YouSaid · the spoken record

President Chiluba

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82
first
1999-09-21
most recent
2000-01-31
sittings or episodes
3
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un-security-council

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  1. We are especially very afraid that if the internal dialogue under Sir Ketumine Masire does not succeed, this might bring about skirmishes and start the fighting all over again. So, we want the United Nations to move. All the ambassadors have said so. Less rhetoric and more action: I think this is the message for all of us. I want to thank all the ambassadors who have spoken - the Ambassadors of China, France, Malaysia and Mali. I will take the message back home to the region that the Security Council is more willing than before to assist in this matter.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  2. President Chiluba: Let me apologize, because originally I was told to make a statement and leave. I did not prepare my mind, and I find it a little difficult to respond. Let me just say that it seems the spirit is very much alive. All the contributions that have been made by various ambassadors point to one thing: that there is readiness, willingness and goodwill to help us resolve the problem in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in Burundi and in all other troubled areas of our region, including Angola. Mr. President, I can only encourage you. We are determined; we are going back; we will have meetings; we want to follow this up. We want to implement the whole peace process.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  3. It is equally our hope that international financial institutions and Governments alike will be able to consider cancelling the debt of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to allow the country to start its economic reconstruction on a fresh note. I wish to reiterate that Africa has the resolve, determination and vision to work for peace and development in the twenty-first century. However, the vision can be realized only if Africa works in partnership with its global allies, as Africa is not an island. Yesterday Africa needed - and still needs - the assistance and cooperation of the international community. She needs them today, and she needs them in the future.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  4. During the thirty-fifth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which was held in Algeria, we made a further decision to suspend from participation in future OAU meetings any country whose Government assumed power through unconstitutional means, with effect from last year. Africa today believes that it is only through an inclusive political system that citizens can contribute towards shaping the destiny of their countries. With specific reference to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it is our hope that once peace is consolidated in that country, and democracy is allowed to flourish and political and economic stability prevail, the international community will be able to provide direct investment to that country.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  5. With regard to the internal dimension, I wish to appeal to the international community to show greater understanding as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, or indeed any other African country, embarks on its democratization programme. Africa in general has had a vision of promoting principles of democracy and of building democratic institutions. Admittedly, there have been some lapses on the continent. Africa's resolve over the past 10 years, however, has been such that even when such lapses have occurred we have picked up the pieces and moved forward.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  6. One of the rallying calls in last week's debate had to do with the question of adequately addressing the external dimension of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and of the need, therefore, to convene an international conference on peace and security in the Great Lakes region. It has been our conviction in the region that the problem in the Democratic Republic of the Congo extends far beyond the territorial boundaries of the country. Thus permanent and comprehensive solution requires the consideration of the root causes of the problem. This would entail addressing issues both of peace and security and those of democracy and the development of the countries in the region, as peace is more than just the absence of war.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  7. One of the most important messages of the special session on the Democratic Republic of the Congo is of the need to adhere to the international law principle of pacta sunt servanda, meaning that agreements and stipulations of the parties to a contract or treaty must be observed or respected. More lessons have to be drawn from the "month of Africa", especially in relation to the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. These lessons should, however, also be seen in the context of the hope that they will bring for Africa in the twenty-first century.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  8. I therefore wish to take this opportunity to thank those countries that have already pledged contributions towards these negotiations. Let me hasten to point out here that the issues arising from the conflict situations that we have been addressing this month are not unique to those countries, no they are not; nor are they indeed unique to the regions concerned. Rather, these problems are common to Africa. They also hinge on adherence to obligations under international conventions and norms. When we convened last week to discuss the deadlock in the implementation of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, the main issue that preoccupied all our minds was the reaffirmation of the commitment of the parties to the Agreement that they all voluntarily signed.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  9. It is my hope that the subsequent meetings of the Political Committee of the Joint Military Commission will work out and finalize plans for the second phase of the DDR programme outlined under chapter 9 of the Lusaka Agreement. However, I wish to emphasize also that the deployment of a peacekeeping mission is not an end in itself but is intended to facilitate the charting of a long-term, new internal political dispensation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo - for which, we all know, President Sir Ketumile Masire has been appointed. It is to this end that the international community should commit sufficient resources to the inter-Congolese political negotiations. It is my very sincere belief that if the internal process does not succeed, we risk returning to square one.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  10. My appeal to the Council is that it meet the parties half way by expediting the process of deployment of the recommended 5,537 military personnel under the second phase and of a peacekeeping mission under the third phase, in order to build on the momentum already gathered by this very important session. The importance of the programme of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) to the successful implementation of the Agreement cannot be overemphasized. I therefore welcome the initiative of the World Bank and the United Nations Children's Fund to finance the first phase of the DDR programme initiated by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 1997.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  11. The tragedy of Angola, however, also extends to an international cartel of illegal suppliers of arms and ammunition, who have perpetuated the war in that country. The international community should speak with one voice and assume the responsibility for exposing these arms traffickers who are sustaining conflicts all over Africa. The peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been the main focus of my visit to New York. The reaffirmation of commitment by the parties to the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement and their pledge to guarantee the safety, security and freedom of movement of United Nations and associated personnel are some of the major achievements of this special session.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  12. The situation in Burundi, as this body heard in the discussions on the matter, calls for the concerted efforts of the United Nations and the international community at large. The only hope at the moment for finding a durable and peaceful settlement to the Burundi conflict lies in the ongoing Arusha peace process under the facilitation of Mr. Nelson Mandela. With regard to the situation in Angola, Mr. Jonas Savimbi today bears the primary responsibility for the continuation of the war in that country. Mr. Savimbi has abrogated his responsibilities under the Lusaka Protocol, to which his party voluntarily committed itself in November 1994. He has thus prolonged the war and caused a tragic humanitarian catastrophe in Angola and in neighbouring countries. As a neighbour of Angola, Zambia can bear witness to this daily humanitarian tragedy.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  13. We therefore welcome and deeply appreciate the interest that the United States Administration and the United Nations have manifested in our plight by tabling the AIDS question during the "month of Africa". It is our hope that this interest will soon translate into practical measures. The problem of refugees and internally displaced persons in Africa has not only been a humanitarian disaster in itself; it also continues to pose a real threat to peace and stability in the countries where conflict has occurred. Here again, as in the case of the AIDS pandemic, Africa welcomes the support of the international community in the search for comprehensive solutions, solutions that get at the root cause of conflict, which leads to the problem of internally displaced persons and refugees.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  14. These challenges call for answers today and not tomorrow. The AIDS pandemic today threatens to wipe out the most productive sectors of our populations. AIDS is already having catastrophic consequences for the peace and development of our countries, which, as the Secretary- General observed when he addressed the Security Council during its debate on the impact of AIDS on peace and security in Africa, are no less destructive than those of warfare itself. African countries have adopted serious measures to address the pandemic. This can be seen from the results of the Eleventh International Conference on AIDS in Africa, held in Lusaka in September last year. AIDS is, however, a catastrophe that transcends borders. It is too big for Africa to confront on her own.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  15. Kofi Annan, for his unrelenting efforts and his total commitment to the search for peaceful and lasting solutions to problems affecting all of us. I further wish to acknowledge the support which the members of the Security Council and other Members of the United Nations have demonstrated regarding the African issues addressed during the month. During the past month, the Security Council has discussed the questions of the scourge of HIV/AIDS, the plight of refugees and internally displaced persons, the Burundi peace process, the war in Angola and the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as they impact on peace and security in Africa. All of these situations have had a negative impact on the populations of Africa and have, in varying degrees, presented critical challenges to peace and stability on the continent.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  16. President Chiluba: Today marks the end of an unprecedented and highly significant month for Africa in the Security Council, during which a number of very important issues affecting the continent have been addressed. As Africans, we wish to thank you, Ambassador Holbrooke, not only for taking the initiative to convene these special meetings during your country's presidency, but also for the trouble you personally took to Visit a number of African countries to consult on the matter. Your tour of Africa demonstrated the importance that the Clinton Administration continues to attach to African issues. We wish, in that connection, to express our appreciation for this gesture of friendship and for the extension of a hand of partnership to Africa. I also wish to commend the Secretary-General, Mr.

    2000-01-31 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4096 (2000) · source

  17. If the Ceasefire Agreement fails to be implemented, it will be our failure - that of each and every Member of the United Nations.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  18. The resolution of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo should not be an "us-versus-them" action at all. The parties to the conflict, and its immediate victims, may be African, and the Ceasefire Agreement may have been signed by Africans, but it is not "their" conflict or "their" Agreement. The fact that this matter is today being discussed by the Security Council, the body that bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, is an acknowledgement of this fact, and we are pleased about this. All of us who have the privilege of serving on the Security Council do so in trust and on behalf of all the States Members of the United Nations. This body is therefore our Security Council, collectively. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is thus our collective responsibility.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  19. To this end, I wish to sincerely commend those countries which have made contributions or pledges to the JMC. Unfortunately, most of the pledges have not been honoured, and I would like to take this opportunity to make a special plea to the countries concerned to please speed up payment of their pledges. Thirdly, we wish to appeal for support for the facilitator of the inter-Congolese dialogue, Sir Ketumile Masire - and it was pleasant to hear you, Madam Secretary, pledge that. The facilitator urgently needs resources - human, financial and material - to enable him undertake necessary preliminary work and to sustain his important functions during the National Dialogue. Last but not least, the international community should provide the necessary and adequate resources to support the national dialogue.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  20. By coming here, regional leaders have come to demonstrate their commitment to the Ceasefire Agreement for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and their determination to implement it. We hope that this discussion will lead to greater support for the Agreement from the international community. Specifically, we seek the following support from the Security Council and from the international community at large. Firstly, we would like to see quick action in regard to the deployment of the United Nations military observers and peacekeepers. In this respect, we are in agreement with the general thrust of the arrangements contained in Secretary-General Annan's report S/2000/30 of 17 January 2000. Secondly, we would like to appeal to the international community to make more resources available to the JMC.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  21. It is, therefore, incumbent upon all of us, and in particular the parties to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, that the peacekeepers are given all necessary support and protection. After all, it is we, the parties to the conflict and to the Agreement, who have requested the peacekeepers. We consider peacekeepers as allies, not adversaries. The opportunity that has been provided for the leaders of the region to discuss the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a truly unique and important one. We hope that the discussion will not be considered as an end in itself, with no concrete results at the end.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  22. The international community is reluctant to send peacekeepers to the Democratic Republic of the Congo unless the Lusaka Agreement registers a perfect score on some performance chart. To the best of my knowledge, no other ceasefire agreement anywhere in the world has been subjected to this test. If such were to be done, I am confident that not a single one would pass the test at all. There is no peacekeeping that does not involve some degree of risk. We are involved in peacekeeping because peace is an imperative for the survival of humankind: it is an imperative for which we must be prepared to make the supreme sacrifice. We are not here suggesting that the international community should indulge in reckless adventure in the name of peacekeeping. Not at all. No. Every loss of life is a tragedy.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  23. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is very real, and the Ceasefire Agreement is an effort to deal with this real situation. In the real world there are few, if any, perfect situations. It goes without saying, therefore, that an agreement that seeks to resolve a problem as real and as complex as that obtaining in the Democratic Republic of the Congo cannot be expected to be perfect. The difficulties that have arisen during implementation are to be expected and do not invalidate the Agreement at all. We are, therefore, very concerned when we hear about what appear to be preconditions being raised in regard to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  24. For some time, therefore, there was a vacuum in areas where the JMC should have had a presence to ensure that implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement was proceeding according to the schedule. I have felt compelled to highlight some of the positive developments not so much to deny the existence of any problems, nor am I suggesting that we, the parties, cannot bear any responsibility whatsoever for any of the problems that have affected the implementation of the Agreement. Not at all. Rather, I have made this point in order to demonstrate that the parties are irrevocably committed to the Ceasefire Agreement, contrary to the notion that seems to have gained currency among some members of the international community that the Lusaka Agreement is all but dead. It is not.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  25. Lastly, but by no means the least, on 15 December 1999 the Congolese parties, with the assistance of the OAU Secretary-General, unanimously selected Sir Ketumile Masire, former President of Botswana, as the neutral facilitator for the inter-Congolese negotiations. One of the major causes of the delay in implementing the Ceasefire Agreement has been lack of funds for the Joint Military Commission. In the first instance, the pledged contributions made by the international community have not been adequate to meet all the needs of the JMC. Worse still, most of the pledged contributions are yet to be made available to the J MC. As a result, it took time for the JMC to be effectively established and deployed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  26. A proposed new calendar has since been worked out by the JMC and approved in principle by the Political Committee, which met in Harare on 17 and 18 January 2000. The parties are working to ensure that the calendar is finalised as soon as possible. In addition to all the parties reaffirming their commitment to the Ceasefire Agreement during the Political Committee meeting, the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo used the opportunity to pledge its readiness to facilitate access of MONUC and the OAU investigators to the various areas inside the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  27. To this effect, the parties have made every effort, particularly through the JMC, to address the problems. When reports of Ceasefire violations were becoming persistent, the JMC established four regional JMCs inside the Democratic Republic of the Congo and deployed OAU investigators to three of these. Arrangements for deployment to the fourth regional JMC at Kabalo are being made. When a stand-off between the allied forces and those of the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RDC) happened at Ikela, the J MC appointed a neutral committee comprising Zambia as Chairman, MONUC and the OAU to find an amicable solution. Another positive development has been the acknowledgement by the parties themselves that the calendar needed to be adjusted in View of the delays in the implementation process.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  28. Yes, we have had some violations of the Agreement and, yes, indeed, there have been problems of accessibility of the United Nations Organization Mission (MONUC) and Organization of African Unity (OAU) neutral investigators to some parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, thus making the work of these important bodies difficult. In addition, coordination between MONUC, the OAU and the Joint Military Commission (JMC) took some time to sort out. I do not, however, subscribe to the notion that these problems were so big as to become insurmountable. Indeed, it is to the credit of the parties that, in spite of the difficulties, they have remained committed to the Ceasefire Agreement and have, without exception, repeatedly reaffirmed this commitment.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  29. It is common knowledge that the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement is way behind schedule in almost all respects. The question is: why is this so? Could it be that our enthusiasm and optimism were premised on unrealistic expectations? I do not think so. The calendar was implementable as it was. Could it be that the parties lacked the political will to follow through on what they had committed themselves to in the Agreement? I do not think so either. Why, then, has the Agreement not been implemented on schedule? I would be the first to admit that we have encountered a number of difficulties that have contributed to delays in implementing the Agreement.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  30. I appealed to the Security Council in particular, and to the international community in general, through the General Assembly, to undertake a number of steps to ensure the speedy and full implementation of the Agreement. According to the calendar for the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement, which the parties had agreed upon, most of the activities should have been completed by this time, including the inter-Congolese national dialogue, establishment of new institutions, exchange of prisoners and disarmament of armed groups. Deployment of the United Nations peacekeeping mission would long since have begun and the orderly withdrawal of foreign forces from the Democratic Republic of the Congo would be in its final stages of completion.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  31. It is thus a fitting tribute to the foresight of the founding fathers of the United Nations that the Security Council, the body specifically entrusted with primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, is holding discussions on important African issues that pose a threat to that peace. Our discussion today, and for the rest of this week, focuses on the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a country with which my country, Zambia, shares its longest international boundary and close historical and cultural ties. In September last year, I had an opportunity to address both the Security Council and the General Assembly on this same subject. At the time, we had just managed to secure the remaining signatures to the Ceasefire Agreement.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  32. The Council has held discussions on HIV/AIDS, on refugees and internally displaced persons, on the war in Angola and on the Burundi conflict, as well as the current discussion of the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. These are issues that have direct, immediate and severe consequences for my country. By devoting a month to African issues, the Security Council is acknowledging that Africa is an important part of the international community, and that any threats to peace and security on the continent inevitably threaten international peace and security. The United Nations stands today both as a monument to humanity's greatest folly and as an embodiment of our collective wisdom and commitment to the permanent preservation of international peace and security.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  33. President Chiluba: First of all, let me apologize to you, Madam President, and to Ambassador Holbrooke for my failure to meet with you last night. I hope that was not a sign of an undeclared war between Britain and Zambia, because I was badly attacked in England by flu only two hours after my arrival. I thought that was not in retaliation for the death of Dr. Livingstone, who was killed by malaria in my country. I wish sincerely to congratulate Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and the Government of the United States of America for devoting the United States presidency of the Security Council to African issues.

    2000-01-24 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4092 (2000) · source

  34. Furthermore, when we mention African forces, we are talking about a peacekeeping force under the auspices of the United Nations. We are ready to take up the challenge, because I think the situation warrants that we move fast in order to begin the internal process itself, which will lead to the achievement of lasting internal peace for the Congo. This is as far as I can go. If there are any areas I have not made clear, I am ready to go back and do so, because I do not think there has been any dialogue between Africa and the Security Council. And, Mr. President, since I am here, and I am a trade unionist, why not make me work some overtime?

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  35. Even if our role is very clearly one in the Political Committee, which is composed of African countries that at one time were enemies, and also in the Joint Military Commission, we can be part also of the peacekeeping forces sent by the United Nations. We are appealing for financing to help us get these forces, wherever they may come from, into operation soon - and the sooner the better. We are afraid that if we do not maintain this momentum, something could crop up and perhaps set the clock back and disturb the present order and the speed at which things are now moving. As I said, the next meeting of the Joint Military Commission, set for 10 October, is just weeks away. We are therefore looking forward to the cooperation of the Security Council, whose role is primary.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  36. Therefore I still want to appeal for this help. It is absolutely necessary. With regard to what type of forces can go there, the only qualification is that they be from countries that are acceptable to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, so they can be forces from within the OAU countries or from other countries that are helping. But because it has been said that Africa needs to take greater responsibility, we thought that, with the help of the United Nations, we could perhaps increase the African contingent in the forces that will be going there, but that is not to say that others may not be part of the arrangement.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  37. I think that the machinery is in place to ensure that peacekeeping and enforcement are successfully implemented, so I believe it will be done. Yes, I appreciate Slovenia's observations, and we will do everything to ensure that we follow up and implement those ideas that pertain to the short term as well as those relating to the medium and long term, so that the peace process itself is followed up until the successful conclusion of the internal dialogue. With the Joint Military Commission set up, we in Africa are trying on our own to make some contribution to it, but this may not be enough. That is why I have appealed for generous contributions to ensure that the Commission can work effectively in identifying areas and obstacles and in ensuring that the peacekeeping forces are not subjected to unnecessary risks and dangers in the process.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  38. There is a time-table for this, and we believe that as soon as the peacekeeping efforts begin, so that the security of those who are going to debate can be ensured, things will begin to move, and move quite fast. I am not suggesting in any way that there will be insecurity, but some fear has been expressed, and therefore the facilitator of this internal dialogue will make sure that both the venue and other related logistics are accepted by the parties, so that the debate can continue. Yes, it is possible, even advisable, to disarm all of those forces - the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the former Rwandan Armed Forces, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF), the Interahamwe, and so on. It is advisable and possible; it will be done.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  39. We know that some of those rebel groups may have the support of Governments. Those Governments are today members of the Political Committee and the Joint Military Commission, and there is no way that they can collaborate with forces that they are charged with the responsibility of disarming. We believe that this will work out quite well. As to the question on an internal debate, through we may be days behind because of a late signing, efforts are already under way. The OAU Secretary-General called me only two days before I left. They are looking for a facilitator - someone with some credibility who would be accepted by the Government, Congolese political parties and civil society, so that the internal debate and dialogue can begin.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  40. The work that we are asking for from the United Nations peacekeeping mandate involves both peacekeeping and peace enforcement. This is exactly why we said that we needed an appropriate mandate: tracking down and disarming armed groups is not a task that the peacekeeping forces can carry out without properly laid out efforts and measures. The Joint Military Commission in particular, working under the Political Committee, will be able to identify them. Therefore, as I said, through cooperation, using the Joint Military Commission not as a bargaining forum, but as a collective area for determining and identifying obstacles, we believe that the forces that will be there, working closely with the Political Committee and the Joint Military Commission, will be able to identity, track down and disarm those who may be causing problems.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  41. That is why we have continued to say "Please write off the external debt which is holding us down". We will then be able to demonstrate our efforts in going ahead to democratize the continent. The United States of America reiterated the question with regard to the appropriate mandate. Yes, we need that in order to be able to achieve peace in the Congo. Indeed, we need collaborative efforts with the United States of America, with European countries and with all the Governments of the States Members of the United Nations, because we need peace there. Maybe the structures are not quite clear, but we will try to ensure that when and where the OAU takes the African flag forward, as it must, it will do so in order for the rest of the world to know that this is how we operate and how we can collaborate.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  42. But there are general, universal characteristics of democracy which we understand as States, and we believe that if we are allowed to carry out or work out our own agendas without being prompted into taking rash decisions, the exercise will be implemented effectively on the continent of Africa. In July I attended the regular meeting of the OAU summit in Algeria, where we passed a resolution not to welcome anybody who assumes power by the back door using methods that are not legal or democratic. This is a huge step on the continent of Africa. We realize that our people need peace, and this peace will come only when we have democratized sufficiently. But experts have said that when people live in poverty, democracy is a chimera; it is a recipe for further violence.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  43. Hence, there is a need for an appropriate mandate that does not oblige people or tie them down, but gives them some kind of flexibility so that they will offer what they can in terms of making possible the peace efforts that are required. Otherwise, those who are sent may not be considered to be carrying out an effective exercise. The best way to end some of our problems, not only in the Great Lakes region but in the whole continent of Africa, is by broadening the political space and trying as much as possible to democratize our systems of government. We realize that there is no particular universal model. Each country will adopt its own.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  44. We worked well together throughout. The United Nations has a role to play in the continued search for peace in Africa. I thank the representatives of China and of Gabon for their supportive statements, and thank the representative of Argentina, who reiterated three of the six points that I made regarding what we want. Thanks to today's modern, advanced news flow, I learned that the countries going to East Timor are calling for a very appropriate mandate to be given to the team in order to enable them to deal with the situation as it obtains on the ground. This is not becoming a slogan; it reflects the realization that if we want to deal with the matter, and deal with it effectively, there must be an appropriate way of handling it.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  45. The United Nations and, of course, other countries of the world have a role to play in helping us. We have talked about holding a bigger conference with regard to the peace process so as to remove tensions in the Great Lakes region. The OAU has been seized of this problem and is addressing it very seriously. Frankly, I am sure that even when we come to arrange a specific meeting through the existing machinery or structures at the OAU or at other, subregional, levels, such as in SADC or the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), we will get in touch and make sure that the United Nations plays its role in providing technical expertise. We are very much indebted to the United Nations. From day one, when the problem started, the United Nations arrived; it came to the second meeting and it never departed.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  46. An agreement on the Middle East is signed one day, and the following day it is broken, but the Council picks up the pieces, threads them together and moves on. Today, we are looking towards the Middle East with a lot more optimism, after many, many years. As I said, I was here 26 years ago at the height of the cold war, and one would have thought that by today the problem would have been resolved. But it is still going on. I can assure the Council that we in Africa want that same commitment. We will take the Council's hand, because there is a need for peace and there is a role for the Security Council to play. Let it play the same role that it has played in the past - let it play it even more fully now, and ensure that peace is secured for us in Africa.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  47. Earlier I referred to the Middle East, although I mentioned only Chairman Yasser Arafat. The United States has been extremely steadfast, as has the Security Council. If there were no commitment on the part of the international community to the long- standing Middle East problem and if it were left for the Middle East alone to resolve, it could not have reached the current stage. I can only thank the Council, reiterating the need for the same commitment to ensure that there is peace in one part of the world, which will guarantee peace all over; we must look at the needs of peace in Congo and in Africa in exactly the same way. The Council has never been found wanting; it has never been found to be tired.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  48. In fact, when this effort started, even with a very shaky and weak economy, we were able to travel around the region before we asked for help. Again, I want to thank you, Mr. President: your country helped tremendously. That was after we said "If it is possible to work, let us work and get the problem listened to". So we went, and tried to do the job. And we are trying to shoulder this responsibility while seeking the help of countries in Europe and America. The commitment question has been repeated from time to time: the United Kingdom mentioned it, too. Let me say that the commitment is there, and the role of the Security Council cannot be divorced from it. It is primarily the responsibility of the Security Council to ensure that there is international peace and security.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  49. This is an African problem; why can't an African initiative suffice and find a solution?" Europe, of course, is in an advanced stage, economically and politically, and because we are members of one family - the United Nations - even when we make an effort, we do not hesitate to ask for your hand of friendship so you will lend whatever support you can. Yet it would be overtaxing for you if, after a problem were created in Africa, we looked to Europe and America for both the effort to solve the problem and the material or financial effort as well. Slowly we are saying, "No, let us take the responsibility. Let us shoulder it, and if we have to ask for help, it will be to supplement the efforts that we are making." You might say that I am misusing the word "supplement", unless we first find the initial financial capacity. We try.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source

  50. We are keenly interested in pursuing these goals of ours, and even with the difficulties we encounter, we have kept our doors open. And we will do so, because we need this collaboration, close cooperation, in order to be able to carry on with the work that we are undertaking. It is true that it has been frequently said that Africa is very quick at creating problems for itself, and then as soon as the problems are there, then Africans run to Europe. They go and seek facilitators in Europe and take a quarrel between Kenya and Uganda to Rome, take a quarrel between Zimbabwe and Zambia to the Netherlands. But this time around we said, "Let us try to take our own initiative.

    1999-09-21 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.4047 (1999) · source