are incapacitating an entire society. To add insult to injury, the entire programme of deprivation being imposed on the Iraqi people and the mechanism instituted for that purpose are being paid for with proceeds from the sale of their own oil. My delegation fully appreciates the legitimate security concerns that have been expressed in respect of Iraq in the wake of its invasion of Kuwait a decade ago.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  49. The tragedy is that, while much of the devastation can be prevented, it has been allowed to continue. The situation is so deplorable that, to their great credit, a group of concerned legislators in the United States Congress have felt compelled to pronounce themselves on the subject. They have characterized the sanctions regime as "infanticide masquerading as policy". Clearly, the sanctions do more than hurt; they kill, especially those who are most vulnerable. We are all too familiar with the estimate by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) in its recent report that over 5,000 children under the age of five years die each month due to the effects of the sanctions. That would make the total over a period of nine years a staggering half a million.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source

  50. This approach should be extended to the humanitarian sectors as well, where significant holds remain in critical infrastructure projects that provide for safe drinking water and electricity generation. For almost a decade, the most comprehensive and punitive sanctions ever imposed on a people have destroyed Iraq as a modern State, decimated its people and ruined its agriculture, educational and health-care systems, as well as its infrastructure. The devastating effects of the sanctions testify to the failure of comprehensive sanctions as a policy tool. Such sanctions violate basic human rights - the right to live with dignity and, indeed, the right to life itself. The sanctions regime has brought about a humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions. This is beyond dispute.

    2000-03-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4120Resumption1 (2000) · source