Barry Ward
Dún Laoghaire · Fine Gael · Ireland
“I acknowledge all of the factors the Minister of State set out. I welcome them all and it is really important that we spread that message. The second part of the Minister of State's response is really important and that is the EU jobs part. I would not necessarily limit it just to the European Union.”
“Let us not abdicate responsibility for politically unpopular decisions, which are still the right decisions, made at European level with the involvement of Irish people.”
“There is little doubt about the positivity we associate with membership of the European Union. Some 82% of Irish people favour membership of the European Union, the highest rate of approval of any European state.”
“It is really important, not from the point of view of influence but from the point of view of presence, that there are Irish people around the table when decisions are being made so that the Irish perspective is understood and heard.”
“To look at it from a purely economic standpoint, the value of being part of the Single Market is enormous. In 1973, we imported €340 million more in goods than we exported. In recent times, we have had an export surplus. We have exported more than €53 billion more than we have imported.”
“As we hold the Presidency of the Council of the EU and are at the heart of Europe, leading the agenda and setting the tone in respect of our priorities during the Presidency, what is the Government doing to communicate to Irish people just how lucky we are to be part of the European Union?”
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“Ba mhaith liom tosú agus leanúint ar aghaidh le rud a dúirt an Teachta Ó Cearúil ansin faoin láidreacht a bhaineann leis an nGaeilge inniu. Is maith an rud é sin, ach bhí mé chun scéal gairid a insint faoi chara liom, Seán Ó Tuathail. Is múinteoir é agus mac leis an iarTheachta Breandán Ó Tuathail, a fuair bás cúpla seachtain ó shin. Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam. Bhí mé ar an tsráid ar an nguthán le AXA. Bhí mé ag déanamh rud éigin leis an nguthán leis agus ag fanacht ar an bhfear teacht ar ais chugam. Tháinig Seán suas chugam. Labhraímid as Gaeilge de ghnáth. Bhíomar ag labhairt as Gaeilge le chéile nuair a tháinig an fear ó AXA ar ais ar an nguthán. Bhí orm dul ar ais go dtí an glaoch gutháin. Bhí an fear in AXA ag obair i nDoire agus lean sé ar aghaidh leis an gcomhrá liom as Gaeilge.”
“The solution is the construction of a second attenuation tank at the Gut at the back of the West Pier in Dún Laoghaire. Is that something we could look forward to, particularly as it will solve a major water quality problem?”
“Most of the wastewater in south-east Dublin is collected at the West Pier pumping station and then pumped under the sea to Poolbeg for treatment. There is an attenuation tank at the West Pier to handle overflow because during high rainfall events, run-off means that there is more water there than can physically be pumped to the pumping station. The attenuation tank at the site is 70,000 cu. m, so it is huge, but when there is an awful lot of rain, it is not big enough. When it fills up and there is no room in the tank to pump the water in, it literally overflows into Dublin Bay. I welcome the nitrates directive, which may be unrelated, but it places a greater obligation on us to deal with water quality issues. This is a water quality issue in Dublin Bay. We eat fish from and we swim in Dublin Bay. This is a major problem.”
“We need to move, through the circular and through the scheme, to a place where we are trusting teachers, who are the professionals on the ground, the people with the training and the people with knowledge of the particular school community. When they say they need something, we should accept that they need it and are not saying it to make their lives easier or because they have picked a figure out of the air. Let us trust teachers, let us deliver for them and let us make sure that the children they are teaching are given the best possible opportunity to achieve what they can achieve in terms of their schooling.”
“I thank the Tánaiste. One word he used in his answer is really important, and that is "understanding". The circular needs to represent an understanding of what teachers face and what school communities face in terms of the additional assistance they need to put in place. I attended a meeting earlier this week with approximately 30 principals from my constituency. One of the comments at that meeting was that the Government does not trust teachers. I do not think that is the case. There is an issue of trust with the Department and with officials because the reality is that, through the scheme, when teachers go to the Department and say they need X, Y or Z in terms of special needs assistants, what they get back is a load of paperwork asking them to prove it, essentially.”
“Nobody in the Department of education seems to be able to answer the question as to how much it would cost to have an SNA in every classroom in addition to whatever specific needs are tailored to the children in that classroom.”
“Although there are children who have more profound needs and may need more focused attention from an SNA, the notion that we have school classrooms the way they were 30 or 40 years ago is now an outdated model. We need to look at a situation where teachers have that assistance within the classroom from another adult and that should not be limited to classes where they can prove there is a specific need for a specific child. We should be looking at it from a policy perspective and saying there is a broader idea here that we should be giving teachers the back-up and support that they need and that means a second pair of hands in every room in addition to maybe targeted supports that are proven, through medical need or whatever it might be, in accordance with the circular.”
“Will the Tánaiste commit to the redesign and refocusing of that circular in a way that reflects what has to be done? Will he also answer the question in relation to what certainty can be provided on a longer term basis because, although the Government has stepped in and I am delighted that it did, we still have a job to do to convince SNAs, teachers, principals, parents and children that there is certainty in the longer term? The second point is perhaps a wider issue. I have put down questions in this House about what the cost would be of expanding the SNA provision and having a second adult in every classroom - a second pair of hands for every teacher.”
“There are two issues that have emerged from this that we need to address urgently. The first is the redrafting and refocusing of Circular 30/14, which was reissued in 2024 and is totally out of date. The circular does not reflect the reality of what teachers are facing on the ground in terms of the difficulties that some students have and the accommodations that they need, and the assistance they need, much of which is provided through the SNA system. The circular does not reference the many conditions we know children now have to face - the difficulties and the obstacles they face in terms of achieving the same educational equality that we all want for all of our children. As a parent whose child has not yet started school, I know that as she approaches that age this will be a concern for us and for other parents in a similar position.”
“I want to ask the Tánaiste about the SNA circular and the recent bad handling by the Department of a reorganisation of SNAs. It has caused huge upset within and without this House. I pay tribute to Michelle Cotterell, who is the principal of Our Lady of Good Counsel Boys' National School in Johnstown in my constituency. Ms Cotterell was one of the leaders in highlighting this issue. One of the reasons for that was that her school was one of the ones that got the really bad news about SNAs. I welcome the steps taken by the Government to stop this and to give some certainty to people until the end of the next academic year, but the reality is that is the extent of the certainty that they have been given. Already, SNAs and schools worry about what is going to happen in the following academic year.”
“I welcome the package that has been put together and I congratulate those who put it together but when this issue comes up as it will again, let us do it more swiftly. Let us be fair to the people who were wronged by the State and make sure they get what they need and deserve.”
“One group - and I do not propose to talk about them now - are the thalidomide survivors who are also awaiting a real solution. However, I acknowledge the work that has been done by the Taoiseach and Tánaiste in meeting them. I hope they progress that process quickly. The most important thing about what we are talking about today is that we, as a polity and as a State, genuinely take on board what has been done in the past that was wrong, hurtful and damaging, acknowledge it with a proper State apology that has been received today and not just the survivors to move on and live their lives, but we, as a State, cannot move on until those apologies are made. I applaud and welcome the fact that the apology has been made.”
“However, at the end of the day, we know there are instances in our past which constitute as a stain on the history of this State for which we should be sorry, and for which I think we are genuinely sorry, yet bureaucratically we are slow to apologise for. We should not be. When we know something is wrong, we should be willing to stand up to say as much whether that is as a Government or as an individual citizen. We should be able to acknowledge the harms done by the State and by our society in the past. We should be quicker and swifter in acknowledging that because it is only then that we can start to heal the damage that was done. While I welcome this apology, there are many other instances where apologies have been sought and are not yet forthcoming.”
“I welcome this apology. Our State was founded on very lofty principles. Many of them have been delivered but so many of them have not. During the last century, the State fell short in terms of delivering for it citizens. This is one example of that. I met these people in September outside the Dáil. I acknowledge the courage it took for them to take the steps they did, and I am glad that it has resulted in a conclusion or a closure of some sort for them. The apology is merited and appropriate and I welcome the fact it has come. I do, however, think that we are sometimes too slow to apologise. As a State, I understand there are legal considerations, liabilities and all the rest.”
“Some people in the room said they felt the Government does not trust them. I do not believe that is the case but I think officials in the Department do not trust them. When teachers and principals - highly trained individuals dedicated to the cause - say this is what they need, instead of accepting them at their word, there is a burdensome, bureaucratic process to second-guess that they have to say. Let us trust teachers and deliver for children.”
“If we fail in that role, the problems created will manifest themselves in ten, 20 or 30 years' time through reduced educational attainment and much more serious problems if people are left out of the educational system. Let us make a serious and clear statement of intent. What we saw in terms of the resolution of the issue is not actually a resolution; it is a stopgap. I welcome that the Minister of State and the Minister listened to what Members of this House and people around this country had to say on this, in particular teachers. I had a meeting in my constituency earlier this week with perhaps two dozen principals of primary schools. These incredibly dedicated servants of their communities are delivering for all of us. One thing that came out of that meeting was they feel they are not believed or trusted.”
“I asked questions in the House about how much it would cost to provide a special needs assistant in every classroom in the country. I am sorry to say I did not get the answer. The question was avoided in terms of how much it would cost. That is the level at which we should state our ambition as regards the provision we make for children. We know access to educational equality is hugely important from the point of view of future outcomes. I will repeat what has been said by various speakers in this debate about the importance of access for children, not because they somehow deserve something beyond but because they deserve it to put them on an equal footing with children who may not have the same challenges with accessing education.”
“I do not need to tell the Minister of State the upset this has caused. He will have heard it from his constituents, as well as Members of this House. I want to address the circular. It is deeply disrespectful the role SNAs play. It does not properly define the spectrum of issues they have to deal with. It does not address the various issues that prevent children in our schools from achieving their best possible outcomes and does not outline the basis on which every one of them should be addressed, rather than narrowing it down to a small number of criteria. I have a real concern that what we have seen in the past couple of weeks is symptomatic of an official view that we should be restricting access to special needs assistants, not broadening it.”
“They will see that once it is up and running, but there is a real benefit to allowing local councillors and local community organisations that have a democratic element to them to have an input into this rather than having it coldly and professionally delivered without the input of the local community.”
“The Minister of State is absolutely right, and the value of the community benefit funds, in particular, is huge. We will not feel the effect of this until these things are up and running. Again, in relation to linking them into local communities and the people who are elected to represent those communities, he referred to the professional delivery of community benefit funds. Is there a role for local elected representatives or community councils or other democratic local bodies to have a say in how that money can be utilised and how it can be given best effect i the local community? As I said, these projects are good anyway, but what the Department has constructed here is a really good scheme to add benefits for local communities.”
“Can we put measures in place that empower locally elected representatives to get answers where they need them and to counter the misinformation? In particular, I am thinking about concerns raised about possible environmental damage where pylons are driven into the seabed. My understanding from the experience of places like the North Sea and the coast of Scotland is that this can create small ecosystems that would not exist without the pylons. How can we counter misinformation?”
“I thank the Minister of State. I have no doubt about the value of offshore wind energy to local communities, particularly, where it is being landed onshore, and about the benefits it brings. I am aware of the community benefit funds, which the Minister of State mentioned. Two major projects are being run from Dún Laoghaire in my constituency, the Dublin Array and Ocean Winds projects. RWE is a partner in the Dublin Array project. Their office is now based in Dún Laoghaire, so it has a close connection to the community. I am aware that it is working hard on the development of information. There is a lot of misinformation about wind energy, particularly offshore wind energy, and about the environmental benefits and clean energy generated.”
“Bhí mé ag éisteacht leis an díospóireacht anseo agus an méid a bhí ráite maidir le fuinneamh gaoithe go háirithe. Wind energy as it applies to coastal communities, in particular, is such an important aspect of our drive to meet the targets that are so often spoken about, yet there is no operating offshore wind farm in this country. What are we going to put in place to support communities, particularly coastal ones, in delivering wind projects and ensuring we will have wind capacity into the future?”
“We must also informed that, as well as saving 90% on emissions, it would be cheaper to put HVO into their cars. Let us make this a real choice for consumers who drive diesel cars. Let us make it easy for them to chose a more sustainable and less carbon-emitting fuel.”
“The transport sector is one of the larger emitters of carbon in our economy. In the climate action plan, we have committed to reducing our carbon emissions by 50% by 2030. This is a key way in which we could do that. I do not know whether the decision not to reduce the tax on HVO is based on the loss the Exchequer might suffer as a result. That is fine, but whatever loss the Exchequer suffers would pale in comparison with the fines we will face after 2030 if we do not meet our target of reducing emissions by 50%. Let us get serious about implementing real tax changes, and just not for the sake of it. We must say to consumers that doing this would be to their benefit, not just in terms of the environmental impact or reducing the emissions from their cars but also because they will feel the impact in their pockets.”
“Topical Issue Debates are a really important way that we can raise issues and get direct answers. I entirely respect that the Minister of State is taking a number of matters that do not come under his Department’s remit. However, it is a source of some frustration that the line Minister from the Department is not here because that would be much more useful. I could just have tabled a written question on the matter. It would have been more helpful if a Minister from the Department to which this issue relates had been here. I appreciate what the Minister of State said. I recognise the veracity of everything in his response and the progress being made. As stated, however, HVO is a perfectly adequate substitute for traditional diesel. It emits 90% less carbon without compromising the energy it provides as fuel for diesel engines.”
“If we are serious about that, why are we saying to people who are using diesel cars or diesel fuel that it does not matter if they use HVO or diesel, when we know that, in fact, it does matter? Why are we telling them they will pay the same amount of tax and the same levies, and that it will cost them the same to use diesel, which is a massive pollutant, as HVO, which has 90% less carbon emissions? Can we not get our act together enough to implement the promises we made in the programme for Government to make it easier for people to chose the sustainable fuel that HVO is?”
“Let us be honest, transport is one of the major sources of emissions in this country. I should say that HVO is taxed less through VAT when it is used as home heating oil, but as a vehicle fuel it is taxed at the same rate as diesel. Why are we not saying that this is a way we can address one of the major sources of carbon emissions in Ireland, that is, transport? This fuel can be used in buses and cars. Whatever uses diesel can also use HVO. Everybody in this House knows how important it is that we meet those 2030 targets. It is important not just because of the financial aspect of the potential fines, which will increase as the availability of carbon emissions trading reduces, but also because the value of making those targets to secure this country and this world against the effects of climate change is enormous.”
“This is the real question: why are we charging the same rate of tax on HVO as we are on diesel when there are myriad benefits to using HVO instead of diesel and when we are reducing our carbon emissions by 90%? We are not losing anything and are using a sustainable fuel that can be sourced right here in the European Union. The fuel is subject to 23% VAT, which I do not really have a problem with. It is also subject to the biofuels levy, which, at 0.1 of a cent per litre, is not a big deal. However, it is also subject to the mineral oil tax. HVO biofuel substituted for auto diesel is subject to the same non-carbon component of excise. That makes no sense at all. We have committed in the programme for Government to going down the road of finding alternative fuels that are going to reduce our emissions.”
“It is committed to in the programme for Government, which specifically commits to increasing the use of HVO and carbon-reducing fuels. It also commits to better tracking to ensure HVO comes from sustainable sources, reviewing tax policy to encourage HVO use and engaging with the EU to allow incentives for low-emission fuels. All of that is great, but at the moment HVO is subject essentially to the same tax regime as its much more carbon-heavy cousin, the traditional diesel that is put into cars. HVO does not result in a drop in performance or damage to the engine. It is endorsed by major car manufacturers. It is used by large companies, including the Dublin Airport Authority and Sisk contractors. It is already in use. It is available on forecourts in centres such as Maxol in Inver.”
“The issue I raise is hydrotreated vegetable oil, HVO, which is an alternative to diesel. It is an extraordinary product that comes from the treatment of plant matter with hydrogen. I am not going to pretend for a moment that I understand how it works, but I know that the product that results from it is interchangeable with diesel in cars, for example, and results in a 90% reduction in carbon emissions when it is used. We have this fuel and 20% of the global output, which is over 30 million tonnes, originates within the European Union. It is sustainable from the point of view of carbon emissions, the sourcing of the fuel and energy security within the European Union. It is a fuel that is key to making our targets under the obligation to reduce our carbon emissions by 50% by 2030.”
“What it would do is to shut the door on large-scale investors that can spend money here and deliver houses for people who want to live here. Doing that in blanket terms cannot be a good thing. Rather than suggesting there is a silver bullet, let us look at the idea and see if there are parts of it we can take to implement. Let us also not pretend that the Government is not doing its level best to deliver the very thing that we need to do. Let us reflect on the fact that the Government has implemented other policies, such as the 10% tax on people buying large-scale developments. Such things have been done and reflect the desire of the Government to stop this happening and to deliver for individual families in this State wherever we can.”
“What we do want to do is to ensure that the people outside the State who have money to spend on construction spend it here, building homes for Irish people, people working here, people living here and people investing in our economy by working in our economy and paying taxes. Those are the people who deserve that development. I do not know if I am right about this or not. I have some sympathy for the aspects of this motion that address the gazumping of local communities and taking away a whole housing estate that has been built and should be made available for sale to people in the local area. I have sympathy in that regard. However, the blanket idea that we would say no one who is not an individual can ever buy or invest in a domestic property in this State is problematic.”
“I say that from my own experience. They are, however, expensive to build. It is far more expensive per square metre, for example, than a two- or three-storey house to build an apartment block with multiple storeys, lifts and all the other services that go with it. That takes investment. As much as I do not like it, the reality is that the mechanism that was used to get that investment into the country, five or ten years ago, was through those tax incentives. It is not about closeness with developers. Nobody here wants to be handing out money to people who do not deserve it.”
“I raised the issue with the Minister for finance of the time. He explained to me why that is there. It was not that he was happy about the idea. The reality was that in the aftermath of the crash, and for a very long time afterwards, there was no building activity in this State. For all the criticism and mud that might be slung at it by the likes of Deputy O'Flynn, when Fine Gael was putting back the economy and trying to get building started again, what we needed, above everything else, was investment. We did not have the means in this country to do the building. We did not have people in this country who could bring large-scale investment to build apartment blocks. By the way, there is nothing wrong with living in an apartment. They are wonderful places to raise families. They are wonderful places to live.”
“I was particularly aggrieved at the fact that if you were an institution or real estate investment trust, REIT, or something similar investing in large residential property schemes in this country, you got a tax incentive to do it. Compare that with a situation where an individual bought an apartment. I am speaking about people who became accidental landlords. Perhaps they bought an apartment just before the crash, got married and had children, and had to move out of the apartment but could not afford to sell it because they were in negative equity, and found themselves in a situation where they were landlords but through no choice of their own. Those people were at a tax disadvantage relative to a large company that came in and set up a REIT here. I felt, and still feel, that is fundamentally unfair.”
“I talk to those people at their doors and they are delighted to live where they do. I am a renter. I live in an apartment block that is owned by a non-individual. It is owned by a fund. I can tell the House that it is difficult to be a renter. It is expensive. There are no two ways about that. However, you are much better off in this country renting from an institution than from an individual. If we have a problem, we report it and it is fixed that day. If one guy, an individual landlord, owns my apartment, I go to him and he then has to go and find a plumber or electrician or whoever is required to fix the problem. It takes time. I know that because friends of mine who are in that position have shared that experience with me. I remember discussing this issue with a former Minister for finance.”
“First, he talked about the Galway tent and lumped Fine Gael in with that. Fine Gael had nothing to do with the Galway tent. He then talked about people falsifying the demand for houses. There is no need to falsify the demand for housing in this country. We all know there is enormous demand for housing in this country. He also talked about the closeness between developers and my party. There is no closeness with developers. He seems to have based that on the basis that tax incentives were given to people to come into this country to spend their money here building homes for people. The Deputy mentioned Cherrywood, which is in my constituency. There are not rafts of empty apartments in Cherrywood. There are apartments that are not yet finished, but Cherrywood is mostly made up of homes that are occupied by families. Those are my voters.”
“No one in this House could endorse a situation where an investor comes in and swamps up all the houses in a particular development, all the apartments in a building or anything like that. That is highly undesirable, particularly when there are people in the local community who want to buy, live and raise families in those houses but are essentially being denied that opportunity. Does placing a blanket ban on investors buying residential homes solve that? I do not believe it does. What is even more unhelpful is having speakers come into this House and, instead of discussing the merits of a motion or exploring whether something might work, decide to use the opportunity to sling political mud at people on the other side of the Chamber. What Deputy O’Flynn, in particular, said was reprehensible.”
“The thing I find most tiresome about debates on housing and the solutions is that every side presents its proposal as the silver bullet that is somehow going to solve the problem. There is no silver bullet. I do not pretend to know what the answer is. It is something that better minds than mine have grappled with. It is an incredibly complex problem with its roots going back well over a decade. I have some sympathy for this motion. I understand where it is coming from. In 2024, 13,000-odd residential properties were purchased by non-individuals, to put it that way, of which 7,000 were houses and 5,000 were apartments, broadly speaking. It totalled approximately €5 billion in expenditure.”
“We must ensure that the answer is “Yes” when people provide documentary evidence that their child needs additional support. What forecasting is the Department carrying out, whether it is in respect of Shankill or anywhere else, in order to determine the number of places needed in the next two, three or ten years? What is it doing to ensure that the capacity is there to put in place those classes in the context of both the physical infrastructure and the human resources needed? How can we guarantee other families in Shankill that they will not be in this situation next year or the year after?”
“What measures is the Department taking to take stock of what is going to be required in the future? How is it going to guarantee that it will meet the demand? How is it going to say to the two families I mentioned earlier that this will not happen and that it will supply a class or a space for them in September? As I said, they have bent over backwards doing what is expected of them. They have got the assessments for the their son and daughter, respectively, and made applications to multiple schools, but they are still getting a point-blank “No” from the Department. The Department is not saying that out of malice or anything of that nature. Rather, the reality is that places are not available. As a political body, we must ensure that the Department does not have to send out such responses.”
“I endorse everything the Minister of State said regarding the figures and the numbers. I acknowledged at the outset that the recent tranches have delivered 268 classes. All of that is extremely welcome. Ms Paula Kelly of St. Anne's's National School in Shankhill and Mr. John Fingleton, the permanent principal, have done the forecasting for the school in terms of what is needed. That is why the school has made its applications. Ms Kelly and Mr. Fingleton deserve credit for that. Similarly, Naomi Russo in Rathmhichael Parish National School or the teachers in Scoil Mhuire, Shankill, have a view of what they need in the future. Notwithstanding all of that, we still have a situation where we have children with no SEN class available to them for next September. Honestly, it is not good enough.”
“They have obtained the assessments and made the applications, not just to the schools they are in but to other schools in their areas to find out whether places are available. The answer they are getting is that places are not available. I heard what the Minister said in replies to parliamentary questions to the effect that this is an ongoing process. I welcome and accept that. In these two cases, as I understand it, they have been told definitively that they will not have places in September. Not only is that hugely upsetting for the parents involved, it is also hugely disadvantageous for their children as well. What can we say to them about the SEN places they need for September?”
“In the context of metrics relating to literacy, numeracy or achievement, schoolchildren here do very well on global indexes. If we repeat this instance in towns all over the country, then it is obvious that there are children who are not getting the opportunity to achieve and compete on an equal footing. That damages us all in the long term because they fall behind over the process of a long school career up to the age of 18 and the leaving certificate. They do not have the same opportunities as their peers in the classroom, and that is simply not fair or reasonable. We need to redouble our efforts to ensure that no children fall between the cracks. We need to ensure there are SEN places for all those who need them. These families have done everything asked of them.”
“What happens when children are told there is no place for them and that when they go to school next September, they will not be able to avail of the accommodations and assistance they need to achieve their full potential? What are we doing for those children? What are we doing if we are allowing them to fall between the cracks? What is the long-term impact for them and for us? I am sure this is repeated in other constituencies, districts, towns and villages throughout the country. There must be others. There cannot just be two children in Shankill who are being placed at a disadvantage. Think of all those children as they go up through the school system. I acknowledge that, in general, we have an exceptional educational system.”
“Anne's National School, Shankill, to arrange a SEN place. Again, teachers are working hard to get grants to allow these things to happen. I pay particular tribute to Mr. John Fingleton, the principal of the school who is on secondment at the moment, and Ms Paula Kelly, who is acting in his stead while he is away, for the extraordinary and hugely important work they have done. While acknowledging the work that has been done, I raise this issue is because I have been in touch with two families in the Shankill area whose respective daughter and son have been told, in no uncertain terms, that there will not be a SEN place available for them next September. While I do not in any way seek to denigrate the work to which I refer, I want to know what happens to the children who fall between the cracks.”
“I pay tribute to the teachers in those schools because they are the ones who put in place the process that leads to these grants being awarded and that allows the classes to happen. The classes not only benefit the children in the schools, but, perhaps most importantly, they benefit everyone in Ireland in the long run. One of the most important things about a special education needs, SEN, place is that it gives equal opportunity to children who have difficulties or disadvantages they need to overcome. It puts in place a system that allows them to compete on an equal footing with everyone else in their class. This is important because it is not that these children cannot achieve their educational potential; they can, but we need to do that bit extra to ensure they do. I specifically acknowledge what has been done in St.”
“Before I outline my Topical Issue, from speaking to Deputy Butterly, I am aware that Mr. Brady, one of her former teachers, is with the group from Dundalk Grammar School. He is particularly welcome. It is always a pleasure when our former teachers get a chance to come here. It is lovely to see that group here as well. I wish to address issues relating to special education needs. I will begin by acknowledging the extraordinary investment made in this area. A total of 268 classes have been announced in recent times, including for Carysfort National School, Blackrock and St. Mary’s Boys’ National School, Booterstown. Those two schools will benefit on foot of those announcements.”
“It is also about the maintenance of standards for animals, whether it is in the agricultural or the domestic context. Part of that strategy has to be about improving the standard of animal welfare across the board, and I know that it has been because I am aware of submissions that have gone into it. Reforming the system has to be about doing that but, perhaps more importantly, also funding the organisations that do it on the ground, funding the prosecutions of those who refuse to abide by the law, and ensuring that animals are safe and well in this country.”