George Lawlor
Wexford · Labour Party · Ireland
“I commend my colleague, Deputy Eoghan Kenny, on bringing this motion to the floor of the Dáil. One line from his contribution this morning is at the nub of everything, where he said, "Poverty should never determine potential." That is the key component of this motion.”
“The ESRI and University of Limerick found that three in ten secondary schools mandate digital devices, including 17% of DEIS schools - the very schools serving families least able to absorb these costs.”
“Parents who are already struggling with rising rents, food prices and energy costs are now being told that, without a laptop, their child will fall behind. It is shameful that the State's own free book scheme savings are being wiped out by digital demands that schools have no business imposing without the proper funding.”
“We are calling for enforceable guidelines, proper ICT funding, a national loan scheme, the removal of exam fees, the reversal of transport fee hikes, the restoration of the back-to-school allowance and a ban on voluntary contributions that are voluntary in name only. Families cannot take any more.”
“At the outset, I would like to join, as everyone here has, in warmly welcoming to Leinster House Cian and Jordan Adams, the FTB brothers, and also Cian's partner, Helen, who played such a vital and key role in the whole 33 marathons in 33 days. They are most welcome.”
“The programme for Government commitment, in particular the statutory home care scheme, must be something we seriously look at bringing into being following its insertion in multiple programmes for Government.”
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“Of course, data centres have a crucial role to play in much of the economic development of this country, but there is no use having them if, in a few years' time, people will go home from working in companies that have benefited from them and there is no electricity to turn their lights on. This has happened in other parts of the world. We should learn from the experience of other areas. The evidence on the climate is stark. Last month, temperatures in Ireland in May exceeded 30°C. If that is not an indication of climate change, what is? I do not know what weather they have in Kerry, but Deputy Danny Healy-Rae seems to have no confidence whatsoever that climate change is taking place. He should say that to those in places like Enniscorthy and other parts of the country that are decimated almost year in, year out as a result of it.”
“Listening to the Minister's comments about the arrears issue, I noted he turned it into a maths equation. I cannot believe how disconnected he is from the reality on the ground. If he needs another reminder, we had fuel protests some time ago. The entire nation was convulsed. Even the former Minister of State Deputy Michael Healy-Rae was so convulsed by it that he stood up and said he had no confidence in the leadership of the Government. He went out and held his fist up in support of the protesters. This morning, of course, he is back in love with the Government as he tries to get himself back into some sort of ministerial role. I am very glad to support the Labour Party motion, my party's motion, because it speaks the truth that can no longer be ignored.”
“International co-operation on digital law enforcement is absolutely vital, particularly within the EU; no one on these benches will argue with that. However, there are significant elements of this Bill that need greater clarity from the Government, and we will continue to press those as this Bill moves forward.”
“For example, if an EU member state were to criminalise the provision of online information about abortion services, would there be a risk that Ireland would be required to collaborate in evidence-sharing about a potential breach of that law? I have seen the Department's response to the committee's pre-legislative scrutiny report, which seems to point to Article 12(1)(d) of the e-evidence regulation for reassurance on this point. However, it still seems to be the case that service providers based in Ireland, as distinct from the new office itself, could be compelled to co-operate on such a case. I would welcome more clarity on this from the Minister. Can he assure the House that this legislation will not undermine Irish law in any way?”
“We cannot afford to keep making the same mistakes, and the Government has done nothing to earn our confidence that this new office will not face similar challenges. Can the Minister give real assurances that this body will be properly resourced to undertake the substantial job of work that will come across its desk and that a proper assessment of the potential for future growth in a number of notifications that it deals with has been carried out? Finally, it is essential that Ireland does not risk double criminalisation and we do not end up facilitating the prosecution of individuals who have committed an act that would not constitute a criminal offence here in Ireland. This issue was also raised at pre-legislative scrutiny.”
“We could have an under-resourced office that cannot keep up with the amount of work landing on its desk, leading to long waiting times or even mistakes being made, or we may have an office that keeps expanding and taking an ever-growing share of the Department's expenditure and requiring ever-growing staff numbers. There is a real risk of a very large cost arising that balloons over time. I have no doubt that this work is important, even vital, but how will the Government ensure the potential costs and resourcing requirements are properly managed? We can look at the example of the National Cyber Security Centre, which is a key public body aimed at keeping digital space safe. It has been under resourced and overworked throughout its existence.”
“How will the Government ensure that the new office can handle that large volume of work without doing so being to the detriment of the current workings of the Department of justice? We have heard that the expectation is that the office could grow in size to 150 staff. The estimate based on current numbers is that it will deal with 24,000 notifications each year. However, the actual number could be much higher. The Department has said that the number of notifications sent to the office will only be known once the regulation comes into effect. There is real potential for two different scenarios, neither of which is welcome.”
“The Government recognises that by including section 32 in the first place but we need to ensure that there are no potential loopholes. We cannot have a situation where legislation potentially allows for the free usage of material that might later be ruled privileged by the High Court. We also have serious questions about the resourcing of the new office of the director of criminal justice international co-operation and the potential costs associated with it. Those concerns were raised during pre-legislative scrutiny and I have yet to see a convincing answer to them from the Government. As the home to a very large number of digital service providers, Ireland can expect a larger number of requests relative to our size than other member states.”
“The 30-day window runs from the date of disclosure or taking of possession but there is no explicit ban or any kind of interim restraint on the use of that privileged material while the court application is pending. It is essential to address this issue and, to that end, we have tabled amendments to make clear in the Bill that where an authorised officer or adjudication officer compels disclosure or takes possession of a record that may be subject to legal privilege, the officer cannot use, copy, communicate or act upon that record before the High Court's determination. Our amendments will be debated on Committee Stage tomorrow. I hope the Government will look closely at the issue and accept the amendments. This is common sense. Legal privilege must be protected throughout the process.”
“It is a sensible and welcome idea. However, we in the Labour Party have some questions about the legislation, which we will raise as it progresses through the Oireachtas. The first issue I raise concerns privileged material. It is an issue that been raised repeatedly in the House in recent times. Repeatedly, the Government has been slow to recognise the importance of protecting legal or journalistic privilege when bringing forward legislation. That has been particularly true in relation to legislation coming from the Department of justice. Subsections (3) and (4) of section 32 allow for the compelled disclosure of potentially privileged material subject to a subsequent High Court determination, with a 30-day window to apply. The key word here is "subsequent".”
“We must be sure that the procedures and bodies we put in place to carry out the work are properly resourced and are given not just enough powers but the right powers. This is a Bill that deserves close scrutiny in the Oireachtas. The questions at play are simply too important to risk getting it wrong. International co-operation on law enforcement is absolutely essential, particularly in the digital space. Digital evidence does not respect borders, and police forces and enforcement bodies simply cannot afford to operate in national silos when it comes to online evidence. The European Union is in a unique position globally to put the mechanisms in place to ensure its member states' national and local law enforcement bodies co-operate in this area. That idea was at the heart of the EU's e-evidence package and it is at the heart of this Bill.”
“We faced similar time pressures in the past when implementing EU directives or regulations with fixed application dates. However, the seriously reduced opportunity to engage with this Bill in the House is both unfortunate and somewhat disrespectful to Members. Given the package was first endorsed in the EU in 2023, it really beggars belief that we could not have had far more dialogue on it before now. The Bill puts in place an entirely new office and staff to enforce its rules. The Department has made clear that this body will grow to a substantial size and carry a significant budget with it. Ireland, being home to many of the world's biggest technology and digital services firms, can expect to have a large workload arising from these EU rules. We can be leaders in that but it is absolutely vital that we get it right from the off.”
“This is an important Bill that deals with the most serious of questions, namely, how we keep our citizens and citizens of neighbouring states safe and how we co-operate with our European neighbours to ensure the rights of our citizens are protected. The Minister has publicly stated that the Bill is an important step in demonstrating Ireland's commitment to implementing the EU's e-evidence package and improving access to digital evidence for serious crime investigations. It is about how we make sure that the digital world is one where laws are enforced, rights are safeguarded and the technology giants upon which so much of modern life depends play their part and are held accountable. I understand that the rush to legislate is not unusual for EU deadline-driven legislation.”
“Despite it being early days in the digital and AI strategy, do we have any feedback on how the Observatory for Business AI Readiness, OBAIR, is performing in actively assisting regional businesses to adopt AI? What are the tools it is using to immerse itself in the businesses in regional parts of the country?”
“Ireland has a proud history of standing with the oppressed. We must not shrink from that legacy now because the world is watching and history is watching. The people of Ireland expect leadership, not excuses. We must not have a watered-down Bill. I commend Senator Black on eight years of work on this very important legislation.”
“Neighbourhoods are being reduced to rubble as we see on our TV screens. Children are being pulled lifeless from the ruins. This is not a conflicts; this is the systematic destruction of a people. The scale of suffering inflicted by the Israeli state on Palestinians is a stain on the conscience of humanity. No people should ensure such relentless bombardment, starvation or displacement. To stay silent is to be complicit. The Palestinian people deserve protection, justice and the full recognition of their humanity urgently, unequivocally and without delay. The Bill must not be anti-anyone. It is pro-law. It should be pro-justice and pro-human dignity. It simply states that Ireland will not be complicit economically, politically or symbolically in the ongoing violation of international law through settlement expansion.”
“This should ring so strongly and deeply, in our psyche. Ireland cannot continue to speak the language of human rights while refusing to legislate fully in the defence of these. Passing the occupied territories Bill in full, with services included, is the minimum moral response required of a country that claims to stand for justice. There are, of course, those who will say we must wait, we must seek the permission and we must not upset our powerful partners in the USA or Israel. Human rights are not conditional, however, and international law is certainly not optional. Ireland's sovereignty and our right to legislate in accordance with our values must never be outsourced to the likes of America or Israel. The world is witnessing a catastrophe in Palestine that can only be described as unbearable. Entire families are being wiped out.”
“As we all know, there are moments in the life of a nation when hesitation becomes moral failure. This evening, Ireland stands at such a moment. The occupied territories Bill is not simply another Bill. It is a test of our values and courage and our willingness to act when international law is being trampled upon and human dignity is being denied. As we all know, for decades, the world has watched the expansion of illegal settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory. These settlements are built in direct violation of international law, condemned by the United Nations, the International Court of Justice and human rights organisations across the globe. These settlements are the daily machinery of dispossession with homes demolished, land seized, families uprooted and entire communities pushed aside.”
“What they need is predictable, strategic investment that allows them to plan, innovate and build long-term capacity. Let us imagine what Wexford County Council and all other local authorities could achieve with a properly funded tourism promotion department. We could expand international marketing campaigns. We could develop new and more greenways, blueways and heritage trails. We could support more festivals, and not just the flagship ones but the smaller, community-led events that give towns their identity. We can really do so much more with this product.”
“Local authorities are expected to promote tourism, develop local strategies, support festivals, maintain public amenities and market their region, but they are expected to do all this with budgets that are wholly inadequate for the scale of the task. We cannot keep asking local authorities to deliver world-class tourism outcomes on shoestring budgets. It is unrealistic, it is unfair and it is holding back the potential of counties such as Wexford. If we want tourism to flourish, we must invest in the people and institutions that make it happen. Local authorities need substantial, multi-year, ring-fenced funding for tourism promotion, not ad hoc grants, once-off allocations or competitive schemes that pit counties against one another.”
“It is a perfect area for angling, depending on the direction of the wind, yet we really do not pursue the opportunities that are clear in this sector, and it is something we really should be looking at. The attractions we see across the country are not just points on a map; they are economic lifelines. They sustain jobs in hotels, cafés, bed and breakfast accommodation, restaurants, taxis, shops and activity providers. They support farmers who supply local produce. They keep our towns vibrant and our villages open. In Wexford, tourism is not an optional extra; it is the cornerstone of our prosperity.”
“-----but it is a wonderful tourism addition and could be an embassy for our tourism industry. We also need to look to exploit, in a sustainable way, what is available on our doorstep, for example, our seas and rivers. It is estimated that between 8 million and ten million people participate in sea angling across Europe every year, generating an economic impact of between €8 billion and €10 billion. France has recorded 1.4 million recreational anglers. England and Wales show that, historically, participation reaches over 4.2 million, split between course, game and sea angling. Wexford hosted the world and European shore angling competitions in the recent past and will do so again, no doubt, in the future because of our dual coastline.”
“The city itself has a population of 170,000 people, yet last year it had 13 million visitors. If we compare that to Ireland, we had 6.4 million visitors. There is no direct flight to Savannah despite the huge connections. As an example, a 16,000 sq. ft Wexford bar has just opened in the heart of Savannah. I do not know if the Minister of State has been there-----”
“A few years back, I had the pleasure of hosting a delegation from Normandy, including the president of the Regional Council of Normandy, Hervé Morin. Normandy has a population of 3.3 million. Incredibly, the delegation had very little knowledge of Ireland's or Wexford's connection to Normandy. It is with areas like Normandy that we should be looking to connect via much bigger national investment. There is huge potential in that connection, particularly since Brexit. The people of Normandy used to send their children to England to learn English. Ireland now has a terrific opportunity because of the constraints after Brexit. If we look at a sister city of Wexford, Savannah in Georgia, it has huge historical connections with Ireland and Wexford. Some 57% of the population there trace their heritage to County Wexford.”
“It is one of the few sectors that reach into every town, parish and county. Where tourism thrives, the entire nation thrives. When tourism is neglected, rural Ireland feels it first and hardest. Nowhere is this more evident than in my own county of Wexford. Wexford is a county whose identity, economy and social fabric are massively intertwined with tourism. We are blessed with natural beauty, cultural richness and a heritage that stretches from the Norman invasion via Baginbun to the 1798 Rebellion to the modern arts festivals which draw visitors from across the world. However, blessings alone do not sustain an economy; investment, vision and leadership do. Next year, 2027, is the year of the Norman.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak in the Chamber on this hugely important yet too often underestimated pillar of our national economy. Tourism is not and should not be a luxury add-on to our economic strategy, nor a seasonal afterthought. It is an extremely important component of our national economy, one that sustains many of our rural communities. It supports small businesses, preserves our cultural heritage and, in many respects, keeps rural Ireland alive. If we are serious about balanced regional development, we must be serious about tourism. It contributes billions annually to the Irish economy and supports hundreds of thousands of jobs, many of them in rural counties where alternative industries are often limited. It drives demand for hospitality, transport, food production, crafts, festivals and cultural experiences.”
“I have written to the Minister for housing and I have received an acknowledgment. The club is anxious to get going on a fabulous community facility but €52,000 is just unacceptable.”
“For a number of years, I have been working with St. Joseph's Gaelic football club in Wexford on the development of a fabulous new facility in the heart of Wexford town on Whiterock Hill. The club is just about to put the final touches to it. It has received assistance over the years, of course, but in the final touches, it has received an offer from Uisce Éireann to connect to water and sewerage services. Whiterock Hill is not an isolated area. There are about 1,500 houses on the hill and this will be a community facility. The club has received an offer of connection for €52,000 from Uisce Éireann, which will connect it to water and sewerage services. As I said, it is not in the middle of nowhere. It is alongside a main road and there are houses all around it. Can the Taoiseach personally intervene on this?”
“It is about refusing to look away. It is about demanding that UEFA lives up to its own principles. It is about Ireland leading both bravely and apologetically when leadership is most needed. The time for caution is over. The time for action is now.”
“Sport does not exist in a vacuum. Football cannot be a sanctuary for cheerleaders of atrocity. Ireland must not hide behind process or, indeed, bureaucracy. We must be the country that says what others are afraid to say. We must insist unequivocally that the upcoming nations league fixture involving Israel does not go ahead - not in Dublin, not anywhere. To go ahead with these matches would be to normalise what is the abnormal and pretend that the suffering of thousands through state sponsored slaughter can be brushed aside for 90 minutes of football. Our Government must use its voice and use its influence. We have done it before; we can do it again. The world remembers with Ireland stood against apartheid. The world remembers when Ireland championed peace and human rights. This is not about politics. It is about humanity.”
“Hand-wringing is complicity. We, as a nation, have always prided ourselves on standing on the side of justice, humanity and, indeed, international law but today, as the world watches the ongoing devastation in Gaza and the mounting civilian death toll of 73,000 to 75,000 - we do not fully know - men, women and children, our Government hesitates. This hesitation is absolutely unacceptable. It is time - indeed, it is past time - for us to show leadership worthy of our values and for us, as parliamentarians, to show absolute leadership and direction. We must demand that UEFA acts with moral clarity and expels Israel from international football. UEFA cannot preach respect, equality and, indeed, fair play while allowing a state engaged in relentless disproportionate violence against civilians to participate as though nothing is happening.”
“We need one that is green, innovative, regionally balanced and democratically accountable. This Bill can contribute to that vision, but only if we scrutinise it rigorously. I look forward to further debate on Committee Stage.”
“I urge the Minister of State address the questions raised today. How will environmental grants be safeguarded against misuse? How will consultancy supports avoid becoming a costly dependency, as we have seen so many times in this country? Why are technology acquisition thresholds being raised so dramatically? What transparency will apply to the new joint venture DACs? Why are unrelated legislative amendments bundled into this Bill? How will SMEs and regions be supported? What oversight will the Oireachtas retain, a topic so very important to all of us here? If the Minister can provide satisfactory answers, then this Bill can be strengthened. If not, we risk creating yet another framework that is flexible for agencies but opaque for the public. Ireland needs a modern industrial policy. There is no argument against that.”
“As my colleague from the Louth constituency, Deputy Ó Murchú, stated, they must not be left behind. Industrial development must also support balanced regional growth. The Bill does not address this explicitly. As agencies gain more autonomy, the Oireachtas must have stronger reporting and accountability structures. This Bill contains many sensible and overdue reforms. It modernises outdated legislation and aligns this country with EU state aid rules. It equips our enterprise agencies with tools to support the green and digital transitions. It seeks to accelerate decarbonisation and enhance competitiveness. Good intentions, though, are not enough. Legislation has to be robust and transparent. It must protect the public interest and ensure accountability, and it certainly has to be clear.”
“Why are technical amendments to dangerous substances and chemicals legislation included in this Bill? Are the amendments urgent? Are they related to industrial development? Again, the Minister of State must clarify this. Beyond the specifics, the Bill raises broader questions about the direction of our industrial policy. Environmental grants, consultancy supports, technology acquisition funding and joint venture property vehicles all point towards a more active State role. That may be appropriate but it requires an absolute and clear strategy. Will the Government publish KPIs for decarbonisation, digitalisation and property development? Without metrics, we cannot evaluate impact. Much of the Bill appears orientated towards large enterprises, yet SMEs make up 99% of Irish businesses.”
“The Minister of State should explain why these changes could not be introduced through separate, focused legislation. The second question is on what the rationale is for deleting section 8(5) of the Science and Technology Act. We are told this would modernise and streamline engagement with enterprises in the defence, security and resilience sphere but defence-related industrial activity is sensitive and removing statutory constraints without a clear explanation for that is extremely concerning. What safeguards will remain in this area? The third question is on what the implications of the freedom of information amendments are for Enterprise Ireland. As we all know in these Houses, transparency is essential in enterprise policy, so any narrowing of freedom of information coverage certainly must be justified.”
“What is the long-term vision for industrial property development here? Ireland faces significant challenges in providing serviced sites, advanced manufacturing facilities and green energy infrastructure. Are joint ventures a temporary measure or a permanent restructuring of the State’s role? The Bill does not say. The Bill will also amend the Science and Technology Act 1987, freedom of information provisions relating to Enterprise Ireland, the Health and Safety Authority’s board appointment rules, the Dangerous Substances Act 1972 and the Chemicals Act 2008. Each instance may be justified and worthwhile individually but their inclusion in an industrial development Bill raises questions. The first is why these amendments are bundled together. Omnibus Bills can and have obscured matters from scrutiny.”
“What risks does this create? Joint ventures can expose the State to financial, legal and reputational risks. DACs in particular are designed to limit liability and restrict transparency. They are not subject to the same reporting obligations as public bodies. Will these subsidiaries be subject to freedom of information legislation? Will they publish audited accounts? Will the Oireachtas have any insight into their operations? How will the public interest be protected? If the IDA enters a joint venture with ISIF or any other partner, who determines the strategic priorities? What happens if the commercial interests of the partner diverge from the national interest? Will the Minister commit to issuing a public policy framework governing the establishment and operation of such DACs?”
“Perhaps the most consequential part of this Bill is the amendment to the Industrial Development Act 1995 allowing IDA Ireland or the IDA jointly with Enterprise Ireland to establish DACs with third parties, including the Ireland Strategic Investment Fund, ISIF, for the development of industrial and commercial property. This is a major shift in how the State develops strategic property infrastructure and certainly deserves close examination. Why is this change necessary? The Minister argued that joint ventures would allow the IDA to leverage its budget but "leverage" can mean many things. Does this reflect a shortfall in capital funding for the IDA? Is the Government moving towards a model where the State becomes a minority partner in strategic property development? If so, what are the implications for control, risk and long-term planning?”
“Without this data, we cannot assess the impact on oversight. Does this change reduce democratic accountability? Government approval is not a mere formality but a safeguard. Effectively raising thresholds shifts decision-making power from the Cabinet to agencies. That may improve speed but it will also reduce scrutiny. We need to ensure large-scale technology acquisitions, which often involve sensitive intellectual property, are subject to appropriate oversight. What mechanisms will ensure transparency? Will all grants above a certain level be published? Will the Oireachtas receive annual reports detailing the number, size and purpose of technology acquisition grants?”
“The Bill proposes raising the thresholds for technology acquisition grants requiring Government approval from the outdated punt amounts of £400,000 and £800,000 to €7.5 million and €15 million, respectively. On one level, this is common sense because inflation, technological costs and the scale of modern industrial projects make the old thresholds obsolete. However, the question is not whether the thresholds should be raised but whether they should be raised to this level. What analysis underpins the new thresholds? The Bill aligns technology acquisition grants with other grant categories but alignment is not a justification in itself. Has the Department conducted a review of grant sizes over the past decade? How many grants would have required Government approval under the old thresholds versus the new ones?”
“Should we not consider a more holistic cross-departmental approach to transition planning rather than embedding consultancy grants within industrial development legislation? Also, how will conflicts of interest be managed? Consultants who advise companies on transition strategies may also have commercial interests in selling technologies or services. This Bill does not address that. We need clear, ethical guidelines. What is the expected duration and scale of consultancy support? Is this intended as a short-term intervention to kick-start transitions or a long-term structural feature of enterprise policy? The Minister of State must clarify all of these things.”
“For instance, what control would prevent the creation of a consultancy gravy train? God knows we have seen enough of that to date. We have a long history of over-reliance on consultants, and without strict procurement rules, transparency requirements and value-for-money assessments, this provision could become a lucrative pipeline for private firms with limited accountability. Will the Minister of State commit to publishing annual reports on consultancy spending, including the names of providers and the outcomes achieved? Why is this being done through the Industrial Development Acts rather than a dedicated transition support programme? The Bill frames consultancy support as an enterprise grant, but consultancy is a service, not an investment in fixed assets or technology.”
“How will regional balance be ensured? Decarbonisation challenges differ across regions and sectors. Heavy industry in one region, manufacturing clusters in the west and data centres in Dublin all face distinct pressures. The Bill is silent on regional equity. We need assurance that environmental grants will not disproportionately favour large multinationals at the expense of SMEs or regions outside the main urban centres. The Bill introduces a new provision allowing the IDA and Enterprise Ireland to fund consultancy services to support green and digital transitions. This intention is sound. Maybe SMEs lack the expertise to begin their decarbonisation or digital transformation journeys. Consultancy support can be a catalyst in this. However, we must interrogate the implications.”
“Will grants be contingent on measurable outcomes? Second, how will the Government ensure that environmental grants do not become a substitute for regulatory action? There is a risk that companies may receive public funding to meet standards that they should be required to meet anyway. The Bill refers to supporting projects beyond mandatory EU requirements, but again, the definition of "beyond" is left to administrative discretion. We need clarity to avoid subsidising compliance. What is the scale of the funding envisaged? The Bill creates the legal basis for environmental grants but it does not commit resources. Without adequate funding, this provision risks being symbolic rather than transformative. The Minister of State should outline the expected annual allocation, the anticipated demands and the criteria for prioritisation.”
“The Industrial Development Act 1986 does not provide a dedicated mechanism for environmental grants, forcing agencies to shoehorn decarbonisation projects into categories designed for employment creation or output expansion. This is clearly outdated. However, several questions arise. First, what safeguards will ensure that environmental grants deliver genuine emissions reductions? We have seen in other jurisdictions and in some EU programmes that environmental funding can be captured by projects that are marginal or already commercially viable without State support. The Bill allows the IDA and Enterprise Ireland to assess applications solely on environmental criteria, but it does not define those criteria. Will the Minister publish detailed guidelines? Will there be independent verification of emissions savings?”
“The United States has embraced a muscular interventionist policy through the inflation reduction Act. The European Union has responded with a green deal industrial plan and revisions to the general block exemption regulation. International competition for investment, talent and technological leadership is intensifying. Against this backdrop, it is right that we examine if our legislative framework for enterprise support is modern, flexible and aligned with EU state aid rules. It is right that we ask if IDA Ireland and Enterprise Ireland have the tools they need, but it is equally right to ensure that these tools are used responsibly and strategically. One of the central features of this Bill is the creation of a new environmental protection aid grant category. On the face of it, this is a positive development.”
“Our purpose is not to oppose for opposition's sake, but to interrogate thoroughly and constructively as to whether this Bill is fit for purpose and aligns with our national priorities or safeguards the public interest. Before turning to the specific provisions, we must position this Bill in its broader context. Ireland's industrial and enterprise landscape is undergoing major change. The twin transitions of green and digital are no longer aspirations. They are urgent imperatives. Our commitments under the climate action plan require rapid decarbonisation across all sectors. Our competitiveness challenges, highlighted repeatedly in the Action Plan on Competitiveness and Productivity, demand innovation and technological adoption at a pace we have not previously achieved. At the same time, global industrial policy is shifting.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill. It is substantial and wide-ranging legislation touching on everything from environmental grants to consultancy supports, from technology acquisition thresholds to the establishment of new joint venture property vehicles. There are even amendments to the Science and Technology Act, freedom of information, FOI, provisions and the governance of the Health and Safety Authority. It is, in effect, a legislative omnibus, and as with all omnibus Bills, it demands careful scrutiny. At first glance, the Bill appears technical and administrative, even benign. However, beneath the surface lie important questions about transparency, accountability, strategic direction and the balance of power between the Oireachtas, the Government and our enterprise agencies.”
“There are four children's disability network teams, CDNTs, in County Wexford and none of them have a full team. Some are missing psychologists, some are missing occupational therapists and some do not have nurses or social workers available and it is not possible to cross cover. In other words, someone on the CDNT team in Wexford cannot provide the service to somebody who has a requirement in New Ross. It has been said to me that the CDNTs in Wexford are in chaos as a result of the lack of staff and full teams available to them. Children and their families are really suffering. Will the Tánaiste advise on the Government plan to ensure that the CDNTs across County Wexford and across the country have a full complement of the services required?”