Alice-Mary Higgins
National University of Ireland · Independent · Ireland
“We are signing up to be customers of liquefied natural gas - potentially fracked gas, potentially coming from a country that is busily fighting against climate action and trying to fast-track our route to destruction. We will be doing that every year in the budget and every day in the terminal.”
“We are not getting solid measures on those safeguards. The other safeguards we have, which are our planning laws and climate laws, are being either fast-tracked or suspended. We are suspending the existing safeguards and are not putting hard safeguards into this Bill, and we are being asked to go on faith.”
“Nonetheless, I have some practical questions. We need a little more on what the emergency is because it is not sufficient to say we will deal with it then. The emergency is the ground on which the Minister of State is asking for the normal planning process and the climate Act to be suspended. We need to know what the emergency is.”
“It should happen only after all relevant market-based measures have been implemented. Those market measures should include the demand-reduction strategies that are eligible under N-1, including demand reduction by large energy users, and should have been implemented, exhausted and proven insufficient.”
“Sure there is detail in it but the key issue is that what he is asking of the Oireachtas, which is to agree to it being built, is on the argument of there being an emergency. It should be very clear what the emergency is. I mentioned previously that the committee said our N-1 obligations could be met through demand management.”
“It comes from real places with real communities that are immediately and terribly impacted by fracking, as well as having an impact on the atmosphere that surrounds our beautiful planet, which we are destroying. As the Minister of State said, it impacts not just on business but on the liveability of large portions of this planet.”
The complete record
Every one of 1,900 lines we hold for Alice-Mary Higgins, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 27 of 38.
“Sadly, we saw during the Covid-19 pandemic where over €80 billion of public money was poured into the development of vaccines and yet, when it came to the crunch, there was a refusal to share access to that science and what came out of it with much of the world, which led to literally millions of deaths. I commend this House on supporting my motion at the time for a Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, TRIPS, waiver, which would have allowed the sharing of the intellectual property to save lives across the world. Sadly, the European Commission in its negotiations did not support a TRIPS waiver or access. This is why it is crucial to have these partnerships. It is not just about partnerships; it is also about the public interest and the public good.”
“One of the agreements stated that GMI would own all intellectual property in and have exclusive rights to commercialise the GMI databases, the GMI genomic database results and the GMI discovery databases, and the universities, which are the partners that may be linked with the State, would not get access until 50% of the entire participant recruitment target was complete. This matters because we need a genomic strategy. We also need outcomes from the data gathered that is going to feed into a guarantee of improved public health and public good.”
“In its rebranded form as Genuity Science, it has links to 25 facilities across Ireland, collaborations with many hospitals and universities and a very well-publicised goal of collecting data from up to 400,000 Irish people, and has made €85 million selling genetic data collected from Irish people since its establishment in 2017. An investigative report in 2020 pointed to the research deals and collaborations. Collaboration is something we would like to see to an extent, but the concern is in the letter of it.”
“It was an example of procurement that was done using a price-only or lowest-cost approach rather than a balance of cost and quality criteria. This is important. It is something that has had an impact. In the medical area, the machinery tends to get purchased based on both quality and cost but when it comes to services, there is sometimes a slide towards going for what is called the price-only or lowest-cost approach. Second, I have a concern about the commercial partners that are work at here. Genomic Medicine Ireland, GMI, was rebranded and renamed because there had been significant concerns about its operations. The State had invested in it and there were questions around where the data was being stored and whether the data was being stored outside of the GDPR context.”
“We know that quality is not a given in our procurement processes. I have submitted legislation that was passed by this House, which I was appreciative of, pointing to the issue of price-only or lowest-cost approaches leading to very poor outcomes and the need for a price-quality approach where we look at both the price and the quality and how this would lead not just to better outcomes, but better value for money in the bigger picture. We are aware of where this goes wrong, certainly in the area of diagnostics. The Scally report on the CervicalCheck programme identified an over-emphasis on achieving the lowest price from suppliers without an equivalent emphasis on quality and other measures as one of the key issues that led to the CervicalCheck scandal.”
“I have a strong feeling of support regarding the desire for a greater focus on and proper planning for genomics. For many people, diagnosing and identifying issues and patterns early is something they want because people are affected by such a range of conditions and diseases. There is significant value in genomics science. I recognise some of the concerns identified in the first sections of the motion. In particular, I note the concerns about overseas laboratories. The idea of a co-ordinated plan and achieving a 50% target is something to be welcomed. However, I have two concerns about the inclusion of accredited commercial laboratories in future procurement processes in line with public procurement directives to ensure open, competitive and cost-effective delivery. First, the word "quality" needs to be mentioned here.”
“I am aware that is a separate day's debate, but I know we have been calling for Ireland to start acting on the recommender systems and algorithms and we have not done so. Instead, we are letting deregulation slip through the back door with the digital omnibus. Again, Ireland can give huge leadership. This is us undermining that leadership by tying ourselves into an unknown proposal and unknown activities, which will affect and erode our credibility.”
“People are concerned about Ireland co-signing a cheque for military expenditure that undermines our ability to contribute to the international debate on peace that is needed and undermines our ability to be impactful when we need to. If Ireland wants to be strong and to step up, we have multiple opportunities to do so. I have mentioned the International Criminal Court and giving leadership on applying international law by delivering the occupied territories Bill. Let us also talk about the fact that Ireland is the main regulator for social media companies which have had a poor record in fostering division, seeking to create negative outcomes for Ukraine and pushing far-right and disruptive narratives right across the European Union, sometimes sponsored by Russia. Ireland is the key regulator there and we are not doing much.”
“It is clearly not in line and was clearly not in line at the point when those statements were being made with either the mandate from the Security Council or the UN Charter. We are looking at a "trust us" situation. We will go with who is asking us to join in whichever coalitions may occur, and simply trust them in a short debate going through two Houses without committee debate. We have not heard discussions on how this money is to be spent. We have not heard examination of issues like cluster munitions. Nobody here is opposing ongoing and far more robust support for Ukraine, including ongoing support for the Ukrainian civilians and citizens who are in Ireland, and those who are seeking humanitarian support.”
“Once we go down this road, how many other military decisions, and decisions relating to military expenditure and activity may slide through? We should be aware of this in terms of the attempt to take away the triple lock that is taking place and is being discussed today. How much more will there be when we move into a space where what is proposed is that maybe in a 70- or 60-minute debate in two Houses, we would potentially see the rubber stamping not just of decisions for military expenditure but for military action by Irish forces? That is what is on the menu with the triple lock. I say that in a context where I heard a colleague speak about the Board of Peace. It seemed to take our Taoiseach two days to be clear. He said it must be examined, and we must look at the UN Charter.”
“Will some of those billions be used on cluster munitions, weapons which, bear in mind, are landmines from the sky? They hugely and disproportionately impact civilian populations and children. Where is Ireland speaking up on those issues and saying we unfortunately cannot take part in that aspect and we have concerns? We hear nothing except for Ireland saying that countries under pressure are making their own choices. Actually, the idea of being a leading country on things like disarmament, and cluster munitions in particular, was to say there are certain weapons that are unacceptable for anybody to use ever. However, this money may well go there. There are no caveats and safety nets. It is inappropriate that we undermine by saying we are okay with this choice.”
“A specific concern that should be right up there for Ireland is the global ban on cluster munitions, which Ireland helped to negotiate and succeeded in negotiating. A number of our colleague countries in the European Union, like Lithuania, have left the global ban on cluster munitions. Other countries are leaving the global ban on landmines. Ireland has agreed to bankroll €150 billion in loans to our fellow European countries. By the way, €16 billion of that is going to Hungary while we claim this is in our front line against Russian influence. The European Commission has been clear that money can go to cluster munitions. We know there have been horrendous reports of their use in Ukraine by Russia, but also, sadly, of Ukrainian use of cluster munitions.”
“Part of that international credibility is our status as a trusted, neutral country, which is not passive but active in the idea that we pursue the essence of the UN Charter in terms of the peaceful resolution of disputes that we have in our own constitutional commitment to international law, working for peaceful resolution and the work and record we have on disarmament and the idea that applied. We undermine that credibility when we join coalitions on military expenditure. This is not an EU-wide initiative. Most countries in the EU are engaging in a project that is 60% military expenditure. To be clear, when we say we do not know where it is going, if it is going on military expenditure you are talking about potential loss of life.”
“Ireland can give leadership, and has, in the humanitarian area, in human rights and in the programmes that have been largely cut due to cuts in USAID funding and things like those processes under way at the moment to ensure that we document crimes taking place in order that there is documentation and the capacity to document and hold to future account crimes that may take place. There is so much we have to contribute. A lot of it is on our international credibility.”
“The International Criminal Court has issued warrants for Putin in relation to his crimes, and for Netanyahu and others. That is an example where Ireland could lead in Europe and help to move that forward. Ireland can lead in insisting on a European voice in peace talks and reminding people of principles such as Resolution 1325, which is that women and civilians have an important contribution to make in terms of peace, and insisting on that rather than bowing to a hegemonic and top-down narrative on peace we have seen sadly coming from the United States, and the many conversations Mr. Trump has had with Putin.”
“Ireland should be incredibly proud of what we have done in the world and what we continue to do in terms of international law and our track record on global disarmament and working for peace across the globe. There is a culture that says we should be ashamed that we have not done more. Along with countries we heard named in the foreign affairs committee like South Africa, Costa Rica and New Zealand, we are one of the few countries in the world everyone in the world is looking to for consistency in international law. That is a place where Ireland can show leadership - which will strengthen Ukraine - and by leading in areas such as defence of the International Criminal Court, on which Europe has been painfully silent in not using the blocking mechanism.”
“The amendment identifies the real concern, which is the fact we are framing it as a loan. We should be very clear, particularly in the context in which it is coming, that it is more likely to be a direct payment in that there is a very conditional set of circumstances in which it may or may not be repaid. That is my main focus and it is important that we frame it as such. Some 60% of that is for military. That is the split. We are talking about 30% in infrastructure and everything and 60% in military aid. I want to push back. I have come from the foreign affairs committee. There is this narrative that Ireland needs to step up and do our share.”
“I am standing to give my very strong support to the amendment put forward by Sinn Féin. It is a very necessary amendment and one that is very carefully worded because it makes very clear the condemnation of the illegal invasion of Ukraine, the imperialist ambitions, as well as the breach of international law. It talks about the importance of ongoing support for the people of Ukraine. It is clear that our support is not done; it must continue. It also talks about what is appropriate in terms of that support; the huge need in terms of infrastructure, humanitarian needs and energy costs; the massive damage that has been done to Ukraine; and the support that is needed right across the spectrum of what it takes to have a functioning society and to rebuild a future functioning society. We should be in solidarity with that.”
“I know members of the Army who put up with disgraceful pay and conditions because they are proud, knowing that they are in an Army that serves a neutral country, that is always about principles and serving humanity rather than interests, that works under the UN and that has a record they can be very proud of. That is also something we need to address so that people can continue to be confident in what the future will be for them if they join the Irish armed forces. That is a linking piece, along with pay and conditions, which I hope we can also address.”
“I say this too because that is also a small part of the recruitment and retention issues. I say this having spoken to people who have been in the Naval Service. People have spoken. We all remember the powerful testimonies of those on the naval ships who saved lives in the Mediterranean Sea. At one point, Ireland was saving 8,000 lives a year in the Mediterranean, but we moved on from that. I remember the moment. The then Minister of State, Paul Kehoe, said that we were moving from a primarily humanitarian function to a primarily security function with Operation Sophia, and then we stopped saving lives. The number of lives saved went down to 2,000 before Operation Sophia abandoned search and rescue altogether. I know naval officers who left the service.”
“We are not dependent on Europe in that regard but we are contributing potentially to a €150 billion loan programme, which will give €16 billion to Hungary, a state teetering on the brink of authoritarianism. It was directly confirmed by the Commission, when its officials met the committee, that this money will be given over to the manufacture and purchase of cluster munitions and landmines. Let us have the discussions and support our Defence Forces through the kinds of measures sought in the motion. We can do that, while also having a critical voice on areas of defence spending that are risking our collective security and our future when we look to the impact military expenditure can have on our environment. There are also moral issues such as the use of cluster bombs. I am hoping we can get that balance.”
“While I agree that we need ships, it is in a context of a defence spending narrative which is risking our collective security and integrity within the European Union. I am signalling the report from the joint committee on finance because it is very relevant. We specifically called for fair and equitable pay and conditions and increased resourcing for recruitment, retention and the well-being of members of the Defence Forces. We also highlighted the dangers arising from a €150 billion loan programme that Ireland has been asked to underwrite. We have the resources and there is nothing that has stopped the State from delivering pay and conditions for many years.”
“I have just come from a meeting of the environment committee where we heard about the proposal to move LIFE funding, which funds projects on the ground in Mayo, Clare, Roscommon and across the country, and in the Natura communities. These projects are exactly what we are always calling for in the environmental area. They actually pay landowners and local communities for doing work on biodiversity and climate. That funding could potentially be rerouted into security and defence as well. These are the things that are part of the peaceful world we all want to work for. They are part of our collective security and environmental security. The motion focuses on the right areas, which need support.”
“I commend Senator Tom Clonan in particular on his work on the amendment. Speaking about the pay, conditions and support for our Defence Forces is crucial but it needs to be teased out from the massive shift we are seeing on a wider level towards huge expenditure on military and defence. This expenditure is largely not going to the Defence Forces and pay and conditions. It is going to some of the industries that are profiting extraordinarily from a climate in which military expenditure is being ramped up. The finance committee did a report, which was published in December, examining the €800 billion being pushed as EU expenditure. Much of that money is being routed away from social cohesion funding, which we know in Ireland is what builds peace between communities.”
“It is good, now that this issue has been raised for years, that some progress is beginning to be made on pay and conditions for our Defence Forces. The motion addresses the specifics of pay and conditions. I welcome that it also raises the crucial question of representation, calls for Defence Force chaplains to be allowed to have membership of representative associations and calls for proper measures around the working time directive and on making decent employment available and accessible to members of the Defence Forces. Those are positive components of the motion, which I support. I very much echo the support expressed by previous speakers for the amendment on bullying and sexual harassment. We know these have been issues within the Defence Forces and they need to be seriously addressed.”
“This is a problem for society. There are clear exemptions. In the case of genuine training or educational programmes, the Bill allows for internships in those circumstances that may not be remunerated. If we are simply asking people to work for free or cheap in an industry without any education or training context, we are saying that only certain people will get onto that rung on the ladder, namely those who can afford to do it for little or nothing. It will be disadvantageous in terms of the variety and diversity we need in every sector if we make rungs of the ladder of progress unavailable to many in society. I support the Bill and recommend and commend it to the House.”
“If businesses are letting the bottom line set policy – bad policy in this case – that bottom line will continue firing 21-year-olds and hiring another 19-year-old. That does not happen in every instance, but it happens in certain industries. Some of the industries we have heard about during this debate have poor practices in terms of retaining workers and giving them a proper period of time and ladders to build up experience. Businesses paying some workers a lower rate is bad for all workers. It undercuts all workers and damages entry level for everybody. It minimises the opportunities for a 24-year-old who wants to go into a new sector, compared with an 18-year-old. It puts them at a disadvantage in entering a new field. It is an anomaly in the system and a problem that needs to be addressed. The Bill does that.”
“The commission includes experts from across every sector. Not all come from a union perspective; far from it. I think unions are under-represented on the body. The commission, along with the ESRI which has also examined this, has said the evidence does not add up and there is no case for subminimum rates and, in fact, there is a case against that rate. All of the experts, including the Government body, have set the minimum wage. However, let us be clear. There is an attitude that organisations feel they can get away with paying younger people less. If businesses can get away with paying younger workers less, the great thing is that they cut their costs a little bit and can perhaps keep hiring younger people. The idea that younger people are being paid low rates because they are being brought up to wonderful jobs is incorrect.”
“Currently, those calculations do not include the extent to which that wage is an adequate wage that people can live on. The word "adequacy" is missing in the legislation. That is a separate day's discussion. We have a process whereby we determine that there is a minimum wage and say that is what everybody can expect to earn. Business groups are represented at the Low Pay Commission where that is determined. They get to have a say in the discussion. In fact, the Low Pay Commission, which includes representatives from all sectors, including businesses, unions, academic experts and others, not just anecdotal stories from people in individual businesses, has twice recommended that subinimum rates be removed. It made that recommendation in 2024 and called for urgent action. It recommended it again in July 2025.”
“In many cases, they are paying for food and rent. They do not pay lower rent. Those who are paying towards family rent do not pay less because they are aged 18. In some cases, people under the age of 21 are managing a household on their own or have dependents. The cost of living does not go down. By definition, we are discussing a minimum wage rather than a living wage. If the Bill goes to Committee Stage I might signal another issue on which I have tabled a Bill. We already have a problem with the minimum wage directive legislation in that it does not consider adequacy. The factors taken into account when considering and deciding on the minimum wage each year include the impact on the economy and businesses. A whole raft of factors go into determining that there is a wage that can be borne by business and the economy.”
“I am very happy to support the Bill introduced by Senators Cosgrove and Harmon and other Senators from the cross-party group. It is incredibly disappointing to see it is not being supported across the House. That sends a deeply disappointing message to young people and young workers in Ireland. I am interested in higher education. When there is wage inequality and a systematic measure that allows for the cutting of costs, those measures are used and exploited. We hear a lot about business costs. To be clear, we are asking young workers, namely those aged between 17 and 19, to supplement the profits of a business by working at a lesser rate. The costs do not disappear. Rather, they are being put on to younger workers who are giving of their time, which is as precious as anybody else's time, and face the same costs.”
“The amendment has been pressed. The key question is whether there was an appropriate application of the rules relating to time. Very many minutes ago, the vote should have been taken and it was not taken at that time.”
“With respect to the Chair, the argument being made by the Leader right now relates to the issue of the Cathaoirleach or Leas-Chathaoirleach being in the Chair. The argument in relation to seats does stand up because there is an additional door through which only the Cathaoirleach or Leas-Chathaoirleach can pass and which an be kept open even if the doors for voting Members were to be closed. Crucially, however, that is not the argument that was read into the record. What was read into the record was that the two and one is only a minimum. That was read by the Leas-Chathaoirleach into the record as a rationale. That, for me, is a crucial point. We have been told that, in effect, the two and one is discretionary.”
“It is what has been made necessary. During the previous suspension, there was no engagement of any kind and no attempt to clarify matters. In fact, it seemed that the vote was being called directly. Then we were told it might be a recall bell and then we were told it might be a case of four and four. There is an extreme lack of clarity as to how the rules are being applied right now.”
“What is the result if we disallow a precedent in how that Standing Order has been interpreted and allow it to be interpreted in a way in which it has not been interpreted before, certainly in the nine years I have been in the House?”
“Now it is being treated as discretionary. It should be at least three minutes, but it could effectively be any number of minutes. Will people be able to leisurely stroll up from the Members' restaurant?”
“Rather than even calling a new vote, for example, the Leas-Chathaoirleach is proceeding with the vote whereby the time of two and one, which has always been applied previously, is now not being applied because she is telling us it is a discretionary matter. In other words, that there is a minimum of two and one and there is no maximum. In effect, on such a vote, it can be any period of time before people-----”
“So in all those cases the Cathaoirleach and Leas-Chathaoirleach had the discretion to extend the period of time but chose not to, on all those instances when we have been locked out in the past. Is that the case?”
“What I said explicitly was that the delay in the entry by a Member could be facilitative of this. I said explicitly that I do not state that that is the intention of the actor but it is the effect of the interpretation of the Standing Orders in this way.”
“Yes, but there is an issue if the Government is in a position whereby it can effectively, and this raises a question, and we have had the debate on the voting for the Chair and the Leas-Chathaoirleach, that they are serving the House impartially according to the same rules for all. There is a question mark if a Government Member, who is the Leas-Chathaoirleach, delays in entering the chamber is facilitative of the Government being able to bring many more Members in.”
“I would note that we are being told that the Cathaoirleach or the Leas-Chathaoirleach is required to take the vote but the vote was called from the Chair, not by the Cathaoirleach or the Leas-Chathaoirleach. So is it the case that anybody can call the vote and then does the Leas-Chathaoirleach or the Cathaoirleach have to magically be in place for the vote to take place?”
“For the record, the Acting Chair said we will now take account of the fact that the Senator has raised this issue, and subsequent to that eight Members are allowed to enter the room. I think the record should state that.”
“In Congo, the director of humanitarian affairs at the UN reproductive health agency says that Congolese women and girls are enduring "tremendous suffering", with women dying every hour from pregnancy and birth-related complications. It is reported that there is widespread sexual exploitation, abuse and coercion in that country. I would like if we could have a debate explicitly focusing on this targeting and abuse of women in conflict. We should also discuss the other side of it - the piece that seems to have fallen off the agenda in the focus on security - which is UN Security Council Resolution 1325. This resolution focuses on the positive role and voice women should be afforded in peace and the building of peace.”
“The UN human rights committee has also published a report on the systematic violence committed against women and girls in Sudan, including "conflict-related sexual violence, abductions, and killings, many of which have been attributed to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)". It has reported that "girls are facing escalating risks of gang rape, sexual slavery, trafficking, and forced marriage, particularly in Al Gezira, Sinnar, Darfur, and South Kordofan". Conflict-related sexual violence is reported as increasing by 50% in 2024 compared with the previous year. We saw the scenes from the El Fasher maternity hospital and the massacre there. Horrendous stories are continuing to come out of El Fasher.”
“For example, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has found "systematic use of sexual, reproductive and other gender-based violence by the Israeli Security Forces since 7 October 2023". Along with the disproportionate impact of the destruction of Gaza on women and children, there were also direct "reproductive violence and harms"; "deliberate attacks on sexual and reproductive health care facilities" and the collapse of healthcare infrastructure; and a wide use of sexual and gender-based crimes against Palestinians including prisoners and civilians by members of the IDF, as an intention of retaliation and collective punishment. This is the finding of the independent commission.”
“On International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, sadly there is a huge amount to talk about. There has been a deep escalation in the normalisation of misogyny and performative cruelty and violence around the world. I want to focus particularly on the incredibly concerning issue of violence against women in conflict, and the use of violence against women explicitly as part of conflict. It is something we have seen escalating, in a new era in which the narrative seems to be that anything goes in conflict. Of course, that is not the case. We have the Geneva Convention, we have rules. Even in conflict situations, we have lines that should not be crossed. Instead, we are seeing systematic targeting of women for sexual and reproductive violence around the world.”
“In terms of demand-led, I am making this demand but also it should not be solely a demand. This should be something driven by the Department as a positive for society and for culture. As has happened across many previous governments, the Department should look to fund and create these spaces because when the spaces are created, the possibilities open up and the artistry and creativity emerge. That is what genuinely leads to a creative society, where everyone can both see and participate in culture, rather than having so many people competing for such small amounts of money.”
“I am concerned about the mention of demand-led. We know the problem is that there is a capping of very low amounts such as €20,000 or €150,000. We know about that demand, so it is not really demand-led because it is not actually matching the need that is there. I acknowledge what the Minister of State said in relation to the Dublin City Council partnership. In fact, it has a positive example in the FLUX studios in Chatham Row, for example, where the council owns a space providing affordable workshops for artists and space for workshops, exhibitions and performances and indeed an anchoring place for cultural groups. However, we need far more of that. Perhaps the Minister of State might update me on the Liberties cultural campus, which we heard was to come online in a similar way. What is the progress on that?”
“In my reply to the Minister of State’s response, I will give some positive examples but also some of the areas where more work is needed.”
“Counties and city councils can apply for funding up to only €300,000 under the scheme. By comparison, the sports facilities fund, overseen by the same Department, was allocated €230 million last year. For the incredibly important arts organisations, we are talking about €1 million, €6 million or grants in the order of tens or hundreds of thousands of euro. I want to know what is happening to reconfigure and really resource this area. Dublin City Council has shown that of the 126 buildings classed as multidisciplinary community and arts centres, such as Axis Ballymun and The Complex, only 11, or 9%, are developed to a standard sufficient to allow for the production or consumption of professional work. They are not at a standard where they can be used.”