YouSaid · the spoken record

Wenaweser

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709
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2002-07-25
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2023-12-07
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107
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un-security-council

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  1. We and many others will of course continue to ask that situations that are particularly alarming be referred to the ICC, which has now been attempted in the Security Council for eight years. We hope that the fact that the veto is no longer the last word in this Organization will change the mindset among Council members in that respect. But there are other and simpler ways for the Council to address accountability issues. First and foremost, the Council has a key role to play in asking for the full respect of international humanitarian law by all parties to conflict and in standing ready to take action when that call is not heeded. Secondly, it should remind parties to conflict of their primary obligation under international law to investigate and prosecute the most serious crimes, in line with the principle of complementarity.

    2022-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9052 (2022) · source

  2. But the Security Council has the very important role and responsibility of underlining that justice matters for the maintenance of peace and security and should do so consistently. As we meet today, we are very far from meeting that standard, and the reality is starkly different. The attempt to include relevant elements in the decision-making of the Council is the exception rather than the rule. While those issues regularly feature in the speaking points of a number of Council members, there is a silent understanding that effective accountability work in the Security Council is not feasible. We need to see more innovative approaches in Council consultations and outcomes.

    2022-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9052 (2022) · source

  3. Such blatant violations of international law have been largely met with silence by the Security Council, which attempted to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2014 but was unable to do so owing to the vetoes cast by China and the Russian Federation. Finding the right balance between peace and justice is not the exclusive responsibility of the Security Council — far from it. Effective accountability is typically a long-lasting process, which often requires both criminal accountability and forms of restorative justice. On the latter question in particular, there is great potential for a strong role to be played by the Peacebuilding Commission, which has yet to be explored after more than 15 years of its existence.

    2022-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9052 (2022) · source

  4. The reason the Security Council is discussing ways to strengthen its work on accountability is obvious. There is a strong link between sustainable peace and justice that we have agreed on various occasions, including when we adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. There is ample evidence to support that connection, including too many examples of situations that are on the Council’s agenda — from Myanmar to the Sudan and from Syria to Ukraine — in which the pattern of war crimes and crimes against humanity is a direct continuation of the manner in which the war in Syria has been conducted for more than a decade.

    2022-06-02 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.9052 (2022) · source

  5. That is why, together with partners, we created a council of advisers, which helped to produce an in-depth report of the application of the Rome Statute to cyberwarfare. We invite everyone to read the report, which, with our partners, we will disseminate widely in the coming weeks.

    2022-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8953 (2022) · source

  6. We would again like to quote the ICRC: “International humanitarian law limits cyberoperations during armed conflicts, just as it limits the use of any other weapon.” Moreover, irrespective of whether an act is kinetic or conducted through cybermeans, the law reflected in the Geneva Conventions and in article 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) applies once international humanitarian law is triggered. The Council has the power to refer situations to the ICC to ensure accountability and further deter such crimes. Indeed, as discussions on the application of international law to cyberspace continue in several forums at the United Nations, we must include the Rome Statute and international criminal law more generally in such analyses as a matter of prevention.

    2022-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8953 (2022) · source

  7. Going forward, the Council should better acknowledge the preventive dimension of the protection-of-civilians agenda, including by ensuring the credible prospect of accountability for those that violate international humanitarian law — a responsibility to which it has largely failed to live up in recent years. The Council can also see to it that engagement with non-State armed groups, whose cooperation is often essential to the protection of civilians in urban areas, is not criminalized, but rather seen as a means to avert further suffering, including with respect to those actors under sanctions designations. Civilians in urban areas face a particularly acute vulnerability to attacks carried out through cyberoperations, for example on the electric grid or water supply.

    2022-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8953 (2022) · source

  8. While some claim that innovations such as increasing the precision of munitions or reliance on enhanced data and surveillance collection and analysis tools can help to minimize civilian harm, even the most prepared State actor cannot technologize away the risks that any use of armed force in urban areas poses to civilians. Strict compliance with the obligation to ensure necessity, proportionality and distinction is now more important than ever. The Council should backstop such efforts, as it did in resolution 2573 (2021), on attacks on critical infrastructure.

    2022-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8953 (2022) · source

  9. The heightened risk of indiscriminate harm to civilians and civilian objects serves only to emphasize the importance of strict compliance with international humanitarian law in such situations. Over a decade ago, the International Committee of the Red Cross called for the use of explosive weapons that have wide-area effects — the weapons predominantly used in urban warfare — to be avoided, owing to the significant likelihood of indiscriminate effects. Unfortunately, respect for the rules and principles governing the conduct of hostilities, including the prohibition of direct attacks against civilians and civilian objects, is eroding, which poses a particular challenge to the Security Council. Parties to armed conflicts must put respect for international humanitarian law at the heart of their military planning and operations.

    2022-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8953 (2022) · source

  10. We thank your delegation, Mr. President, for getting us together today for this important discussion. The density of cities means that the suffering caused by attacks against them is overwhelmingly borne by civilians — 88 per cent of those killed and injured in 2020, according to the most recent report of the Secretary-General on the protection of civilians (S/2021/423). Damage caused to essential infrastructure — including water, sanitation, power supplies and health care — forces survivors to flee and aggravates health risks, such as those posed by the coronavirus disease pandemic. Irreplaceable cultural heritage may also be threatened. Explosive remnants of war remain long after the immediate hostilities end, continuing to kill and injure and deterring civilians from returning and rebuilding their communities.

    2022-01-25 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8953 (2022) · source

  11. The perpetrators must be held accountable. It is the obligation of the United Nations, and the Council in particular, to work to end impunity for such crimes and to ensure the full, equal and meaningful participation of women in peacemaking, conflict prevention and peacebuilding, as well as their protection.

    2022-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8949Resumption1 (2022) · source

  12. The backsliding in women’s political participation over the past few months is disastrous for Afghanistan’s future and its prospects for peace and should be halted immediately. We also want to highlight the situation in Belarus, on which the Council has so far been silent. Many women have stood up with courage and conviction to advance political dialogue that is critical for democracy and respect for human rights. The Women in White movement is just one example of women’s crucial role as agents of change around the globe. We condemn and call for the investigation of the excessive use of force and unlawful retaliation by the authorities against peaceful protesters, including mass detentions, intimidation, torture and sexual and gender-based violence against those who are seeking political change and respect for democratic principles.

    2022-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8949Resumption1 (2022) · source

  13. We call for protecting and ensuring respect for all human rights, including the right of women and girls to free expression, movement, quality education and employment. Those who exercise effective control in a country must comply with their obligations under international human rights law and the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. Paragraph 4 of resolution 2593 (2021) encourages “all parties to seek an inclusive, negotiated political settlement, with the full, equal and meaningful participation of women, that responds to the desire of Afghans to sustain and build on Afghanistan’s gains over the last 20 years in adherence to the rule of law”.

    2022-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8949Resumption1 (2022) · source

  14. It also means providing adequate medical, psychosocial and legal assistance for all victims and survivors and ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable. We remain deeply concerned about the risk of the targeted violence that women and girls are exposed to in many conflicts, including in Yemen, Myanmar and Ethiopia. We note in particular the precarious situation of women and girls in Afghanistan, who have fought with great courage and resolve for their rights and freedoms. The ongoing financial and humanitarian crises have disproportionately affected women, children, minority communities and female-headed households. Violence against Afghan women is sadly — and yet again — on the rise.

    2022-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8949Resumption1 (2022) · source

  15. At the same time, women in those key roles often face violence, including sexual and gender-based violence, intimidation, threats, harassment and reprisals for their work in bringing peace and preventing and ending conflict. We are concerned about the increase in verified killings in 2020 of women human rights defenders, journalists and trade unionists in conflict-affected countries, as documented by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. We owe it to those women to ensure that their human rights are respected at all times and that the environments they operate in are safe and enabling at all stages of the conflict cycle. That includes overcoming gender stereotypes and inequalities and moving away from patriarchal masculinities, which are at the root of gender-based violence and discrimination.

    2022-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8949Resumption1 (2022) · source

  16. I thank you for this opportunity, Madam President, as well as for your efforts to mainstream the women and peace and security agenda in the work of the Council. Women’s full, equal and meaningful participation at all stages of conflict prevention and resolution is a key pillar of the women and peace and security agenda. Resolution 1325 (2000) and subsequent decisions bring gender-responsive approaches to sustaining peace to the forefront and highlight women’s crucial role as agents of change. In many parts of the world, women have advanced political change and contributed to sustainable peace as peacekeepers, mediators, lawyers, journalists and human rights defenders, among other vocations.

    2022-01-18 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8949Resumption1 (2022) · source

  17. Our analyses of, and actions taken to end, the widespread suffering caused by small arms must therefore be gender-sensitive, and efforts to achieve disarmament in the area of small arms must include the full, meaningful and effective participation of women and girls in all its aspects. We welcome the relevant calls in Council resolutions to that end, most recently resolution 2220 (2015), and hope to see further progress in the Council’s consideration of the links between gender and security.

    2021-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8909Resumption1 (2021) · source

  18. Liechtenstein continues to call on the Council to act on the situation in Myanmar in order to ensure de-escalation and a return to a peaceful transition to a political arrangement in line with the expressed will of the people. In doing so, the Council can draw on the action taken earlier this year by the General Assembly, which called on all Member States to prevent the flow of arms into the country. Taking such a step would also set a clear example of the coordination and collaboration among the principal organs of the United Nations in preventing the further proliferation of conflict, as envisioned during the Council’s open debate this past week (see S/PV.8906). The violence caused by the proliferation of small arms has a disproportionate impact on women and girls.

    2021-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8909Resumption1 (2021) · source

  19. The latest report by the Panel of Experts on Yemen (see S/2021/79) discusses seizures of small arms in violation of that more focused embargo. If effectively implemented, arms embargoes could constitute a significant step in the right direction for other situations on the Council’s agenda and potentially strengthen the Council’s relationship with the other principal organs of the United Nations. In Myanmar, military forces have used small arms to attack the civilian population in a systematic manner, which has greatly exacerbated the situation and created a massive crisis with regard to the protection of civilians. In addition, there has been an alarming escalation in violence in that conflict between certain ethnic groups, recently in Chin state in particular.

    2021-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8909Resumption1 (2021) · source

  20. However, the recent report of the Panel of Experts refers in stark terms to the total ineffectiveness of the arms embargo, citing violations that are “extensive, blatant and with complete disregard for the sanctions measures.” (S/2021/229, summary) We regret that the Council has been unable to guarantee the effective implementation of the measures, including those in connection with small arms, by all members of the Organization. In the case of Yemen, resolution 2140 (2014) decided on a targeted arms embargo for designated individuals and entities. However, the flow of small arms continues to fuel the conflict in Yemen and adds to the significant number of civilian-held firearms that are already present in the country.

    2021-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8909Resumption1 (2021) · source

  21. The proliferation of small arms is a key driver of conflict across the world, including in situations on the Security Council’s agenda. Nearly half of all violent deaths between 2010 and 2015 involved the use of small arms. The proliferation of small arms has intensified and prolonged the duration of armed conflicts and frustrated attempts to prevent and resolve them. The Council has the power to prevent the flow of small arms and other weaponry into conflict areas, and it must ensure that measures to that effect are respected by all Member States. In the case of Libya, the Security Council in 2011 required all Member States to prevent the sale or supply to Libya of small arms, among other weaponry and related material.

    2021-11-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8909Resumption1 (2021) · source

  22. We also highlight the work of the Peacebuilding Commission and the Peacebuilding Fund, which together play an indispensable role in the work of implementing many of the thematic agendas outlined by the Council and can also provide an essential bridging function in situations where peacekeeping operations are discontinued or scaled down. We hope to see that valuable collaboration increase in breadth and scope, notably in the area of transitional justice and on the climate-security nexus. It would strengthen the United Nations ability to carry out effective preventive diplomacy.

    2021-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8906Resumption1 (2021) · source

  23. Climate change, corruption, small arms, pandemics and human rights violations would all become relevant as and when they affect the security of individuals. Obviously, the Council cannot be expected to take on such a task alone. That is why working together with the other principal organs of the United Nations is so important. Other relevant bodies could also be key partners in that regard. For example, the Council should deepen its coordination with the United Nations human rights bodies in Geneva. Human rights violations not only manifest themselves in armed conflict, but they are also frequently the root and proximate causes of situations on the Council’s agenda. In particular, the Council should hear from the High Commissioner for Human Rights whenever applicable.

    2021-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8906Resumption1 (2021) · source

  24. Liechtenstein encourages the Council to make sure its work with the other principal organs of the United Nations to ensure conflict prevention is inextricably linked to a human security perspective. That is put forward both in the Sustainable Development Goals and the Secretary-General’s recent report Our Common Agenda, in which the insecurity of individuals is seen as relevant to the Council’s mandate. Taking on such a perspective would also help the Council to prevent the kinds of conflict situations already on its agenda. For example, the Council could focus on the potential effects of climate change before it brings farmers and herders into conflict. A human security perspective would be a much broader lens through which the Council could view its mandate.

    2021-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8906Resumption1 (2021) · source

  25. Liechtenstein will continue to pursue initiatives aimed at underscoring the General Assembly’s role in upholding peace and security, including the possibility of mandating a debate every time a veto is cast in the Security Council, without prejudice to the outcome of such a debate. We also reiterate the importance of the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency (ACT) group code of conduct, whose signatories commit to taking measures to end and prevent atrocity crimes when serving on the Council and undertake to not vote against credible draft resolutions put forward to that effect. The ACT code of conduct has been signed by 122 States, including 10 Council members, a majority in any procedural decision. We encourage members to change the political culture in the Council when faced with the risk of occurrence of atrocity crimes.

    2021-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8906Resumption1 (2021) · source

  26. Unfortunately, we know from recent experience that the Council is not always able to uphold the mandate given to it by the Charter in Article 1. Political disagreement concerning the fundamentals runs deep, and the blocking power of the veto often looms large. Where the Council is unable to carry out its tasks, other bodies must be able to backstop its efforts. To that end, along with the representative of Turkey, we support a strong and active role by the General Assembly as the central deliberative and decision-making organ of the United Nations and the guardian of international law. In recent years, the Assembly has demonstrated in a number of instances, most notably in connection with the situations in Myanmar and the Syrian Arab Republic, that, where the Council cannot fulfil its role, the Assembly is indeed capable of stepping in.

    2021-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8906Resumption1 (2021) · source

  27. Liechtenstein firmly agrees that the Security Council must work in concert with the principal organs of the United Nations in order to be effective in its efforts towards preventive diplomacy. While the Council has the primary responsibility for upholding peace and security, the task of sustaining peace must be an effort carried out the three pillars of the United Nations system. We appreciate in particular, Mr. President, that you highlighted in your concept note (S/2021/888, annex) the role of the International Court of Justice. By adjudicating disputes between States and upholding the rule of law at the international level, the Court provides an essential platform for the maintenance of international peace and security through the peaceful settlement of disputes.

    2021-11-16 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8906Resumption1 (2021) · source

  28. In the context of peace operations, human rights and the rule of law can lay the foundations for more accountable institutions, while enhancing inclusion and strengthening democratic processes and the fight against corruption, in line with Sustainable Development Goal 16. It is therefore crucial that mandates for all United Nations peace operations include strong human rights and rule of law provisions. While such provisions vary significantly within peace operations and special political missions, we certainly see room for improvement across the board.

    2021-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8900Resumption1 (2021) · source

  29. It acknowledges the need to sustain peace based on international law, in particular human rights law, cooperation, solidarity and multilateralism. The Secretary-General’s Our Common Agenda reiterates the importance of a human security approach across societies to prevent social divisions and national and international instability. It also accurately speaks of a crisis of trust, which has been accelerated by the pandemic, and calls for a new social contract that ensures trust, inclusion, protection and participation. In response, a sharp focus on the rule of law can help strengthen inclusion, bolster democratic processes and build public trust in institutions.

    2021-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8900Resumption1 (2021) · source

  30. We see a need to address such tensions by fostering forms of governance that can uphold the rights of communities within a State, as a way to meet demands for further internal self-determination and to realize the full potential of the strength that every country can find in its diversity. Those ideas are discussed further in our recent Handbook on the Prevention and Resolution of Self-Determination Conflicts, on which Liechtenstein looks forward to engaging further with Member States. Secondly, the Council must demonstrate the mutually reinforcing nature of peace, human rights and sustainable development in its mandates. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development provides the most ambitious and most comprehensive human development and human security programme ever devised.

    2021-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8900Resumption1 (2021) · source

  31. It is very good to be back in this Chamber after long months of absence and almost exclusion. I thank you, Mr. President, for bringing this topic to the attention of the Security Council today. Questions of exclusion and inequality are vital to the Council’s work. They are also a through line to many of Liechtenstein’s areas of focus at the United Nations. I will quickly highlight two in particular and discuss how they can better relate to the Council’s mandates going forward. The first of these is our work on self-determination. As mentioned by our Kenyan colleagues in the open debate they put together last month (see S/PV.8877), many Council situations begin as intercommunal tensions with roots in ethnic, racial, regional, partisan and religious differences. Those can often manifest themselves in exclusion and unequal treatment.

    2021-11-09 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8900Resumption1 (2021) · source

  32. Trials in The Hague would be a late and partial form of relief for the suffering of the victims of the genocide in Darfur. They would illustrate how short-sighted the approach of the Council to the challenge of peace and justice remains, 75 years after its creation.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  33. In practice, however, we often prioritize peace over justice — certainly the Council does. How often have we heard in this Chamber that the involvement of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Darfur — ironically, mandated by the Council — was not only unwarranted but, in fact, harmful to peace and stability in the Sudan? As it turns out, the authorities in the Sudan seem to have come to a different conclusion. We are following very closely reports concerning a possible transfer of those indicted by the ICC, in connection with the crimes committed in Darfur. The mere fact that those discussions are taking place is the strongest possible statement in support of the relevance of justice for sustainable peace. We hope, of course, that we will witness those transfers.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  34. But for the most part, the Council will not stay engaged for the long years that are often required to provide transitional justice. The United Nations body most underutilized in that respect appears to be the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), which has the mandate “to support the development of integrated strategies in order to lay the foundation for sustainable development”, of which transitional justice is a key ingredient. Ongoing discussions on the PBC should therefore place strong emphasis on that dimension. The United Nations system should be equipped to assist all States that do not have a PBC configuration but still face transitional justice challenges. It is a convenient talking point to say that there can be no peace without justice, although it is less in vogue today than it was a few years ago.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  35. In the ongoing conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic, it has essentially ignored the accountability and justice dimension and passed the ball to the General Assembly, which established the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011, as a result. But, in fairness, there is also a conceptual difficulty with giving transitional justice tasks to the Council. Of course, there are peacekeeping operations — and the very useful concept note (S/2020/98, annex) has listed those operations where the Council has included relevant elements in their respective mandates.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  36. If the Council has a strong conceptual basis from which to work, its practical record is a different story. To begin with, there is no collective political will in the Council’s membership to translate thematic agreements on justice into practice. In the case of Myanmar, it has not even seriously considered, let alone acknowledged, the unanimous decision of the International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, on the provisional measures to be taken by the authorities of Myanmar on the basis of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In so doing, the Council misses a unique opportunity to help guarantee non-recurrence.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  37. They are inevitably painful processes, but they form the basis for moving forward together and for taking the measures necessary to ensure that the same does not happen again. Those processes also give victims their rightful place in the discussion — a place that they are too often denied. We heard in yesterday’s discussions (see S/PV.8721) how often children’s grievances and calls for justice are neglected in peace processes, with devastating results for sustainable peace. Similar things can be said with respect to the women and peace and security agenda. In addition to securing justice for individual violations, transitional justice has to address, in particular, the context of gender inequality and injustice, which gives rise to conflict.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  38. Transitional justice is therefore also a key component of conflict prevention and the implementation of Sustainable Development Goal 16. National ownership of such processes is essential. But in many cases, in particular where atrocity crimes were committed on a large scale, international or regional assistance may be not only helpful but, indeed, necessary. There are various examples where truth and reconciliation commissions have played a supportive role in post-conflict situations. A commitment to the right to truth is indispensable. Anyone who has suffered atrocities has the right to know who is responsible; anyone whose family members have disappeared has the right to know their fate and whereabouts. Every society where such crimes have taken place has the right to learn about its history, without lies or denial.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  39. At the heart of our discussion today is the question of how peace and justice correlate to each other. The Council has answered that question by stating that a comprehensive approach to transitional justice, including the promotion of healing and reconciliation, is critical to the consolidation of peace and stability. That is a clear and strong statement, and we fully agree with it. Such a comprehensive approach encompasses the dimensions of truth, justice, reparation and guarantee of non-recurrence — that is, prevention. The overall purpose of transitional justice is indeed to help societies overcome a difficult, often painful, past, promote reconciliation and support a common way forward towards sustainable peace.

    2020-02-13 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8723 (2020) · source

  40. We follow with interest the activities of the ICC Prosecutor and note in particular that her preliminary examination into the situation in Palestine concluded with the determination that all the statutory criteria under the Rome Statute for the opening of an investigation have been met. Such proceedings by a standing and authoritative international court are the expression of an effective international rules-based order as advocated consistently by large parts of the United Nations membership. We will continue our support for the ICC in providing justice undeterred and with the confidence of its broadly supported mandate.

    2020-01-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8706Resumption1 (2020) · source

  41. The IIIM is a constant reminder of the essential role of criminal accountability for the future of Syria. Peace and justice cannot be separated in a political process aimed at sustainable and lasting peace. Liechtenstein continues to support a two-State solution based on applicable international law as the only pathway to a sustainable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Developments on the ground, including renewed settlement activities, risk undermining the very prospect of such a solution and are in violation of international law and relevant Council resolutions.

    2020-01-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8706Resumption1 (2020) · source

  42. We thank those members of the Security Council who put their collective weight behind achieving at least a minimal solution for the continued cross-border delivery of aid. They acted responsibly against strong political opposition, in keeping with their role as accountable members of the Council who serve on behalf of the United Nations membership. The same membership has expressed itself repeatedly and clearly on the need to ensure accountability for the worst crimes committed in Syria. While the Council continues to ignore those views, in particular the call for a referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC), the International Impartial and Independent Mechanism (IIIM) has now been established as a full-fledged subsidiary organ of the General Assembly, including in budgetary terms.

    2020-01-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8706Resumption1 (2020) · source

  43. Liechtenstein is concerned at the precarious state of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), a milestone achievement of multilateral diplomacy that has yielded concrete results in terms of nuclear non-proliferation. We recognize the decision by the European signatories to trigger the dispute-settlement mechanism as an effort to preserve the security gains associated with the JCPOA. In addition, we recall that resolution 2231 (2015) continues to be binding on all States, with a special responsibility for all members of the Security Council. Recent discussions on Syria in the Security Council have demonstrated once again that the Council still cannot muster the political will to prioritize the protection of the Syrian people.

    2020-01-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8706Resumption1 (2020) · source

  44. There is an alarming trend of asserting the right to self-defence in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter as the legal basis for preventive military action without appropriate justification. Such justification would include at the very least evidence of the imminence of an armed attack, as well as of the necessity and the proportionality of measures taken in response. Excessively expansive and unchecked interpretations of Article 51 undermine the international rules-based order and are an obstacle to the United Nations mandate to maintain international peace and security. We attach the utmost importance to preserving the integrity and authority of the Charter of the United Nations in that respect.

    2020-01-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8706Resumption1 (2020) · source

  45. The Middle East is experiencing dangerous levels of escalation that must be of immediate concern to the Security Council. The rising tensions between the United States and Iran and the related military actions are a source of grave concern. We hope that all parties directly and indirectly involved will exercise maximum restraint and recommit to diplomacy in order to reduce tensions. The Charter of the United Nations sets out clear benchmarks with respect to the use of force, in particular with regard to very restricted and well- defined cases in which it is legal to use force against another Member State. The recent developments undermine the fundamental provisions of international law, upon which our collective security depends and which the Security Council is mandated to protect on behalf of all of us.

    2020-01-22 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8706Resumption1 (2020) · source

  46. On this basis, we are currently working on a handbook for mediators, affected communities and States to bring together best practices in preventing and resolving these conflicts, based on five principles: self-governance, the protection of minority rights, inclusive reconciliation processes, the acknowledgement of historical context, and awareness of the role of affected third States. We hope that this will make a contribution to the successful reconciliation of conflicts and disputes over issues of self-determination.

    2019-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8668Resumption1 (2019) · source

  47. Civil society, religious leaders and indigenous representatives may also play significant roles. Inclusive reconciliation builds a broader constituency for a lasting peace. Reconciliation must also grapple with factors at the root of division. There has been a significant growth in intra-State conflicts, many of which are based on claims by communities within a State to a greater measure of governance over their own affairs as an expression of self-determination, often on the basis of ethnic, cultural or religious identity.

    2019-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8668Resumption1 (2019) · source

  48. That being said, the Council's recent meeting on the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina illustrates the difficulties involved in ensuring that international criminal justice leads to long-term accountability, sustainable peace and meaningful reconciliation (see S/PV.8658). Achieving accountability often requires the inclusion of restorative justice, as well as such transitional-justice mechanisms as truth commissions. Key to this process is that each and every situation has an approach to accountability shaped by the needs of those seeking justice. For reconciliation to last, it must include people from all parts of society. Participation in processes where reconciliation is sought must be gender sensitive and incorporate the perspectives of young people and of minority groups within a State.

    2019-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8668Resumption1 (2019) · source

  49. Justice for atrocity crimes removes those most likely to go back on peace agreements from political life and deters them and others from committing similar crimes in future. When reconciliation does include amnesties that prevent accountability for atrocities committed by politically powerful figures, it disregards victims' calls for justice and creates the conditions for divisive memory politics or even a new phase of conflict. We support the United Nations position that the peace agreements it endorses "can never promise amnesties for genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity or gross violations of human rights" (S/2004/616, para. 10).

    2019-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8668Resumption1 (2019) · source

  50. Today's debate highlights the fact that it is not sufficient for the Security Council to simply put an end to conflicts, but that it should help to break the conflict cycle. In large part, this is, of course, a task we assigned to the Peacebuilding Commission when it was created in 2005. I will focus my brief comments today on how to ensure that reconciliation leads to genuine, sustainable peace. The process requires, among other things, eschewing impunity, fostering inclusion and addressing root causes. Sustainable peace is only possible when opponents deal with the past and commit to a shared view of the future. Reconciliation must never allow for de facto or de jure impunity for the most serious crimes.

    2019-11-19 · UN Security Council · Security Council, S/PV.8668Resumption1 (2019) · source