YouSaid · the spoken record

Hasmy

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1996-08-15
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2002-10-17
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116
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un-security-council

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  1. The world leaders who gathered at the 1990 World Summit for Children committed themselves, among other things, to taking political action at the highest level to protect children from the scourge of war and to take measures to prevent further armed conflict. The Secretary-General has rightly observed, and we entirely agree with him, that the best way to address the problem of children in armed conflict is to prevent armed conflict from occurring in the first place. Hence his emphasis on the promotion of a culture of peace and prevention. Children have been used in support services and even as soldiers throughout history. However, the rise in intra-State conflict has exacerbated the conditions, such as internal displacement, refugee flight and the separation of families, that are most likely to pressure a child to become a soldier.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422Resumption1 (2001) · source

  2. At the outset, Madam President, allow me to congratulate you and the other members of the Council on once again convening an open debate on the important issue of children and armed conflict. I would also like to thank the Secretary-General for his report (S/2001/852) on children and armed conflict and for the recommendations he made in that report. In today's wars, children have become increasingly involved both as targets of violence and as combatants. It is estimated that more than 500,000 children have been recruited as combatants in 87 countries. At least 300,000 are actively participating in conflicts and are directly involved in combat in 41 countries. Although most child soldiers are between 15 and 18 years old, others are as young as 7.

    2001-11-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4422Resumption1 (2001) · source

  3. Stabilizing an impoverished Afghanistan after the Taliban are gone will not be an easy mission, given the internal divisions and the lack of international consensus on the future governance of the country. Nonetheless, the United Nations should stand ready to help establish democratic institutions in the country and prepare its people for future elections with the support of the transitional government. It is obvious that an inclusive and participatory approach should be pursued in any political reconciliation of the country. The United Nations must not shy away from assuming a leading role, with renewed support from the international community, in striving towards the establishment of a stable and viable Afghan State - not an impossible task, provided the requisite political will exists. For the sake of the Afghans, we must not fail.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  4. For once, let the interest of the long-suffering people come first. The worse thing the international community could do, after the conclusion of the military phase, would be once again to abandon the Afghans, leaving them to resolve their political differences. We know where that path has led us. What is needed is nothing less than a kind of "Marshall Plan" for Afghanistan. However, reconstruction efforts must be initiated early and should be backed by sustained international economic and political support. The stabilization of the country will require some form of peacekeeping presence to prevent the return of internal conflict, as well as the formation of a transitional government that will represent the interests of the various factions.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  5. Since past regional initiatives have failed to secure reconciliation and since no ethnic group holds an overwhelming majority, it is imperative that the United Nations lead efforts to bring about a broad- based multi-ethnic Government. Although previously frustrated by the intransigence of all parties concerned, Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi, recently re-appointed as the Secretary-General's Special Representative for Afghanistan, remains our best hope for a negotiated solution. He should be supported by all Powers keen on realizing a stable Afghanistan, a viable State that can turn into a beacon for regional security and stability. The major powers, including Afghanistan's neighbours, need to come together, under the auspices ofthe United Nations, to devise a long-term comprehensive plan for the country's political and economic well-being.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  6. The avowed objective of the political process is to facilitate "a negotiated political settlement aimed at the establishment of a broad-based, multi-ethnic and fully representative Government acceptable to all Afghans" (S/PRST/1999/29). Yet, progress towards establishing a multi-ethnic Government that is acceptable to the majority of Afghans and to its neighbours has been almost non- existent. The likely result and danger is the possibility of a power vacuum as the Taliban Government retreats or collapses, with no responsible group ready to fill the vacuum. In designing a strategy for Afghanistan, it is important to ensure that there be no return to the chaos and lawlessness ofthe pre-Taliban period.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  7. The conference will also be able to galvanize international action in support of a comprehensive convention on terrorism that is now being deliberated in the Sixth Committee. Only an international conference at the highest level would be able to find a cure for the disease, rather than merely treating the symptoms, as the current military action will do. Perhaps the greatest challenge confronting the international community in Afghanistan today is the establishment of a post-Taliban Government in a country wracked by deep inter-ethnic rivalries. Removing the Taliban and replacing it with a new regime might resolve the immediate problem of sanctuary for Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda. It may not, however, end the civil war in Afghanistan, the ethnic and religious divisions among the population or the fierce independence of the warlords.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  8. Combating terrorism requires looking beyond any one terrorist incident and necessitates the consideration of the broader political, social and economic contexts from which terrorism emerges. What is needed is a preventive strategy that would scrutinize its roots. Only a well-formulated strategy, coupled with concerted action, would ensure the destruction of the fertile breeding grounds of international terrorism. Many United Nations Members, including Malaysia, have called for the convening of an international conference on terrorism, not only to consider the menace in all its aspects, but also to deal with such important issues as definition and practical steps that can be taken to combat this evil. Agreement on a definition is essential in order to ensure the broadest possible support from the international community.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  9. Under the best of conditions, the extension of aid under the Taliban has been a monumental challenge. Under the currently more arduous operating environment, it is doubtful that humanitarian supplies can be delivered in the right quantities, to the right locations and at the right time. In the dire situation that the Afghan population is currently experiencing, we insist that the United Nations humanitarian objectives take precedence over the more ambiguous military goals. The war against the scourge of terrorism is a global one involving all States Members of this Organization. Every Member State, including my own, is prepared and anxious to join in the effort, although not necessarily in the military sphere. It is a multi- pronged effort on many fronts: political/diplomatic, security/intelligence, legal and financial, among others.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  10. Yes, Muslim countries have been known to wage war with one another even during the month of Ramadan, but we should not lose sight of the fact that this war is not between Muslim countries. That perception is important to bear in mind as we, members of the international community, work out a global strategy to fight terrorism. It is important not to lose a war on account of a battle. That the protracted military engagement in Afghanistan will lead to political and humanitarian disaster in Afghanistan is almost a certainty. The Afghan people cannot endure yet another humanitarian crisis that is likely to result from the attacks. According to concerned humanitarian aid officials and workers, thousands of civilians could starve and impassable roads will compromise the severely constrained relief efforts.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  11. Avoiding civilian casualties should not only be a matter of tactical concern; it should also be a moral one. As in all such bombings, we are seriously concerned at the so-called collateral damage, in spite of the much-touted precision bombings which are supposed to have taken place. We are concerned at the rather high margin of targeting error in the current military campaign, which has led to the reportedly high death toll among civilians. We therefore appeal for an end to the bombing so as to spare the long-suffering people of Afghanistan further hardship and travail and to allow them to return to their villages and homes for the fast-approaching winter season and Ramadan.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  12. They are not the enemies that are being sought out, yet they bear the brunt of the consequences of the military action and are now fighting for survival in the cold winter. While the airdrop of foodstuffs for the refugees and displaced persons is indeed a humane gesture, it is not enough nor will it compensate for the hardships and traumas they have to endure while the bombings continue unabated. After two decades of civil war, Afghanistan is virtually a failed State. Its ethnic, tribal, linguistic and ideological divisions are as intense as they are intractable. Internal ethnic conflicts have for years been compounded by external factors that have polarized the fractious Afghan people even further, making reconciliation an even more difficult task.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  13. These people cynically distorted the principles of our religion and sought to equate its sacred tenets with their creed of terrorism, exploiting the frustrations of the Muslim community, or ummah, for their own narrow and self-serving purposes. While we understand the deep anger and natural desire to bring retribution on those responsible, we do not believe that the use of military force is a wise or the best course of action to root out the terrorist menace. Yes, the use of military force is a legitimate course of action as an act of self-defence, but it is not the only course of action, the most effective or politically wise. It is unfortunate that, in the move to punish a group of people who are believed to be behind the terrorist attacks and their protectors, the poor, long- suffering people of Afghanistan have to suffer.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  14. Malaysia fully understands the anger of the Government and people of the United States over the horrific terrorist attacks on the United States on 11 September. We have strongly condemned these heinous attacks and shared the grief and anguish of the American people over the senseless deaths of thousands of innocent people. We express once again our most profound condolences to the Government and people of the United States and other countries that lost nationals in the attack. Malaysia, too, lost a number of its own in that tragedy. As an Islamic State, we are very concerned that a group of misguided people who claim to share our religion unleashed these senseless terrorist attacks in the name of our sacred faith.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  15. Through no fault of theirs, they are now facing the daily bombing of their country in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001. They have fled their homes and villages in order to get out of harm's way as the mighty bombs continue to rain down on their land. Over a million of them are now refugees in neighbouring countries. Many more have become internally displaced persons, finding refuge in the inhospitable mountains. They now face the prospect of enduring a long, cold winter, which is fast approaching, uncertain whether they will survive through it all. Once again, the hapless people of Afghanistan will have to endure the bitter fruit of conflict, this time between the Taliban Government that they did not elect and a mighty super- Power, with its overwhelming military might.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  16. At the outset, Madam, allow me to offer you my sincere congratulations on the assumption of Jamaica to the presidency. Having worked closely with you in the Council before, I am fully confident in your ability and that of your Council team to shoulder the heavy responsibilities that have been entrusted to you during this very challenging month of November. I should also like to commend your predecessor, Ambassador Richard Ryan of Ireland, for the outstanding manner in which he guided the work of the Council in the month of October. My delegation expresses its appreciation to the Council for convening this open meeting to discuss the important situation in Afghanistan at this critical juncture, when the people of Afghanistan are facing, yet again, another sad chapter in the tragic history of their country.

    2001-11-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4414Resumption1 (2001) · source

  17. The importance of regional involvement is premised on the following considerations: knowledge of the country; shared cultural values, customs and language; and an abiding interest in ensuring regional stability. The success of UNTAET can be attributed to, inter alia, these factors, and I am sure that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General would be among the first to acknowledge that. It is hoped that the United Nations successor mission will be able to strengthen the regional dimension, perhaps in a more pronounced way, as East Timor begins to be more and more integrated into the region. In this regard, we warmly welcome the cordial and constructive contacts between the leaders of East Timor and its immediate and important neighbour, Indonesia, which augur well for the regional integration process.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  18. Additional areas of assistance and cooperation between Malaysia and East Timor are also being explored. To expedite this process, a Malaysian liaison office was established in Dili in April 2001. Clearly, in the post-independence period, the people of East Timor will face many challenges of nation-building, in which their many friends in the region and beyond can play a constructive role. In conclusion, Malaysia believes that the invaluable experience gained by UNTAET in East Timor should be properly documented, and valuable lessons drawn from it as a model of a successful peacekeeping mission. In our view, one of the most important lessons to be drawn is the need for the active involvement of the countries in the region, as is the case with UNTAET.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  19. In the security area, Malaysia has seconded two senior military personnel to the East Timor Defence Force. In the area of diplomacy, a senior official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has also been made available, under UNDP's sponsorship, as an adviser to the newly established Department of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of East Timor. Training has also been given in various areas of human resources development, including archiving, fire-fighting, policing and diplomacy, to 74 East Timorese, through the Malaysian Technical Cooperation Programme. Currently, under the same Programme, 11 East Timorese are undergoing training courses in nursing and archiving in Malaysia. In addition, we have contributed $60,000 for the reconstruction of the Bacau mosque.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  20. Particular attention should be paid to the building up of expertise in those areas where local expertise is most lacking, especially in the financial sector, as highlighted by the Secretary-General. Since this is a long-term issue, this question will have to be seriously addressed by both UNTAET and the United Nations successor mission. Malaysia welcomes the decision of the Constituent Assembly to recommend to UNTAET the date of 20 May 2002 for the handing over of sovereignty to the people of East Timor. Of course, this is a matter for the Council to decide in consultation with the people of East Timor. As a regional neighbour, Malaysia will play its part in assisting the people of East Timor to prepare for nationhood, within its capacity to do so.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  21. The sophistication and wisdom with which they handle difficult and sensitive issues will reflect the kind of nation that will evolve in East Timor in the post-independence period. Something that will put the East Timorese leaders to the test in that regard is the manner in which the issue of the rights of minority populations, including the minority Muslim population, is handled by the Constituent Assembly. On the issue of East Timor's economy, the Secretary-General has highlighted in his report the heavy reliance of that economy on external factors. The dramatic decrease in international personnel and expertise, and the possible decrease in resources, at least in the initial period, will have to be appropriately factored into the planning for the post-independence period.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  22. We hope that the even-handed approach of the Commission will contribute constructively to the promotion of tolerance, unity and harmony among the people of East Timor so that they will be able, at long last, to put history behind them, look forward to the future and, together, forge a strong, cohesive and united nation. We believe that the return of refugees, in particular the return of members of pro-integration groups and separated children, is an important element in the nation-building process. At the same time, the formation of a sustainable democratic State will require a higher level of maturity by the people of East Timor than they have shown so far during the election process.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  23. As a country that has stressed the importance of reconciliation among the people of East Timor as an indispensable ingredient of peace and stability, we welcome most warmly the establishment of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation. We particularly welcome the fact that the Commission will seek to establish the truth about all relevant events that occurred in East Timor as far back as 25 April 1974. That decision is a clear demonstration of the non-selective approach that will guide the work of the Commission; it will go a long way in the reconciliation process.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  24. The international community should be pleased with the Timorization process that is taking place under UNTAET, which demonstrates the eagerness and determination of the people of East Timor to assume responsibility for their affairs and their preparedness to take charge of their own destiny. The action of the Council today and in the future should reflect the desires of the people of East Timor and the reality on the ground, and should take into account the view of the Secretary-General that operational responsibilities must be devolved to the East Timorese authorities as soon as that is feasible. The process of nation-building and reconciliation is a highly complex and sensitive matter. This is particularly true for East Timor in the context of its traumatic past.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  25. The envisaged integrated successor mission to UNTAET, to be developed in consultation with the people of East Timor, would enable the United Nations to complete the mandate of Council resolution 1272 (1999). This would provide the institutions that are being built in East Timor, especially the civil service, with sufficient time to be further consolidated and strengthened. This intervening period is essential for the East Timorese people to acquire the necessary skills and experience, especially in the core functions in which local expertise is lacking, to ensure a functioning and effective governmental machinery in the post-United-Nations period.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  26. We are assured, and we are gratified, that that will not be the case and that there will be a substantial United Nations presence in the country. The continued presence of the United Nations beyond the completion of the political transition is important to ensure the smooth implementation of the arduous process of nation-building. For that purpose, it is essential for the international community to continue to support UNTAET through adequate and assured funding by the United Nations so that progress achieved so far will be sustained and further strengthened. In that regard, Malaysia looks forward to Council approval of the Secretary-General's recommendations contained in section IV of his report.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  27. As described by the Secretary-General in his message to the people of East Timor on the first anniversary of the popular consultation, the involvement of the United Nations with the East Timor independence process was one of the greatest challenges and responsibilities ever entrusted to the Organization. Having invested heavily in East Timor, it is only natural for the United Nations to wish to ensure that its investment will not be squandered, as the Secretary-General put it. For that purpose, it is essential to ensure that an independent East Timor will be a viable member of the community of nations. In that regard, the friends of East Timor would wish to ensure that, following independence, the United Nations does not leave East Timor prematurely or in a precipitous fashion.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  28. We look forward to early and, it is hoped, equally impressive appointments in respect of the remaining two vacant portfolios. The United Nations too has come a long way since 30 August 1999. The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) deserves the plaudits of the international community for the way the elections were planned, organized and conducted. East Timor is now entering the last stage of the process of transition towards independence. Hence the importance of the current report that is being considered by the Council. The decisions that the Council will make on the basis of the report will to a large extent determine the kind of independent nation that emerges in East Timor.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  29. Like other countries in the region, Malaysia warmly applauded the manner in which the people of East Timor conducted themselves in the Constituent Assembly elections on 30 August 2001 and their full acceptance of the outcome. We welcomed the outcome of the elections and the formation of the 88-member Constituent Assembly. We also welcomed the appointment of Mr. Mari Alkatiri as the first Chief Minister of East Timor and the appointment of the members of his Cabinet. We are particularly pleased to see that a rather high proportion - some 20 per cent - of the Cabinet is made up of women ministers. That is indeed an impressive record for any country. We hope it will be maintained, or even improved, in the post-independence Cabinet as an exemplary model for all countries.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  30. Allow me to commend you, Mr. Minister, for convening this important open meeting on the situation in East Timor. We are pleased to see you presiding over the meeting. I should also like to thank the Secretary-General for his report (S/2001/983) and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, for his extremely useful briefing. We are also pleased to see the Chief Minister of the Second Transitional Government of East Timor, Mr. Mari Alkatiri, in the Council today and were pleased to listen to his briefing. His views are most pertinent to the deliberations of the Council. We are grateful for the briefings given by the representatives of the World Bank and of the United Nations Development Programme.

    2001-10-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4403Resumption1 (2001) · source

  31. We continue to believe that there is a need to establish an international observer force for the protection of Palestinian civilians, as well as to ensure compliance with relevant Security Council resolutions, international law, international humanitarian law and existing Palestinian-Israeli agreements. Any attempt by this Council to appease the occupying Power will not only make the situation more dangerous, it will be wrong, and it will call into question the credibility of the Council. This must be avoided at all costs. My delegation therefore appeals to the Council and the Secretary-General to respond vigorously to diffuse the current explosive situation and to help relaunch the peace process as a matter of great urgency. Clearly, the Council can ill afford to treat the Palestinian issue in its present circumstances as in the past.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  32. Only those and other proposed measures contained in the draft resolution will constitute a reasonable basis for a return to negotiations, paving the way for lasting peace between Palestinians and Israelis - instead of more intimidation and harassment or further military action in a vain attempt to break the spirit of the Palestinian people. My delegation also believes that the co-sponsors of the peace process, the United States and the Russian Federation, as well as the European Union and the larger international community, must play a more active role in defusing the current tense situation and in encouraging the parties, particularly Israel, to return to negotiations. We once again reiterate our call to the Security Council to shoulder its responsibility and to take the necessary action in that regard.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  33. The draft resolution, inter alia, calls for the immediate cessation of all acts of violence, provocation and destruction, and for the return to the positions and the regimens that existed prior to September 2000. It also calls for the speedy and comprehensive implementation of recommendations of the Mitchell report, for the establishment of a monitoring mechanism regarding the implementation of that report, and for Israel to reverse all actions taken against Orient House and other Palestinian institutions in and around East Jerusalem.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  34. In that regard we must give our strong and unqualified support to the report of the Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-finding Committee, the Mitchell report. That report provides a good and viable basis on which to end the cycle of violence, break the deadlock and build the necessary bridge back to the negotiating process, which alone guarantees enduring peace and security for the parties concerned - as opposed to continuing conflict or warfare between them. My delegation considers the draft resolution being circulated as rather modest in its objectives. But we support it, as it provides the practical basis for consensus in the Council, which is important if the Council is to carry out its duties.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  35. Surely, in the face of recent events those arguments can no longer be persuasive. They should not have been persuasive in the first place. The peace process is for all intents and purposes dead, thanks - or rather, no thanks - to the policies and practices of the new Israeli Government. It is incumbent upon this Council to exert every effort to revive the process on an urgent basis, especially in the face of the hesitation or reluctance on the part of other influential parties to be more directly involved in jump-starting the process. We, the international community, must rekindle the faith among both Palestinians and Israelis in a peaceful resolution of the conflict and douse any prospects of a return to war.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  36. More significantly, it would signal the Council's ambivalence or lack of support for the peace process - or, worse still, its indirect support for resolution of the conflict by non-political means. By not doing anything, the Council would once again be turning a deaf ear to the pleas of the Palestinian people living under occupation and would be demonstrating its lack of will and its impotence on the issue of Palestine. The Council will have to seriously ponder its role regarding the issue of Palestine. For far too long it has allowed itself to be sidelined on the basis of the argument of a few that a resolution of the issue should best be pursued by the parties directly concerned in the conflict, or that the Council's involvement would only "complicate" the sensitive negotiations between the parties.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  37. In the past, the Council was not able to carry out its responsibility under the Charter on this issue, because either it was prevented from doing so or it was unable to implement the resolutions it had passed on the situation in Palestine. Clearly, in the light of the grave situation obtaining in the occupied Palestinian territories, the Council cannot afford to maintain the same position. Non-action by the Council in the face of continued provocative actions by Israel in the occupied territories would be a gross dereliction of the Council's responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. It would also be condoning the continued use of force and military power by Israel over the helpless inhabitants of the occupied territories.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  38. Failure to do so is tantamount to treating Israel as a special case, a privileged Member of the Organization, a Member that is somehow exempt from complying with the requirements of international law. Yes, Israel is a State, a Member of this Organization, but beyond that it has no special status in the community of nations. It should be treated like any other State and must fulfil all its obligations and responsibilities without exception. Like other States that have to grapple with issues of internal peace and security, it should have to conform, as others do, with the rules of international and humanitarian law. There should be no special dispensation for Israel either here in this Council or in any other international forum.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  39. Both must come to an end, as they are in clear and irrefutable violation of international law, humanitarian law and the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Israel must be strongly and constantly reminded of its obligations under international law and the Charter of the United Nations to withdraw from those territories and to respect the human rights of their inhabitants. Its wrongful and illegal actions in those territories should not be condoned or, least of all, protected. Israel, like other Members of the Organization, must fulfil its obligations under the Charter. Pressures similar to those that have been exerted by the Council on other errant and non-complying Members of the Organization in the past must also now be exerted on Israel.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  40. On the contrary, they are likely to heighten Palestinian anger, frustration and despair, and will inflame the situation even further, resulting in even greater tension and polarization between Israelis and Palestinians. No peace-loving country, including my own, condones violence, particularly against innocent civilians. But violence begets violence. Hence the importance of abandoning such policies forthwith, in favour of dialogue and negotiations. In addressing this issue at this point in time, the Council cannot but be cognizant of two important facts or realities which must be addressed: first, the continued Israeli occupation of Palestine and other Arab territories; and secondly, the continued violation of the human rights of the Palestinians and other Arabs living in the occupied territories.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  41. The takeover of Orient House and of other Palestinian institutions, coupled with assassinations of targeted Palestinian officials, is among the most arrogant and provocative of these actions by the Israeli authorities. These latest actions are tantamount to the abrogation of all the agreements that Israel has entered into with the Palestinian side since the Oslo Accords. The decision of the Israeli occupying Power to take these steps, particularly the closure of Palestinian institutions, represents a dangerous escalation in the Israeli military campaign that has been waged against the Palestinian people since last September. It also represents an assault on Palestinian national dignity and Palestinian rights in Jerusalem. Clearly, these actions are not likely to cow the Palestinian people as intended.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  42. The measures taken by the Israeli Government in the name of security have reached dangerous and untenable proportions. These include continued reliance on excessive use of force and the overwhelming use of military power, the invasion of Palestinian territory, and a vicious grip on Palestinian life in the occupied territories through closures and seizures, the destruction and demolition of Palestinian properties and other forms of harassment and intimidation of the Palestinian population in pursuance of an indiscriminate policy of collective punishment. The forcible seizure of Orient House in East Jerusalem strikes at the very basis of the peace process and further diminishes any hope of reviving it.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  43. My delegation is grateful to Ambassador Nasser Al-Kidwa, the Permanent Observer for Palestine, who briefed the Council this morning on the current grave situation in the occupied Palestinian territory, including Jerusalem. Ten months of almost uninterrupted violence, following the provocation of September last year, have taken a heavy toll of human life and injuries. Over 600 people have died, an overwhelming number of whom are Palestinian. The cycle of violence has continued unabated and promises to become worse in the coming days and weeks unless the international community, particularly this Council, intervenes to put an end to it. Indeed, if the Council intends to carry out its responsibility under the Charter, it will have little choice but to intervene.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  44. Allow me to congratulate you - and your country, Sir - on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of August. I would also like to pay tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Wang Yingfan of China, for his outstanding stewardship of the Council last month. I should like to commend you, Mr. President, for convening this urgent meeting of the Security Council to consider the grave situation in the occupied Arab territories. I should like to thank the other members of the Council for acceding to the request for this meeting, jointly made by the Chairman of the Islamic Group and the Chairman of the follow-up committee of the ninth Islamic summit conference.

    2001-08-20 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4357Resumption1 (2001) · source

  45. We reiterate our call on Iraq to fulfil all its international obligations and resume participation in the Tripartite Commission and the Technical Subcommittee. Not less important is the need to facilitate the return of Kuwait's national archives and other property that was taken out of Kuwait. These are important issues that should not be relegated to the back burner of Council deliberations. The existence of complete consensus in the Security Council on these two humanitarian issues should provide a strong basis for their early resolution.

    2001-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4336 (2001) · source

  46. The dispatch of some 132 humanitarian flights to Iraq since November last year is a clear and undeniable reflection of this rising concern and solidarity with the people of Iraq. In working out its approach on Iraq, the Council should not turn a blind eye to this clear manifestation of international public sentiment on the situation in Iraq. While Malaysia is concerned about the plight of the Iraqi people living under sanctions, it has never failed to also add its voice to the call by the international community for an early resolution of the issue of more than 600 Kuwaiti missing persons, as well as those from third countries. We consider it a grave humanitarian issue that needs to be addressed and more vigorously pursued.

    2001-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4336 (2001) · source

  47. Clearly the continuation of these illegal operations is not conducive to a constructive dialogue between the United Nations and Iraq, which is so necessary at this stage. Indeed, these illegal and provocative operations will only complicate any effort towards dialogue and engagement with Iraq, such as the one initiated by the Secretary-General, for which we commend him and strongly encourage him to continue. Only dialogue and engagement will move the process forward, not continued isolation and containment, which will punish the long-suffering people of Iraq even further. In the light of the continuing suffering of the Iraqi people, there has been increasing outcry among civil societies in a number of countries against the continuing sanctions and a more discernible manifestation of international solidarity with the people of Iraq.

    2001-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4336 (2001) · source

  48. We are not even talking about the higher-level needs of civil society, which also constitute a right of every individual. We cannot in any serious discussion of the situation in Iraq be oblivious to the ongoing operations in the so-called no-fly zones. Malaysia has consistently challenged the purpose and the legality of such operations. Due to the low level and limited nature of the operations, the bombing of Iraqi targets remains as background noise in the general effort to confront or contain Iraq. The tendency of the international community has been to generally ignore these events as if they were routine operations, even when civilian casualties - the so-called collateral damage - are involved.

    2001-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4336 (2001) · source

  49. Sanctions are now imposed with no consideration whatsoever of their legal status. In these situations, the humanitarian tragedy must be viewed as constituting an 'override' to an unduly harsh economic sanctions regime - analogous to the doctrine of force majeur. And, as already set out, the degree of public outcry is a factor in determining whether a sanctions regime is too harsh." Perhaps the most important implication of international law for the issue of sanctions from the perspective of human rights and humanitarian law is that the right to impose sanctions is not unlimited. The rights of the civilian population must be protected to the maximum extent possible through the provisions of the essentials for survival. Even with this modest objective, the ability of the oil-for-food programme to deliver is being seriously questioned.

    2001-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4336 (2001) · source

  50. This has reinforced our conviction that the oil-for-food programme will not be able to adequately mitigate the effects of the sanctions. The issue of the moral dilemma alluded to by the Secretary-General is very pertinent to the question of violations of human rights and humanitarian law. Paragraph 109 of the Bossuyt report, entitled "The adverse consequences of economic sanctions on the enjoyment of human rights", issued by the Commission on Human Rights in document E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/33, of2l June 2000, states: "Sanctions regimes that clearly violate international law, especially human rights and humanitarian law, need not be respected. This is especially true when the imposers are clearly on notice of those violations and have undertaken no effective modification.

    2001-06-26 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4336 (2001) · source