Conor D McGuinness
Waterford · Sinn Féin · Ireland
“Vincent de Paul, both of whom, to be fair, are stepping up but that is not the way it should be. I have also spoken to principals who are told to stretch their ICT budgets, and, in fact, that is the response I got from the Minister of State’s colleague, the Minister, Deputy Naughton, when I queried this. Those budgets have been cut.”
“Every July and August, families steel themselves for the cost of children going back to school, including uniforms, books, and shoes, and, as the Minister of State well knows, school transport. Now, for thousands of parents, there is another bill waiting on the kitchen table. It is one for hundreds of euro for a digital device.”
“It is simply passing responsibility on to families and calling it policy. A child's education should never depend on his or her parents' ability to buy a digital device, and no student should be disadvantaged because they cannot afford the device his or her school requires.”
“I dtaobh chúrsaí Gaeltachta, ní aontaím leis an Aire in aon chor go bhfuil dearcadh nó aighneachtaí na ndreamanna éagsúla atá ag obair sa spás seo iniata leis an gcáipéis seo. Is léir go ndearna an Roinn agus an bheirt Airí sa Roinn tithíochta neamhaird air sin.”
“Today is a very important day because the State has finally and formally apologised to the survivors of Bill Kenneally's abuse. Those who should have been protected were instead failed in the most profound and devastating way. No apology can undo the harm that was done.”
“It is a recognition of the persistence and bravery of you men who are here in the Distinguished Visitors Gallery and those who are not here today. Those of you who refused to give up in your pursuit of truth and justice, I thank you for what you have done. I thank you for your courage and for your power.”
The complete record
Every one of 843 lines we hold for Conor D McGuinness, in date order, each linked to its source. Free to read, in full, without an account. Page 14 of 17.
“Caithfimid dul i ngleic leis sin. An bhfuil amlíne ag an Aire maidir le cathain a fhoilseofar na treoirlínte pleanála Gaeltachta? Táimid ag feitheamh le tamall an-fhada. Aontaím leis an Aire nár cheart dúinn ligint leis na húdaráis áitiúla, leis an bhfeidhmeannas sláinte, leis na gardaí nó leis An Post gan a bheith freagrach ar na pobail ar bhonn náisiúnta. Mar gheall ar an tslí ar bunaíodh Údarás na Gaeltachta, is féidir an argóint sin a chasadh siar. An bhfuilimid ag ligint leis an IDA, le Enterprise Ireland agus leis na hoifigí fiontraíochta áitiúla timpeall na tíre gan a bheith freagrach díreach mar go bhfuil Údarás na Gaeltachta ag cruthú fostaíochta agus fiontraíochta? Ní dóigh liom go bhfuilimid.”
“Luaigh an tAire na treoirlínte pleanála Gaeltachta. Mar a dúirt mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Ó Snodaigh, táimid ag feitheamh leis na blianta leis na treoirlínte sin. Tá ár gceantair Ghaeltachta i gcruachás i ndáiríre. Tá clanna óga ach go háirithe i gcruachás mar gheall ar easpa tithíochta. Tá sé seo pléite againn go mion minic sa Teach seo de bharr theip an Rialtais tithíocht inacmhainne agus shóisialta a fhorbairt sna ceantair Ghaeltachta. Anuas air sin, theip ar an Rialtas creatlach chuimsitheach a bheith ar fáil ionas gur féidir leis na húdaráis áitiúla cead pleanála a thabhairt do chlanna óga sna ceantair seo. Is daoine iad seo a bhfuil gaol acu leis an gceantar agus atá, i go leor cásanna, ag obair sa cheantar agus ar tógadh sa cheantar seo iad, ach ní féidir leo bheith ina gcónaí sa cheantar nó a bpáistí a thógaint sa cheantar.”
“Mura bhfuil an Rialtas sásta glacadh lenár leasuithe, agus is léir nach bhfuil, b'fhéidir go bhfuil slí eile gur féidir linn cluas éisteachta a thabhairt do na pobail. Ná déan dearmad go bhfuil muid anseo ag caint faoi eagras Stáit atá bunaithe chun freastal ar phobail Gaeltachta. Is é sin an cuspóir atá ag Údarás na Gaeltachta. N’fheadar, muna bhfuil an struchtúr ann sa dlí chun maoirsiú a dhéanamh ar an gcaidreamh sin, an mbeidh sé ag tarlú i gceart. Fágfaidh mé mar sin é ar an gceist áirithe seo. Tá ciall ag baint leis an leasú. Impím ar an Aire glacadh leis nó roinnt machnaimh a dhéanamh air le féachaint an féidir linn glacadh leis.”
“Nílim ag seasamh anseo ag rá gur cheart go mbeadh Údarás na Gaeltachta ag déanamh conradh An Post níos fearr, ach ba cheart go mbeadh sé ar a laghad ag tabhairt éisteacht agus freagracht chun stocaireacht a dhéanamh ar son na ceantair Ghaeltachta, agus níl sé. Táimid ag rá sa leasú seo gur cheart go mbeadh Údarás na Gaeltachta ag éisteacht leis na pobail Gaeltachta. Ba cheart go mbeadh sé in ann stocaireacht a dhéanamh agus an tionól bliantúil seo a eagrú ionas go mbeidh an comhrá seo ag dul ar aghaidh. Sílim go bhfuil slí timpeall air sin. Níor ghlac an Rialtas lenár leasuithe i dtaobh na toghcháin chun iad a dhéanamh níos daonlathaí agus chun an bord a dhéanamh chomh daonlathach agus is féidir, ach ar a laghad is slí timpeall air sin atá i gceist anseo.”
“D'éirigh an mháistreás poist as a post nuair a bhí sí réidh éirí as, agus ní raibh éinne toilteanach an chonradh nua a chuir An Post ar fáil a thógáil. Ní dhéanfadh sé aon chiall - bheadh siad ag cailliúint airgid ag glacadh leis. Fiú dá mbeadh siopa agus suíomh acu, agus nach mbeadh cíos i gceist, bheadh siad ag cailliúint airgid leis an seirbhís poiblí sin a chur ar fáil. Is é sin an rud atá ag cur isteach ar phobail Gaeltachta. Mar an gcéanna leis an gcuan i gCé Heilbhic a dhreideáil, caithfear é a choimeád glan ionas gur féidir le báid iascaireachta teacht agus imeacht, agus dár ndóigh an bád tarrthála teacht is imeacht. Sin iad na rudaí atá ag cur srian agus ag cur isteach ar an bpobal Gaeltachta i mo cheantar, ach níl siad mar aidhmeanna ag Údarás na Gaeltachta.”
“An rud is tábhachtaí ná go mbeadh cluais éisteachta á thabhairt go dtí pobal na Gaeltachta mar gheall ar na rudaí atá ag cur srian agus bac ar na ceantair sin, mar shampla i mo cheantar féin, Gaeltacht na nDéise. Ní cúrsaí fiontraíochta agus fostaíochta a thuilleadh atá ag cur srian orainn. Buíochas le Dia tá leithéidí Nemeton, Red Shoe agus dreamanna eile nach iad san earnáil léiriúchán teilifíse. Tá Coláiste na Rinne againn maraon le fiontraíochtaí eile ag tabhairt fostaíocht. Ní hé sin an rud is mó, ach is é sin an rud is dócha a bhfuil Údarás na Gaeltachta dírithe air. An fhadhb is mó i nGaeltacht na nDéise - táim cinnte go bhfuil sé seo fíor i nGaeltachtaí eile i ndiaidh dom caint le daoine astu - ná tithíocht. An dara rud ná seirbhísí poiblí, mar shampla oifig an phoist sa Rinn.”
“Aontaím le mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Ó Snodaigh, go háirithe i dtaobh an leasú seo. Tá cuspóir leis na leasuithe ar fad atá curtha síos agam féin agus ag mo chomhghleacaí taobh liom, agus leis na leasuithe atá curtha síos ag an bhFreasúra go hiomlán, cuid acu ag teacht ó Chonradh na Gaeilge. Is é an téama ginearálta atá ag rith tríd na leasuithe seo ná an daonlathas agus Údarás na Gaeltachta a dhéanamh chomh daonlathach agus freagrach is gur féidir go dtí muintir na Gaeltachta agus pobal na ceantair Ghaeltachta. Bunaíodh é le freastal orthu. Is é sin an príomhsprioc atá againn ar an taobh seo den Teach, agus ba cheart go mbeadh sé ina sprioc againn go léir sa Teach seo agus i dTithe an Oireachtais.”
“We will have feedback and contributions to make when, I hope, it gets to Committee Stage, but it does need to be advanced. The rights to organise, be represented and bargain collectively are basic rights all across the developed world. Ireland is an outlier. The Government loves to compare this country to EU member states but we compare very poorly when it comes to trade union recognition. Therefore, it is long past time that this issue was advanced. I ask the Government to do the decent thing here and let it advance.”
“SIPTU, Fórsa and my union, Unite the Union, have been crystal clear that staff in this sector not only have lower pay than their colleagues in the public service but also have weaker terms and no bargaining power, despite their organisations being publicly funded to deliver public services. These workers have balloted and organised, and they have even walked off their jobs – jobs they love and that are a vocation for them – not for the sake of profit or special treatment but for basic recognition, for respect. It is not just an industrial relations issue; it is also a question of rights and, to be very frank, a failure of the Government. My colleague Deputy O'Reilly laid it out. The promises were made but quickly forgotten. The Trade Union Recognition Bill offers a clear and simple remedy, and my party will support it.”
“We need to advance trade union recognition for all workers, but in particular those in the community and voluntary sector, where many workers who are doing public work for our communities and who are paid from the public purse are not afforded trade union recognition by their employers. I have seen at first hand the work carried out by section 39, section 56 and section 10 organisations. Their workers are members of trade unions for a reason: they have a lousy deal. They have been negotiating in good faith but some of their employers do not recognise their right to collective bargaining and their trade unions. That needs to change. Their right to trade union recognition is ignored, their right to collective bargaining is blocked, and the Government is complicit in this.”
“I thank the Independent and Parties Technical Group for introducing this Bill and giving us the opportunity to speak on the issue to which it relates. I am a trade unionist and have been since I entered the workforce as a teenager. I am the Sinn Féin spokesperson on community development. I worked for many years in the community and voluntary sector. What I want to talk about in the brief time I have is the need for this Bill on trade union recognition to advance trade union recognition for all workers. I am speaking to the Minister of State on an issue in the Houses of Parliament, so he might at least do me the courtesy of listening to what I have to say, if he does not mind.”
“Inflation has made this project a lot more expensive in the time we have wasted when the Government would not make a call on this and when they backtracked and tried to backtrack and renege on their earlier decision. There is the catch-22 whereby the Government is pushing Waterford Airport by saying we do not have scheduled services so we cannot get funding and they are not going to support us. We do not have scheduled services because we do not have the runway extension. It is time now to fund the runway extension at Waterford Airport. Not next year, not next week, but now.”
“With respect to the Minister of State, the line about engaging with stakeholders is wearing fairly thin at this stage. We have heard it over the years. Everything that needs to be done in Waterford has been done by the local authorities and by the airport. Planning is in place, the regional funding is there and the project is ready to go. What is missing here is the decision by the Minister for Transport that just needs to be made. This prevarication and dancing around the issue is no longer good enough. It is time just to make that call and let us know. In his response the Minister of State mentioned that the costs have gone up. They have gone up precisely because the Government has dithered and done nothing.”
“It is regional bias rather than regional balance. There is no other way of looking at this. It is failing communities and businesses across counties Waterford, Kilkenny and Wexford. We are running out of road or runway here so I will ask the Minister of State a plain and direct question. Will he commit today to funding the long-awaited runway extension at Waterford Airport?”
“As Deputy Cullinane has said, the Taoiseach has announced a capital injection of €200 million into Cork Airport for additional retail space and a refurbished executive lounge but €12 million cannot be found for an extended runway at Waterford Airport. Let us be clear; Waterford does not begrudge Cork its investment but we do resent being left behind. This is part of a wider pattern. The N25 remains dangerous and underfunded. The N24 is forgotten. Local roads like the R671 between Dungarvan and Clonmel are starved of investment. When it comes to the south east, it is not just that the scales are not balanced. In fact, it seems the Taoiseach has not just his thumb, but his whole hand on the scales. We talk about regional balance but where is the balance or fairness in this? The south east and Waterford are left behind again and again.”
“The Government is stifling the economic potential of Waterford and the wider south east. That is the simple truth of it and there is no getting away from that. Every week that goes by without this decision being made puts a noose around the neck of the regional economy in the south east. Our region has been left waiting and waiting for critical investment in infrastructure that would unlock jobs, tourism and regional growth. Chief among this infrastructure is the long-promised runway at Waterford Airport. Planning permission has been granted and regional funding from local authorities and private investors has been secured. The business case is clear. Year after year, the Government refuses to put its hand in its pocket.”
“Not only is it perhaps delaying and impacting treatment and creating divisions between the private treatment they are paying for and the other community supports they could return to, it is also putting families under real hardship at a time when people need to get access to urgent care.”
“The other issue, and the Minister of State touched on it, is the number of people opting to go private. Often, parents are putting their hands in their pockets or borrowing money to access care for their children or young adults. It is important for the HSE to do work on this aspect. I understand the Minister of State does not have these figures and that they are not readily available. Whatever means are available and at the HSE's disposal in terms of surveying must be used to find out what percentage of these 1,700 new cases emerging every year are being forced to make the decision to go private because of the lack of capacity in the public system. This is an element that really needs to be looked at.”
“The question remains as to what the plan is to increase this capacity. While it is appropriate and positive that many people are treated in the community, this is not suitable for everybody. What is the plan to increase capacity?”
“I thank the Minister of State for the reply. As she outlined, the fact is that there are only three specialist beds and they are in St. Vincent's Hospital. When the current Tánaiste was the Minister for Health, he promised to deliver 20 beds by 2023. He did not promise to deliver them for no good reason. It was understood at that time that there was an urgent need for additional capacity in the system. We must also be realistic here. There might not have been anybody waiting as of yesterday precisely because the HSE is spending €12.5 million annually to send people abroad for treatment. Something we have done far too often in this country is to send women and girls, in particular, abroad for treatment. The statistics bear this out and show it is predominantly an issue affecting women and girls.”
“This question relates to the waiting times for inpatient admission for eating disorders and plans that are in place, or not in place as the case may be, to increase the number of inpatient eating disorder beds and to properly resource the model of care. We know from the HSE's estimates that there are 1,700 new presentations of people with eating disorders every year. Between 2018 and 2022, those figures show us that of 700 people who presented to the HSE with an eating disorder, only 46 received inpatient treatment. Something is not tallying. What is the plan?”
“This is about equality, choice and respect. No child should feel excluded in their own classroom. No parent should be forced to send their child to a school that does not align with their beliefs. I thank the Social Democrats for bringing this issue to the fore and forcing this debate in the House. I will support the motion and oppose the Government's countermotion, which rips the heart out of the proposal we are here to discuss.”
“When new schools are being created, and we all understand there is a need for new schools in most of our communities, they should be nondenominational by default to provide this diversity. This would ensure no family is forced to send their children into a system or ethos that does not respect their values. We should prioritise Gaelscoileanna. Irish-medium education should be part of this diversification and an important part of this conversation. Meaningful consultation with parents is needed because communities should decide what is best for their children. The evidence is clear, with 61% of adults preferring multidenominational education compared to just 9% who favour religious-run schools. Teachers themselves demand change. However, the Government refuses to listen to the people who matter the most.”
“I am very happy with the school, and with the patronage and ethos, but this is not to say there should not be choice for families and parents. Despite these realities the Government has downgraded its commitment, replacing action with a vague national convention. Worse still, patronage divestment has stalled, not because of a lack of demand from parents and school communities but because of poor engagement, unclear processes and no obligation on patrons to co-operate. This is an attack on parental choice and the constitutional right to freedom of religion. Sinn Féin has long championed real choice in education. Our 2024 manifesto committed to a new strategy for diversification, supporting multidenominational and Irish-language Gaelscoileanna.”
“Education is the foundation of any progressive society. It shapes our children's futures, reflects our values and must adapt to the needs of a changing Ireland. For too long our education system has failed to keep pace with the diversity of modern Ireland. We need real diversity in school patronage which respects freedom of religion and finally puts parents and children at the heart of our education system. The facts speak for themselves. More than 90% of our primary schools remain under religious patronage and only 5% are multidenominational. Meanwhile a recent INTO survey found that only 4% of teachers believe sacramental preparation should be the role of the schools. I speak today as the parent of children attending a Catholic school.”
“As a State, we have never been neutral on oppression, social justice, rights and humanitarian issues but we have been militarily neutral because we understand what it is to be a colony. We need to not get sucked into the machinations of former colonial powers. The EU-Israel association agreement needs to be scrapped. Israel is committing genocide before the eyes of the world and is thumbing its nose at the international community. To those within the international community calling it out for its genocidal campaign against the Palestinian people, it is thumbing its nose, happy to continue on because there are no meaningful sanctions. The Government, if it is to put action behind its words, needs to take these meaningful actions. If EU member states will not act to call it out, we must act unilaterally.”
“All sides of the House can agree that our fishing industry has been a sacrificial lamb since the 1970s when it comes to our place in Europe. We have to be real about these issues, we have to acknowledge them and we have to reflect on them. We also have to speak honestly to our European partners about these issues and seek to have them remedied. We also need to learn a lesson about the fate of marginal areas within Europe away from the core. We need to make sure that our rural areas are looked after and that they are not forgotten and left behind. In this debate we cannot ignore the erosion of Ireland's neutrality and the movement at pace from within government, particularly in Fine Gael, but also from Fianna Fáil and the Taoiseach, who are pushing the agenda to strip Ireland of its cherished position of military neutrality.”
“Europe Day should be a moment for us in Ireland to reflect on our place in the European Union, on what we have achieved as part of the European Union but also what we have failed to achieve and what has been stilted through our membership and through some of the policies of the European Union. We have seen some real benefits to rural areas from our membership of the EU over the decades, including programmes such as LEADER. Unfortunately under its latest iteration, the LEADER programme, an EU-funded rural diversification programme, has resulted in money being cut to rural communities across Ireland. We also have to be real and look at the Irish fishing industry, which has not done well out of EU membership.”
“The truth is you cannot build a strong care infrastructure or sustainable community supports on the back of precarious work. It just does not work. You cannot champion social inclusion while turning a blind eye to the exploitation of the very workers who hold these services together. If you value these services, you must value the workers who provide them. That means treating them fairly, funding their organisations properly and giving them the same respect afforded to public sector colleagues.”
“The talks at the Workplace Relations Commission dragged on for over a year. Initial proposals fell far short of pay parity. Workers were forced to ballot for industrial action once again. Only now, after sustained pressure, has there been some progress. The Government must not create a new stalling tactic. There needs to be clarity for community and voluntary organisations as to how increased costs will be funded and how the Government will ensure that workers and clients are treated fairly. Sinn Féin has been very clear. We support a pathway to full pay parity and multi-annual and sustainable funding for the sector and we believe that workers who deliver public services should not be forced into poverty pay and insecure contracts. That is not just an economic injustice. It is a political choice made by the Government.”
“Workers in section 39 agencies and in section 56 and section 10 services are carrying out work on behalf of the State. Many do the same job as their HSE and Tusla colleagues but are paid thousands of euro less per year. They receive no public pension. Their organisations are denied multi-annual funding and this results in burnout, high turnover and serious gaps in service delivery to vulnerable communities and individuals. Trade unions, including SIPTU, Fórsa and my union, Unite the Union, have been absolutely clear on this. The solution is not complicated: equal pay for equal work. Public money should mean public pay, and collective bargaining rights must be respected. Instead of delivering that, the Government continues to hide behind endless engagements and half measures.”
“On International Workers’ Day, we honour those whose work sustains our communities, public services and society. As a trade unionist, I reflect on the many struggles over many years for workers' rights and fairness. I want to speak for a group of workers who are far too often forgotten by the Government, namely those employed in the community and voluntary sector. These are people who run domestic violence refuges, addiction services, disability supports, and community-based health and social care projects. They are on the front line every day delivering essential public services, yet they are treated as second-class workers, paid less, offered weaker terms and left without pension rights, despite being funded by the State. Let us call it what it is: exploitation by government design.”
“There is no reference to the development of Waterford Airport, for example, the port or the main routes of the N24 and N25, which are becoming more dangerous, congested and inadequate every day. There are harbours that barely have water due to a lack of dredging. Developing offshore wind energy was spoken about, yet one cannot even get a punt out of a harbour. This draft lacks urgency, vision and a tangible plan for rural communities. Sinn Féin will not support any version of the NPF that does not place the needs of communities front and centre. It is time to deliver more than promises; it is time to deliver real change.”
“Successive Governments have failed to recognise the potential of our hugely valuable maritime resource. Sustainable and community-driven initiatives to exploit that resource need to be developed. The NPF should reflect that but it does not. It has no fleshed-out plan on maintaining and expanding our working harbours, supporting small-scale fishers or investing in other infrastructure. The blue economy - fishing, tourism, aquaculture, renewable energy, sea safety, trade and maritime defence - are neglected in this document. The draft framework needs clearer targets, named projects and guaranteed delivery in every county, not just in the major cities and their commuter belts. Otherwise, our time is being wasted again.”
“Where is the vision for a better, fairer and more inclusive Ireland? I do not see it. Sinn Féin believes community-led development is not optional but essential. Funding must flow directly to communities, both urban and rural. LEADER, regeneration funds and youth services are not luxuries, but the difference between vibrant communities and places drained of opportunity. This framework is silent on coastal and fishing communities. That silence is damning. These communities are being hammered by EU quotas, underinvestment and the loss of young people, yet they are rich in potential for renewable energy, marine tourism and sustainable seafood. Sinn Féin believes in our coastal communities and our maritime potential and we have articulated that over many years.”
“Tá sé soiléir nach bhfuil an Rialtas seo sásta ár bpobail Ghaeltachta a chosaint. Níl sa phlean seo ach ráitis agus gealltanais bhriste. Tá treoirlínte pleanála don Ghaeltacht fós gan foilsiú. Tá teaghlaigh óga ag fanacht, ag éirí mífhoighneach agus ag imeacht óna gceantair dhúchais. Tá an Ghaeilge agus pobal na Gaeltachta i mbaol má leanaimid leis seo. Ní leor focail. Tá gá le gníomh, le spriocanna soiléire do thithíocht shóisialta agus inacmhainne, le suímh sheirbhísithe sna Gaeltachtaí, le maoiniú dáiríre agus le polasaithe a thugann tús áite do phobail atá ag iarraidh maireachtáil agus fás trí Ghaeilge. We cannot talk about planning without talking about power, including who holds it and who gets left out. Where is the emphasis in this document on community development and social inclusion?”
“The draft framework marks a slight shift by acknowledging these problems but offers no urgency, no binding targets and no real change in how power or funding is distributed. For years, rural Ireland has been neglected rather than supported. The current approach to rural housing is a case in point. It is often restrictive, inflexible and dogmatic. If a young family wants to build a home in the community they grew up in, then the State should support that. We need real investment in the basics in housing, connectivity, accessible public services and a planning system takes into account the needs of rural communities. A future in which rural communities thrive requires more than fine words. It requires the political will to back them with action. Tá pobal na Gaeltachta fágtha ar lár arís agus arís eile.”
“A national planning framework should be a road map for fairness, decent living standards, balanced development and a future where no community is written off. What we have before us in the draft framework falls far short of that. It is a framework that gestures at ambition but lacks the backbone to deliver. It reads more like a vague wish list than a serious plan for action. This Government has failed to close the gap on many fronts, but especially in this document, between policy and delivery. Whether in the inner city or the rural parish, communities are battling for school spaces, access to a GP and gardaí, and left dealing with outdated and inadequate public transport links. The housing crisis is impacting all communities, rural and urban. By every metric, it is getting worse by the week.”
“I cannot be the only one who is completely terrified thinking about the kind of governance that will be in place when the new children’s hospital is finally finished. I wish the Government all the very best to get the children's hospital up and running and for it to be a huge success, albeit a very expensive one. However, if the Government gets the management and governance of this wrong after all the time and money spent, no one will forgive it. I call on the Government TDs present to support our demands in Sinn Féin and support our motion this evening. Do not oppose the motion. It is a sensible, reasonable one that seeks to get to the bottom of this. We must protect our children and that begins today with truth, transparency and real accountability.”
“Special school spaces is an issue that has been brought up in this Chamber time and time again but is yet unresolved. The issues with children suffering with scoliosis, and child and adolescent mental health services have been well flagged inside and outside this Chamber. Sinn Féin demands a full and immediate publication of all relevant audits and reports relating to the CHI scandal and a complete overhaul of governance structures at Children's Health Ireland. The high standards of governance we have been promised repeatedly, as families who access the healthcare system well know, is rarely a reality. Increased ethics and transparency standards and, above all, good governance, are now needed.”
“Why was there a prioritisation of secrecy over a prioritisation of families being informed? We owe it to these families, and we owe it to the children who suffered, to act now and to act decisively. We want to see a full and immediate publication of all relevant audits and reports. I reiterate that this scandal did not happen in isolation. The Government has known about these allegations for a long time, yet parents only learned of the audit after media reports. That is completely unacceptable. It is a systemic failure, and it is another systemic failure created by this Government. It is part of a litany of failures where children are being failed. We might look at the assessments of needs. Child homelessness has increased again.”
“This evening, we have gathered to speak about one of the most shameful failures of our health service in recent memory. God only knows how many children have undergone invasive, traumatic and completely unnecessary hip surgeries. We do not know, and that is the simple fact. We do not know exactly how many. Children have been subjected to unnecessary surgeries and families have been left in the dark abandoned and betrayed. As a father of young children with experience of some of the hospitals under CHI's management, I can only imagine the anguish and fear these parents are going through. It is terrifying. Audits show clear breaches of clinical standards. Even more shocking, and something that cannot be batted away this time, is the long silence that followed. Cá raibh an fhreagracht sna laethanta fada seo?”
“I say this as a public representative who has experience here in this Chamber and as a councillor. The level of engagement and democratic oversight is simply not there with Uisce Éireann. We need to see an end to planning bottlenecks and the proper resourcing of An Bord Pleanála and Uisce Éireann. We also need to hold the referendum and, as part of this debate, I ask the Minister of State to commit to that. The Government has left Uisce Éireann under-resourced, unaccountable and unable to deliver.”
“The Government claims it supports investment but the truth is stark: Uisce Éireann does not have the capital funding needed to fix these problems. It has begged for more resources, but the Government refuses to commit. Meanwhile, planning delays caused by chronic understaffing are holding up vital projects. This is not incompetence, it is a choice. Let us be clear: Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have still not abandoned their obsession with water charges. That is why we need a referendum to finally take water services out of private hands and keep them in public ownership. We must ensure there is proper funding for Uisce Éireann to end capacity constraints. We must invest more in infrastructure. This is the Government's chance. We must have a statutory requirement for transparency, including regular reporting to councils and the Oireachtas.”
“We see it in my constituency in Lismore, with its outdated and crumbling water supply, and in Bunmahon's inadequate sewerage system. I could give the Minister of State a litany of similar failures across Waterford. I imagine colleagues across this House could do the same for their own constituencies. Homes, businesses and schools are frequently left without water with no notice. Water quality is often impacted. Sewerage systems are gone far beyond capacity. House building is being delayed in towns, villages and rural areas in the State. In Waterford, we have seen boil water notices, ageing infrastructure and treatment plants operating beyond what they can manage. Families cannot trust what comes out of their taps.”
“I sat in this Chamber last night and watched the Minister of State's colleagues in Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry Independents group vote against a Sinn Féin Bill that would have permanently banned water charges. In my few short months in this House I have seen Minister after Minister duck questions about a referendum on the public ownership of water. Water must be protected as a public good in our Constitution. The crisis in our water services is not just a national scandal, it is a daily reality for families and businesses across Waterford. Uisce Éireann's failures are a direct result of the neglect, underfunding and refusal to take accountability by this Government and its predecessors, especially in rural towns and rural areas.”
“Parents are forced to play bureaucratic roulette in some cases where names are picked out of a hat by a Garda superintendent, putting schools, members of An Garda Síochána and parents in terrible predicaments. We need more than just announcements; we need delivery. September is barrelling down the road towards us at pace. Can we get additional capacity at St. John's in time for September and increased capacity across Waterford city and county?”
“If education is a right, why is access seemingly always a fight for families? As the Minister knows because I wrote to her and because parents have been in touch with her, almost 20 families in Dungarvan, County Waterford, are left without a special school place. There is a wider issue across Waterford city and county when it comes to capacity in special education spaces in mainstream schools and special schools. The State is not just failing children and failing to vindicate the fundamental right of children to an education; it is also breaking constitutional promises. It is discriminating against children because they have additional educational needs.”
“Is dócha go bhfuil muid ag cruthú rud éigin difriúil, as an nua, nach bhfuil go maith. Tá muid ag cruthú riail ait a chiallaíonn gur féidir vóta a chaitheamh i dtoghchán ach ní féidir an méid atá á rá ag na baill tofa a leanúint. Is rud dainséarach é sin, i mo thuairim. Táimid ag tabhairt moladh atá réasúnta. Tá slí timpeall air má tá gnó ann gur gá a dhéanamh taobh thiar do dhoirse dúnta, ach ba cheart go mbeadh an ghnáth-nós ann go ndéanfar gnó an údaráis go hoscailte, go trédhearcach agus go daonlathach.”
“Ar ndóigh, más gá plé a dhéanamh ar ábhar ar leith faoi rún nó go príobháideach chun cosaint a thabhairt do na baill agus don eagras, nó chun cosaint a dhéanamh ar fhaisnéis príobháideach nó ar fhaisnéis a bhaineann le cúrsaí trádála nó a leithéid, ba cheart go mbeadh an rogha sin ann. Nílimid á rá go mbeadh gach rud oscailte i gcónaí. Táimid á rá go mbeadh sé sin mar nós ach go mbeadh an deis ag an mbord cinneadh a dhéanamh go mbeadh gnó sonrach á dhéanamh go príobháideach. Is dócha gurb é sin an tslí gur féidir linn a chinntiú go bhfuil an daonlathas cosanta. Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil sampla ar bith - in Éirinn ar aon nós ach b'fhéidir ar fud an domhain – d’aon fhóram, aon eagras, aon choiste nó aon rud tofa nach bhfuil an mórchruinniú iomlánach ar fáil don phobal ionas gur féidir leis na daoine a chaith vóta é sin a leanúint.”