Barry Ward
Dún Laoghaire · Fine Gael · Ireland
“I acknowledge all of the factors the Minister of State set out. I welcome them all and it is really important that we spread that message. The second part of the Minister of State's response is really important and that is the EU jobs part. I would not necessarily limit it just to the European Union.”
“Let us not abdicate responsibility for politically unpopular decisions, which are still the right decisions, made at European level with the involvement of Irish people.”
“There is little doubt about the positivity we associate with membership of the European Union. Some 82% of Irish people favour membership of the European Union, the highest rate of approval of any European state.”
“It is really important, not from the point of view of influence but from the point of view of presence, that there are Irish people around the table when decisions are being made so that the Irish perspective is understood and heard.”
“To look at it from a purely economic standpoint, the value of being part of the Single Market is enormous. In 1973, we imported €340 million more in goods than we exported. In recent times, we have had an export surplus. We have exported more than €53 billion more than we have imported.”
“As we hold the Presidency of the Council of the EU and are at the heart of Europe, leading the agenda and setting the tone in respect of our priorities during the Presidency, what is the Government doing to communicate to Irish people just how lucky we are to be part of the European Union?”
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“The Bill takes a piece of European legislation and transposes it into Irish law. It is very welcome in the way that it does that. It is a good thing. I hope it is something that will form part of all the instruments we will continue to put in place to ensure that we have media freedom and, more than that, a media that is unbiased, fair and, most importantly, is vociferous in saying what it feels it needs to say, where that is justifiable, rather than what it has to say because of political pressure or anything like that. I welcome the Bill and look forward to its passage.”
“I sometimes think that we went too far in the case of the Defamation Act insofar as we took steps, for example, to eliminate juries from defamation actions in the High Court which were unnecessary. That step was very much taken to placate media to tell them they will not get awards as bad as they might have been. That could have been done by simply removing the quantum capacity for the jury. In other words, letting the judge rather than the jury decide what the quantum of the award would be. There is a balance to be achieved in respect of, on the one hand, the importance of the freedom and non-restriction of journalism and the media and, on the other hand, the operation of the public good and the right of people to have their good names. As already stated, that is outside the scope of this Bill.”
“As regards cancel culture, which I absolutely abhor, it is entirely reasonable to disagree with somebody or to be disgusted by what they have to say without stating that they should somehow be cancelled. People must be entitled and allowed to express free opinions, whether they are popular or unpopular, pleasant or unpleasant, within the bounds of incitement to hatred and defamation and all the rest. On the Defamation Act, I am concerned we have attempted to specifically address perceived restrictions that might exist for media in terms of defamation actions. With strategic litigations - SLAPPS - and things of that nature which are covered by that legislation, it is obviously important to suppress the ability of people to use litigation to essentially gag organisations, journalists, people, etc.”
“We must constantly work to ensure that journalists feel that they can operate in a free and vociferous way within the media environment. In that regard, it is also worth pointing out that media freedom is also about the freedom of journalists and the protection of journalists from situations where they might feel themselves compromised, and that includes online commentary. I have often seen journalists being pilloried online for taking a particular position on something. In fairness, they are well able to fight their own battles. I would not have any concerns about that. In the context of this legislation and the European Media Freedom Act, however, we must remember that there is a State obligation to ensure there is pile-ons do not occur on social media in respect of people who take unpopular positions.”
“We do not have that problem here. Insofar as we can look at our media and say that there is something that we can be really proud of, we have media organisations, print and broadcast, in this country which are not afraid to call out things for that they are, not afraid to say things that are unpopular and not afraid to say things that will not curry favour with the Administration of the day. They do that all the time. Thank God not only that they do, but that they feel confident they can do that. That is what media freedom is all about. We are lucky to have it here, which is not to say that we should be complacent about it or take it for granted. We must recognise that the provision of a fair, open and free media is something that must be striven for eternally. We must constantly work to ensure that it is there.”
“In the context of what this Bill is doing, it is hugely important for us to acknowledge how lucky we are to have a functional, fair and generally unbiased media. It is not to say that there are no commentators I disagree with. Of course, there are. In fact, if there were commentators I never disagreed with, that would be a bigger problem. We are lucky to have that. When we look at things, sometimes we see the problems rather than the good things. I see this insofar as what is happening, for example, in the United States, in the complete inability of certain media there to criticise some of things that are happening and the inability of the European media to criticise some of the things that are happening in the Middle East, and particularly the blinkered approach of certain European media to what Israel is doing in Gaza, for example.”
“It means you hear Irish in a real context every day and that is a really good thing, but I am afraid that it is contradicted sometimes by the fact that the next advertisement is for a washing powder being advertised by a person clearly based in London, who has nothing to do with Ireland and may never have been to Ireland. There is a loss for the Irish media consumer there in the fact that our media are not meeting the obligations that they should in terms of providing a media environment that is for Irish people and of Irish people. I started this by saying that there should be greater international focus but what I am also saying is that it should be tailored for the people in this country, not for markets outside this country.”
“For example, if you have an advertisement that is made in London with professional people based in London, whether they are PR people, advertising people, media crews, copywriters, artistic directors, etc., and that advertisement is broadcast here, all of those people who could have made that advertisement in Dublin, Galway, Cork or Limerick lose out in the fact that that work has gone elsewhere and that is a shame. One of the real steps forward we have made in this country in the past couple of years is the 20% obligation to have State agencies advertise trí mheán na Gaeilge. It is wonderful to hear advertisements that are entirely based through Irish, on television and on radio, from State agencies promoting different programmes or whatever it might be.”
“This point may not necessarily be particularly relevant to this Bill insofar as it does not address advertising standards, for example, but advertising is bound up with, and part and parcel of, the media landscape. What we often see in Irish media, and this is a criticism particularly of media other than RTÉ, is whole-scale English advertising rebroadcast on Irish television. There is a cultural import of that. What that says to me is that the advertiser itself has decided there is no distinction between the Irish market and the British market, for example, and that is really sad. There is something much more important about that, however. The signal it is sending is one thing but there is also the loss for Irish industry.”
“This is a small opportunity for RTÉ to show that there is a breadth of coverage that we do not generally get. What I would like to see is "World Report" being on every morning or every day on RTÉ radio. We as a society would benefit much more if we got news from those parts of the world but we do not hear it as much as we should. The reality is that Irish media consumers rely much more on the international press, for example, international magazines and international journals, to inform them about many significant world events. We cannot rely on Irish media, not even The Irish Times . The Irish Times provides very good international coverage but there is only so much space in the newspaper and there is, consequently, disproportionate coverage for events that occur in the English-language world, if I can put it that way.”
“I am sometimes surprised by the items that get coverage in a prominent place on the RTÉ news and question how newsworthy they are relative perhaps to the footage that is available or the familiarity that Irish people have with places such as America and Britain, which get disproportionate coverage in media relative, for example, to issues in other European countries. There is a programme on RTÉ radio on Sunday mornings, "World Report", which is singularly excellent. Each episode is a small collection of three or four stories from journalists in parts of the world that we do not hear much about. They give a short report on a big news story in that country. It is invariably something that we have never heard of here and has not found its way into the mainstream media in this country.”
“That is not to criticise the amount of funding for RTÉ but, rather, to mark the fact that we are a small country and we do not have the capacity to whole-scale fund public service broadcasting in the same way. Notwithstanding that, RTÉ does a really good job. On the budget that it has, it delivers balanced and effective current affairs coverage, for example. Of course, there could be more and it could be better. A criticism I would make, one which I certainly hear from colleagues who are not Irish but may be living here in Ireland, is that they can see the news here as being a little parochial. In the context of being part of a larger European Union, for example, we could see much better coverage of news from other European countries.”
“The more we can establish that freedom for those media, the better. Others have spoken about investment in public service media. That is also hugely important. We often forget that even if we were to ramp up spending on RTÉ - I am not necessarily proposing that should be the case - that, in comparing the budget that is provided for RTÉ in the size of country we are with the budgets provided to public service broadcasters in other jurisdictions, it simply is not on the same playing pitch. One could not, for example, compare the RTÉ budget to the BBC budget. My understanding is that the daily budget for the BBC exceeds the annual budget for RTÉ.”
“I welcome this Bill and the implementation of the European Media Freedom Act into Irish law. It is hugely important. There are a few comments I want to make about the media landscape generally. Some people often give out about media in Ireland but, considering how functional our media are here compared with those in other jurisdictions around the world, even in the European Union, we are incredible lucky to have, broadly speaking, balanced and responsible media. I am struck all the time by the discrepancy between what is often referred to as the mainstream or traditional media - the print media and broadcast media - with what we see online. Much of the stuff on social media platforms, for example, entirely lacks the moderation and editing that comes with the media that we feel we can trust. That is a real problem.”
“In response to a parliamentary question I put to the Minister in February, he indicated improvements to the vetting system might require legislation. Can the Minister clarify whether that will be primary legislation or secondary legislation? Will it come before the House soon, or does he have any news on that?”
“In respect of operability, renewals and things like that, the Minister mentioned the Garda having a difficulty with online signatures. We have to get over that. If we have a situation where this Government is proposing, for example, online age verification using certain existing ID systems, surely we can also do that for vetting. I recognise there is a problem with waiting for news to come back from abroad where somebody has lived abroad. Is there something we should be doing at European level to implement a co-operation agreement between countries in the European Union to speed up that process? I am also conscious that, in the vetting process, a letter is sent to every Garda district in which the person lived and the Garda has to wait for information to come back. Is there a way of streamlining that?”
“It is very important that the recommendations from the Garda vetting review group bring an effectiveness to Garda vetting that means it will be operable and will work, particularly for volunteer organisations. When there is a significant delay in vetting, it discourages volunteers and makes it difficult for sports clubs to get the coaches in to teach the underage teams and things like that. Let us ensure we put in place measures that make vetting work for our communities, as much as anything else.”
“I am surprised the number is as low as that. I welcome the fact many of them are being dealt with in under ten days, but that does not accord with the anecdotal accounts being given to me. I do not know whether there is prioritisation within the system. There should be, because some of the applications are time sensitive. As regards the issues the Minister has raised, we can see in other jurisdictions that there is a central register, for example, with a rolling account for any individual that can be checked immediately. It should not be up to individual organisations like the Teaching Council or sports clubs to set up transferability. That should be done centrally.”
“The Minister is aware that Garda vetting is a very important issue for voluntary organisations, schools and healthcare. It takes too long and seems to be quite cumbersome insofar as a person who moves position has to be revetted in a way that does not seem necessary. I am aware there is a Garda vetting review group. Has the Minister received its recommendations or report? Has he had a chance to review them? Will those recommendations be implemented? If so, when?”
“I just hope we can redouble our efforts to continue that progress and specifically target the unnecessarily long waiting lists in Dún Laoghaire.”
“I appreciate both the fact that the Minister has acknowledged the problem and the fact that he is here to deal with the issue himself. We do not often see senior Ministers in for Topical Issues, so I appreciate his commitment to this issue. It is an important issue, and the reason I raise it, which I know he understands, is that there are so many people in my area - as I said, over 5,000 - waiting for these tests who are significantly inconvenienced by the delay. They cannot take up jobs, they cannot drive themselves to college and they cannot get the mobility they need. That is why it is important. I appreciate what the Minister said about raising this issue with the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, tomorrow. I appreciate the commitment and acknowledge the progress that has been made.”
“It is, I agree with him, frustrating both that it has not opened and that we do not know when it will open. If there are people assigned, is it the case then that they could temporarily be assigned to Dún Laoghaire and Deansgrange? That might be part of the solution, or they might even be able to work from there to help. In addition, could the Minister commit to looking at lengthening the hours during which tests can take place, particularly as we get into longer days after the clocks change? I think there is a capacity there to increase the number of tests taking place per week, particularly if the testers are there. That can also deal with the fact that they might be facing congestion in the area at particular times.”
“Again, I acknowledge the work that has been done and the commitment the Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, have shown to this and the progress that has been made. I also acknowledge what the Minister said, that it is cold comfort to the people waiting 21 weeks that the national average has come down to 11.5 weeks, but I welcome those changes. I also agree with his statement that I am not criticising individual testers. They probably work under a pretty difficult situation. As I said, the area where this testing centre is located is pretty congested. I suspect that is what is slowing down the progress in tests, but maybe that can be addressed. Maybe there is an issue that can be addressed there. The Minister has identified that there are testers assigned to the Sandyford centre. That is welcome.”
“However, as we come into the summer now and the clocks change later this month, we can have tests later in the evenings, at the weekends, seven days a week. We can use that time to stretch it out, to make the best use of time and the best use of the nine testers we currently have assigned to that centre. Most importantly, however, I would like to hear from the Minister a commitment that we will change and turn around this 21-week period, which is double what it should be, and reduce it in jig time and make sure that the people of my area, as well as the broader south Dublin area, have an opportunity to do the test in a timely way and get on with things.”
“I call on the Minister now to commit to prioritising Dún Laoghaire and Deansgrange in terms of dealing with that exorbitantly long waiting list for people who need the right to do their test, the right to progress and the opportunity to get on with it. All they are waiting for is the opportunity to do that test. What can be done? Obviously, we can again increase the number of testers. We have seen how effective that was. More importantly, perhaps, we can lengthen the hours. The location of this centre is just off Pottery Road, literally around the corner from where I grew up. It is a busy road, and at either end of the road there are quite congested conjunctions, so, necessarily, the number of tests is constrained by the traffic in that area.”
“I acknowledge that progress has been made because that 21-week period has come down quite a bit. That is because halfway through last year the Minister's Department tripled the number of testers available in Dún Laoghaire from three to nine, and that is really welcome. It brought down the period, as I said. Still, however, in February 2025, 763 tests were carried out by three testers, but, strangely, in February 2026, last month, there were only 1,167 tests conducted by nine testers. I do not understand how the mathematics of that worked, but the reality is that we still have a major problem. We announced in April of last year that the new Sandyford testing centre would be open. There are apparently still negotiations going on around the lease there, so progress has not been made. Progress needs to be made.”
“The service level agreement set 10.5 weeks as the time period we would aim for. Now in Dún Laoghaire, the average waiting time for a driving test is 21 weeks. That is the average waiting to be invited to come for a test. It does not mean you get the test after 21 weeks. Anecdotally from the many people who are contacting my office about this issue, people are waiting 30 weeks and more. It just is not good enough. Not just do we have the longest waiting periods in Ireland, with the average still double what it should be under the service level agreement with the driver testing service, but there are now 5,356 people waiting for tests in Dún Laoghaire as of last month. It is an extraordinary number of people. Since January 2025, it has never been lower than 4,500 people waiting for tests.”
“Níl aon ghá dom a rá leis an Aire cé chomh tábhachtach is atá an t-ábhar seo, go mbeidh an teastas tiomána ar fáil do dhaoine ar fud na tíre, go háirithe i nGráinseach an Déin agus Dún Laoghaire, áit a bhfuil an liosta feithimh chomh fada. The importance of the availability of driving tests cannot be understated. The reality is that when the test is not available in a timely fashion, people are delayed in taking up work positions sometimes, or availing of positions in work. They might not be able to get to college. Families are driving around with adult children because they cannot be driving unsupervised. This causes disruption for families, individuals and businesses. We as a polity had decided that we were going to improve this because there was a particular crisis over a year ago.”
“However, that is not what has been articulated. Six months is the standard provision, and this legislation seeks not just to increase this but to double it. I am not satisfied that there has been a justifiable reason articulated for that.”
“I am outlining my opposition to section 18, which was skipped over. We do not have large numbers of certificates of unjust prosecutions or miscarriages of justice because we actually respect the rules. The Minister of State saying that it is a standard provision in other Acts does not answer the question. I do not accept that there is a reason why this is being done. It is not the case that everything has to be complete and ready to go within six months; it is merely the case that the complaint must be made to the District Court within six months. That, in fact, is the standard provision and has been for the 170-odd years since the Petty Sessions (Ireland) Act 1851 came into force. I am concerned about creep in this regard. If it is the case there are resource issues or something like that, maybe that is a good reason.”
“I am not trying to make it easier for businesses that have broken the law. We are talking about the criminal justice system. There are certain principles that exist in that system to ensure that it is fair. We benefit from a system that is actually very fair, which is why we do not have mass certificates-----”
“It does not actually have to be the prosecution; the complaint in relation to an offence having been committed just has to be registered within six months. I would have a concern about creep in this regard. There is a good reason why there is a six-month limit on minor offences. The Government is seeking to double that, and I do not really know why that is the case.”
“I had indicated my opposition to this section. I know we are flying through the legislation, but I wonder if I might just address that. Section 18 changes the provisions of the Petty Sessions (Ireland) Act 1851, which creates a six-month statute of limitations or a jurisdictional limit on the prosecution of matters. Where we are dealing here with minor offences. These are offences for the purposes of prosecution insofar as they would be dealt with summarily in the District Court. There is usually a six-month time limit in respect of them. For no reason that I can identify, that is being extended to 12 months in the Bill. I just do not know why that would be the case. Is there any reason why the Minister of State thinks that it could not be registered?”
“I had not realised that my amendment had been ruled out of order. I do not think I was notified of that fact. More importantly, as we came into the House today, copies of the Bill were not available to Members and neither were copies of the numbered list of amendments. It is very difficult to deal with legislation in here when I am trying to work off my phone. Looking at a PDF on my phone is very difficult. It used to be that these things were available. It would be much easier for Members if they were available.”
“Consider similar provisions that do similar things in respect of similar criminal activity, albeit not the worst type of criminal activity but activity that is a crime because it is largely damaging to certain aspects of society. When we look at parallel items of legislation, we can see that this formula or construction is not used. It is confusing, and I am concerned that it will be subject to challenge because it is creating a new mechanism that is unnecessary and ambiguous or that, at the very least, obfuscates matters as to what exactly the offence is. I accept what the Minister of State said about not accepting the amendment. It is what it is. I am quite sure she has better advice than I do. I just have a concern about the way the section 9 has been drafted.”
“Why is it not clear that it is more than just actually selling that is involved? The Bill provides an expanded definition in the context of selling means. That is not really good enough because it creates an ambiguity. It should be really clear. This is a criticism I make of almost all the legislation that comes before the House, particularly amending legislation where one would need to be some kind of an interpretive expert to understand what such legislation says. It should be the case that a person can be told that something is an offence under section 9 and then he or she can go to section 9 in order to discover what the offence is. That cannot be done with this legislation. There is no good reason why that is the case.”
“I accept entirely what the Minister of State said. There is a provision in relation to the definition of "sell". There are two problems with that. First, it is very much at variance with the terminology that is used in legislation that attempts to do similar things. Being health led does not prevent the Government from making provision in law for an offence that is actually applicable. That is the concern I have. The offence is created in section 9(1), and in section 9 in its totality. A question will arise in any prosecution as to why the offence is not properly described in the section. Why is the definition of "offence" being moved to the interpretation section as opposed to the actual penal provision within the Bill - or the Act as it will be - being made clear?”
“If we are serious about tackling the problem by stopping people from selling them, it cannot just be about the momentary act of the sale. It has to be about all the things that go around that, including the preparation for it and the keeping of the goods. It is slightly ridiculous that gardaí could identify a shop that is potentially selling single-use vapes, but unless they are in the shop or they send somebody in undercover in a sting operation to buy a single-use vape who could then testify in court later that it was sold to them, they simply will not be able to mount a credible prosecution. That will render the provision in section 9(1) largely inoperable. That is why I suggest changing the wording.”
“For example, if gardaí were to raid a shop in which the shopkeeper had a load of these single-use vapes behind the counter ready to sell, no prosecution could ensue because the shopkeeper has not sold the vape, or at least the evidence in such a case would not be available to prove the person had sold it. I suggest the wording of section 9(1) be remodelled to cover the whole spectrum of activity that leads to the sale of single-use vapes. This Bill is trying to get this stuff off shop shelves, out of the hands of teenagers and off the streets. Every one of us knows the litter that arises from vapes. They are left all over the place when they have been used by particular groups who are not particularly conscientious about disposing of the vapes. There is also the damage they do to the environment even when they are disposed of.”
“It is more about the circumstances around people who are trying to evade taxation by selling cigarettes that do not have a tax stamp because duty has not been paid on them. The wording used in that context is that the product cannot be kept or stored for sale and one cannot be in the preparation of sale, and all the other things that come with people who are selling products like this in contravention of the laws on taxation. The reason I tabled the amendment is I have a genuine concern that section 9(1), as currently drafted, will be largely inoperable or, at the very least, extremely difficult to enforce. Any prosecution for an offence under section 9(1) will require proof that the person had sold the product or was, at that moment, in the process of selling it.”
“These have been banned in other European countries. They facilitate the use of much more significant vapes than was intended. The amendment seeks to address the fact that section 9(1) only provides that certain vapes may not be sold. This means that in order to enforce this provision, you have to find somebody who has sold the vape or catch them in the process of selling it. That is remarkably difficult to do. It may involve undercover work by gardaí, for example. If we look at parallel provisions in the Finance Acts, for example, on the sale of tobacco or specified tobacco products without a tax stamp, the wording used in the Finance Acts is much broader than "You shall not sell".”
“I move amendment No. 2: In page 8, line 17, to delete “A person shall not sell a single-use vape in the State.” and substitute the following: "A person shall not invite an offer to treat for, offer for sale, keep for sale or sell a single-use vape in the State.". Section 9 essentially creates a prohibition on the sale of single-use vapes. Section 9(1) provides that a person shall not sell a single-use vape in the State, subject to all the definitions that come earlier in the Bill. The amendment changes the wording of that. I am not in any way opposed to what the Bill is trying to do; I absolutely support it. There are other issues regarding the availability, for example, of what are known as "big puff" vapes, vapes with more than 2 ml of content or vapes that allow users to attach other things to them so that they have multiple cylinders.”
“When Members of this House retire, their pension will be a function of the current pay of TDs but when postmasters retire, that is not what happens. There is an issue around parity there. How can you ask somebody to take up a postmaster position when the terms and conditions they are asked to operate under are not attractive enough for them to take it on? That is a major factor. I am aware of a post office in Leenaun, County Galway, where the postmaster retired. He had been paying somebody to do part-time work in the post office so he could tend to other things. Notwithstanding the fact he was paying that person out of his own pocket, when the point came for him to get the lump sum for his retirement, he was denied it because he had employed somebody.”
“They closed because the postmasters in question retired and there was nobody to replace them. It was not because the post office was unviable, or because it was not busy enough or there was no demand for it. It was because there was no person who was willing to take over that postmaster's role. Why is that? It is an important question we need to ask. The terms and conditions for postmasters are singularly unattractive. There are real problems with An Post's approach to remuneration and terms and conditions for postmasters. An example is the pension dispute that is going on. I am aware the Government has signed off on the 7% increase for An Post pensioners but they want their pension to be brought into parity with current postmaster pay.”
“We can all agree the closure of a post office is a bad thing. I understand the need for consolidation and the business case for reducing the number of post offices because of the costs associated with each one but we have to recognise that each post office is more than just a monetary unit within An Post's business model. It is a community lifeline, it is a facility for the local community and it is a rallying point for people in that community. The loss of it is a loss for that community. I will speak of my constituency. People very often associate the closure of post offices as a rural feature, and obviously it does have a particular impact in rural communities where there is less of a population. However, in urban areas like Booterstown, for example, the Woodbine post office is closed. The post office has closed in Dalkey.”
“Táimse i mo chónaí i nDún Laoghaire agus fiú nach bhfuil m'ainm as Gaeilge, úsáidim "Dún Laoghaire" sa seoladh an t-am ar fad. Tá síneadh fada ar an "u" in nDún Laoghaire. Má dhéanaim iarracht é sin a úsáid leis na bainc, ní oibríonn sé. Fiú go bhfuilimid ag déanamh rudaí ó thaobh fógraíochta agus ó thaobh daoine a bheith in ann gnó a dhéanamh leis an Stát as Gaeilge - is maith iad na rudaí sin - tá fadhbanna fós ag daoine atá ag úsáid focail Ghaeilge ná ainmneacha Gaeilge agus iad ag déanamh a gcuid gnó le comhlachtaí príobháideacha. Caithfimid obair a dhéanamh ar an ábhar sin freisin.”
“Bhí Gaelscoil Laighean i nGráinseach an Déin, ach tá sé imithe go dtí suíomh in Mount Anville. Tá Scoil Lorcáin agus Gaelscoil Phádraig i mBaile Breac ann. Níl ach dhá Ghaelscoil ann dúinn. Is féidir i bhfad níos mó a dhéanamh ar thaobh an Ghaeloideachais ná atá á dhéanamh againn anois. Caithfimid níos mó a dhéanamh ionas go mbeidh rogha ag gach teaghlach agus ag gach páiste a chuid oideachais a dhéanamh trí Ghaeilge. Maidir le nádúrthacht na Gaeilge, tá fadhbanna fós ag daoine a bhfuil a n-ainmneacha trí Ghaeilge déileáil le comhlachtaí príobháideacha – ní leis an Stát. Tá a fhios agam go bhfuil ceart ag gach aon duine maidir leis an Stát agus déileáil leis an Stát a chuid gnó a dhéanamh trí Ghaeilge, agus is maith an rud é sin, ach ní amhlaidh atá sé má tá tú ag déileáil leis na mbanc, mar shampla.”
“Tá 250 Gaelscoil, ach níl ach 70 Gaelcholáiste. Caithfimid dul go dtí áit a bhfuil seans ag gach aon pháiste in Éirinn a chuid oideachais a dhéanamh trí Ghaeilge. Sin rud deacair. Is cinnte go bhfeicim an deacracht a bhaineann leis sin ó thaobh mhúinteoirí, scoileanna agus araile. Rud níos tábhachtaí fós ná sin ná, má tá páiste i nGaelscoil, ba cheart go mbeadh an seans ag an bpáiste sin leanúint ar aghaidh leis an nGaeloideachas i nGaelcholáiste. Níl an rogha sin ar fáil ag gach aon pháiste i nGaelscoil in Éirinn faoi láthair. Mar shampla, i mo Dháilcheantar féin i nDún Laoghaire, deir Julian de Spáinn liom cé go bhfuil níos mó daoine i mBaile na Manach, mar shampla, ag labhairt Gaeilge gach lá ná aon áit eile sa tír taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht, níl ach dhá Ghaelscoil againn i nDáilcheantar Dhún Laoghaire.”
“Rud a bhaineann leis sin ná an fhógraíocht agus go mbeadh 20% den fhógraíocht ó aon chomhlacht Stáit as Gaeilge ar na meáin cosúil le TG4 agus Raidió na Gaeltachta, ach go háirithe ar RTÉ agus na meáin eile. Sin rud thar a bheith tábhachtach i mo thuairim féin, go gcloiseann gnáthdhaoine - nach labhraíonn Gaeilge gach lá agus nach bhfuil mórán Gaeilge acu - an Ghaeilge gach lá. Cloiseann siad an Ghaeilge ar an raidió, feiceann siad an Ghaeilge ar an teilifís agus san fhógraíocht eile ar bhusanna agus áiteanna eile. Sin rud thar a bheith tábhachtach. Má táimid ag iarraidh an Ghaeilge a dhéanamh níos nádúrtha dúinn go léir, caithfimid féachaint ar rudaí cosúil leis sin. Ag an am céanna, ba mhaith liom cúpla focal a rá faoin nGaeloideachas freisin. Tá níos mó ná 20,000 páiste cláraithe i nGaelscoileanna ar fud na tíre.”
“Fiú go raibh sé ag obair ar son comhlachta agus i nDoire, bhí sé in ann leanúint ar aghaidh leis an gcomhrá as Gaeilge. Sin an láidreacht a bhaineann leis an nGaeilge. Sin an nádúrthacht a bhaineann leis an nGaeilge. Sin an rud ba cheart dúinn a bheith ag féachaint air ionas go mbeidh an teanga sin in ann a bheith nádúrtha do gach aon duine in Éirinn. Sin an fáth go bhfuilimid ag déanamh an méid sin oibre maidir leis an nGaeilge. Cuirim fáilte roimh an méid tacaíochta agus infheistíochta atá déanta ag an Rialtas seo sa Ghaeilge agus seirbhísí Gaeilge. Tá an t-ádh orainn go bhfuil rudaí cosúil le TG4 agus Raidió na Gaeltachta ar fáil againn ionas go mbeidh daoine in ann éisteacht leis an nGaeilge, breathnú ar an nGaeilge agus an Ghaeilge a chloisteáil an t-am ar fad.”