George Lawlor
Wexford · Labour Party · Ireland
“I commend my colleague, Deputy Eoghan Kenny, on bringing this motion to the floor of the Dáil. One line from his contribution this morning is at the nub of everything, where he said, "Poverty should never determine potential." That is the key component of this motion.”
“The ESRI and University of Limerick found that three in ten secondary schools mandate digital devices, including 17% of DEIS schools - the very schools serving families least able to absorb these costs.”
“Parents who are already struggling with rising rents, food prices and energy costs are now being told that, without a laptop, their child will fall behind. It is shameful that the State's own free book scheme savings are being wiped out by digital demands that schools have no business imposing without the proper funding.”
“We are calling for enforceable guidelines, proper ICT funding, a national loan scheme, the removal of exam fees, the reversal of transport fee hikes, the restoration of the back-to-school allowance and a ban on voluntary contributions that are voluntary in name only. Families cannot take any more.”
“At the outset, I would like to join, as everyone here has, in warmly welcoming to Leinster House Cian and Jordan Adams, the FTB brothers, and also Cian's partner, Helen, who played such a vital and key role in the whole 33 marathons in 33 days. They are most welcome.”
“The programme for Government commitment, in particular the statutory home care scheme, must be something we seriously look at bringing into being following its insertion in multiple programmes for Government.”
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“For example, given the scale of emigration that took place over those decades, is there any consideration as to how the communications campaign will reach those now outside the State? It seems clear that dealing properly with the historical backlog is the biggest issue the Department faces, since we are told that including these deemed insolvencies will, as regards future claims, increase the number by just 220 or so annually. A second issue that arose in the scrutiny of the general scheme was employment status. The Supreme Court has offered clarity on the correct approach to be followed when deciding whether an individual is, in truth, an employee or is self-employed. We know that many firms in recent decades resorted to questionable contract terms that sought to misclassify their staff.”
“If I understand the position correctly, there is provision for up to €14.5 million for the cost of these 4,000 to 5,000 historical applications and a separate provision of €500,000 per year, going forward. There is also provision for an additional €172,000 for the Department of Social Protection in order to process these claims. SIPTU has recommended extending the two-year time limit to six years, and the Department's officials who appeared before the committee agreed that this could be considered. I appreciate the need for finality in medium-term budgetary planning, but I am concerned about whether it is realistic to think that a major communications campaign can be devised and put in place, and will reach all those with an entitlement, within just two years.”
“The Supreme Court’s decision in Glegola found that the directive was not fully transposed into Irish law. The Department then got clear legal advice that this failure in transposing the directive has subsisted since 1983 and, therefore, this Bill needs to make provision for all the people who might have been affected for over 40 years. As we have heard, modelling work within the Department estimates that there could be in excess of 4,000 and perhaps closer to 5,000 applications. The Bill proposes a two-year window of opportunity for applications to be made arising from these historical informal insolvencies, although I note that this is extendable by a further two years by ministerial order in exceptional circumstances.”
“Under this Bill, however, due to a need to correct the way in which EU law was originally transposed, we are allowing applications to be made dating back to insolvencies that occurred since 1983. I appreciate we are not dealing with all insolvencies, just a category of informal insolvency that should have been captured in our legislation but which was omitted. These are cases where an employer ceases trading and lets staff go, but never enters into formal liquidation. The Department’s officials very fairly told the committee that the nature and extent of what will now be recognised as outstanding claims is virtually unknowable. The year 1983 is important because this was when the original EU directive ought to have been transposed into Irish law. It ought to have applied to informal as well as to formal insolvencies.”
“Under the Protection of Employees (Employers’ Insolvency) Acts, subject to certain limits and conditions, money due to employees is paid by the Department in a range of situations, including arrears of pay, holiday and sick pay and any entitlements under the minimum notice and terms of employment, employment equality and unfair dismissals legislation. We know that when there is a major insolvency, the Department and its agencies can swing into action so as to reach out to affected workers and ensure that everyone is aware of their entitlements and that claims are swiftly processed. We certainly could not expect an average worker to be able to steer through what can be quite complex procedures without assistance.”
“Apart from redundancy, outstanding wages, holiday pay, commission and bonuses are protected by the Payment of Wages Act 1991. The Minimum Notice and Terms of Employment Act 1973 requires employers to give notice of termination, or else to pay employees in lieu of notice. Normally, it is up to the employer to pay statutory redundancy but in default a liquidator can seek, on behalf of workers, payment from the redundancy payments scheme. Regarding the other outstanding entitlements, legislation provides for the payment of these by the Department of Social Protection in the event of employer insolvency.”
“I welcome the Bill and I will outline just two concerns I have. There is a range of laws that can come into play when an employer closes down. European Union law governs some of these laws. The legislation in this area is usually concerned with ensuring minimum rights, underwritten by the Exchequer, while allowing the parties to agree more substantial or enhanced terms. Of course, there can be no agreement for enhanced terms if the employer is insolvent and so cannot fund any additional payments. Some comments made about this Bill relate to the relative complexity of the whole legislative landscape. First, where jobs are lost due to the closure of a business, the Redundancy Payments Acts apply and provide a statutory minimum redundancy entitlement for employees with a set period of service.”
“The future of Palestine and its people depends on the actions we take today and every day. Let us not be remembered as bystanders in this critical moment of history.”
“One of the most effective ways the Irish Government can support the Palestinian people is by advocating for their rights on the international stage. This Labour Party motion calls for more than just words. The motion asks that Dáil Éireann mandates the Government to call for a new emergency special session of the UN General Assembly where Ireland should table a resolution noting the failure of the Security Council and the international community to act to end Israel's war on Gaza and calls for collective measures to enable the development of a lasting ceasefire, a sustainable peace agreement and the creation of an international peacekeeping force for Gaza to allow for the delivery of humanitarian aid through the UN and the protection of the safety and security of the Palestinian people.”
“The violence, as the world knows, has resulted in a devastating loss of life with in excess of 50,000 innocent civilians, men, women and children slaughtered by evil. The world watches as homes are demolished and families are torn apart yet the international response remains tepid at best. This silence is complicity. Ireland has a rich history of struggle against colonialism and oppression. The Irish people's experience with British rule positions us uniquely to empathise with the plight of the Palestinians. It is time for our Government to reflect on this history and recognise our moral obligation to stand in solidarity with those who are oppressed. Words of sympathy are no longer sufficient. We now need action.”
“As a nation and a people we recall our own Famine, the oppression we suffered for 800 years and our suffering at the hands of imperialism yet we are complicit among our European brethren in the slaughter of the innocents by our inaction. The term "genocide" is not used lightly. It signifies the intentional destruction of a national, ethnic, racial or religious group. The actions of the Israeli Government against the Palestinian people fit this definition disturbingly well. The Israeli Government's genocidal actions have created a suffocating environment for the Palestinian people marked by death and starvation. Daily, in front of our eyes, we witness the modern-day extermination of an entire people.”
“The ongoing genocide in Palestine perpetrated by an Israeli Government hell-bent on wiping out an entire people is something about which we as part of an international community should be hanging our heads in shame. The entire international community is standing idly by and muttering fine words while thousands of babies, children, women and men are wiped out by evil. The entire international community is standing idly by while a modern-day attempt to exterminate a people is happening in full view. Yet we hear the fine words and condemnations of the countries that told us that after the Second World War, never again would people be allowed to be treated in the manner the Jewish community was treated so horrifically. We stand idly by while a fascist right-wing Israeli monster slaughters and starves the innocent children and people of Gaza.”
“This is an urgent request from the pupils, teachers and families of those who attend CBS New Ross. I ask that this be brought to the Minister for her urgent attention.”
“It is expected to operate in substandard conditions at a time when we are talking about making PE a central component of the leaving certificate. It makes no sense whatsoever. I appreciate that the Minister of State is here today on behalf of the Minister for Education and Youth. I ask him to bring this back to the Minister, Deputy McEntee, and emphasise the importance of this issue for the students, parents and teachers of this school. They are battling and running up a hill trying to provide facilities that are available tenfold in other schools in the immediate area. This school deserves recognition and support from the Government and the Department of Education and Youth. The Department is not known for being hasty, as the Minister of State well knows, when it comes to the provision of facilities.”
“I thank the Minister of State for his response. However it is quite disappointing to discover that in this day and age, considering issues of mental health, well-being and the importance of physical activity, a PE hall does not appear to be on the agenda for this school. This is the only secondary school in County Wexford that does not have a PE hall or a gymnasium. The school is expected to operate with below substandard facilities, yet the response is that it is not a priority. We hear talk day in, day out that the provision of facilities for physical activity to improve the well-being and mental health of people is to the forefront. Here we have a situation where a DEIS school which has an enrolment of 413 students is expected to operate in what is, in effect, a large classroom.”
“The school has had to hire outdoor stages for school awards and other events. Obviously, these pose logistical challenges when weather conditions are unfavourable. A sports hall would also provide suitable space for hosting exams, which the school currently struggles with, given the limited indoor facilities. The school is a central part of New Ross town. It offers facilities, albeit limited, to the New Ross Musical Society, St. Michael's Theatre Musical Society, New Ross Drama Workshop and the Polish school. The school also offers its limited outdoor facilities to New Ross Town FC and to United Striders AC. They make use of the off-site fields, which are approximately 1 km from the school. Given the constraints, the school really does need this facility. It should be an urgent addition to this school after 175 years.”
“Beyond the immediate concerns of health and safety and practicalities, the ability to deliver a comprehensive and varied PE curriculum is significantly hampered. Unfortunately, planning is often dictated by weather and facility limitations, rather than the students' needs. This should not be the case for students in a DEIS school. Believe it or not, the school celebrates its 175th anniversary this year, yet the sports and PE facilities in the school have seen little progress since 1849. A sports hall would also serve a broader purpose in the school community. It would provide essential space for whole-school events such as assemblies and celebrations. At present the only option for gathering the entire student body together is the local parish church in New Ross.”
“While the school does have an indoor sports area, it is essentially a large classroom. I was in it for the Darkness Into Light event a couple of weeks ago and it really is just a large classroom. The school is expected to carry on its PE activities there. All ball sports or energetic activities are ruled out due to the size of the room. The equipment for PE is stored in a cargo container with no electricity. This creates its own safety risks, particularly during the winter months when light is poor. The inadequacies in the current set-up extend to health and safety concerns. The outdoor yard is hazardous, especially during wet conditions. The school is also unable to offer students proper changing and shower facilities after their PE classes.”
“The absence of such a facility in this school not only impacts on the ability to deliver a comprehensive physical education curriculum but also contradicts previous Government strategies for encouraging youth participation in sports and physical activity. We all know these are crucial for student well-being. Investing in a sports hall aligns with national priorities to promote health, fitness and inclusion in education. The current PE facilities in the school are grossly inadequate and present numerous challenges, particularly in terms of health and safety. There are only two outdoor basketball courts, which are covered in tarmac. This surface is deteriorating, with large cracks appearing in several areas. The outdoor grass area is very uneven and sloped and unsuitable for safe sporting activities.”
“CBS Secondary School in New Ross currently has an enrolment of 413 students. It is a coeducational DEIS school and remains the only secondary school in County Wexford without a sports hall. This is a significant disparity which leaves the students and teachers at the school at a significant disadvantage. It is my understanding that the Department of education has already approved, in principle, the construction of a full-sized sports hall internally to comprise of 594 sq. m with an overall scale of 1,048 sq. m if you include all the storage and ancillary services. An action plan is now urgently needed for the funding to turn the approval into reality.”
“The current situation is that the process of setting up a JLC is stated by the Government to require the co-operation of both sides of industry, so the employer side, if sufficiently organised, can exercise a veto. Our Bill is aimed at clearing away that impasse.”
“In short, there was an employers' veto. On this understanding, it follows that, in any sector of industry where there is little or no worker organisation and representation but there is an employer representative body, that representative body can prevent the establishment of a JLC by not turning up to the negotiation table, even though these are the sectors that the legislation has always targeted for intervention. If it is now the law that a JLC cannot be appointed without the voluntary agreement and participation of bodies representing either side, this represents a dramatic collapse of machinery that has been working for over a century and which was aimed precisely at sectors where representative bodies were not to be found.”
“However, following judicial review proceedings brought a decade ago by the Irish Hotels Federation against the Minister's decision to reconstitute a JLC for the hotel sector, matters now stand on a very different footing. The Minister's statement of opposition to the hoteliers' case asserted that a JLC could not be established or operate in the absence of employer representative nominations. The State argued that the decision to come together under a JLC framework was a matter for the two sides of industry and was not compulsory. On that basis, the legal proceedings were struck out. Therefore, the case ended before it reached the court because of a shared assumption that the non-co-operation of an employer representative body would effectively stymie the appointment of representative members to a JLC.”
“He was a member who represented the interests of his side. The Industrial Relations Act 1946 allows the Minister to apply for a JLC establishment order where "the existing machinery for effective regulation of remuneration and other conditions of employment of such workers is inadequate or is likely to cease or to cease to be adequate", or, "having regard to the existing rates of remuneration or conditions of employment of such workers or any of them, it is expedient that a joint labour committee should be established". A JLC was to consist of the Minister's appointees, as independent members, plus representative members appointed by the Labour Court being employer representatives and an equal number of representative members who, in the opinion of the court, represent workers in relation to whom the committee is to operate.”
“While collective bargaining was encouraged as a matter of policy, the State did not in those sectors impose the forums in which collective bargaining should take place. On the other hand, compulsory machinery for collective bargaining, through the mechanism of trade boards and subsequently joint labour committees, was reserved for sectors in which existing organisation was very weak or non-existent. Clearly, the representative members were there to represent a particular side. However, under the regulations the power of appointment was always the Minister's, with the right of the two sides of industry being a right to be consulted and to supply names for consideration before the appointments were made. A "representative member", therefore, was never representative in the sense of being an elected representative.”
“The purpose was to set up bargaining bodies in low-wage sectors where the industrial actors were insufficiently organised. These bodies could then set binding minimum wages and conditions across the sector. The importance of industry-wide enforcement to prevent undercutting was an essential feature of the legislation. The goal was explicitly to reduce downwards wage competition, where, in the words of Winston Churchill when introducing the first Trade Boards Bill, "the good employer is undercut by the bad, and the bad employer is undercut by the worst". Since that time, the law has maintained this twin-track approach to collective bargaining. On the one hand, there were sectors where trade unions were able to organise effectively.”
“I move: That leave be granted to introduce a Bill entitled an Act to amend the provisions relating to the constitution of joint labour committees, so as to provide for cases where organisations of employers or of workers fail or refuse to engage in consultation with the Labour Court prior to the appointment of representative (employers) members or representative (workers) members, as the case may be; and to provide for connected matters. With regard to the purpose of the Bill, a system for guaranteed statutory minimum pay and conditions for certain employment sectors was established more than a century ago, in 1909. The purpose was to improve terms of employment in the sweated industries, where pay was chronically low and union representation was either non-existent or inadequate.”
“They deserve timely assessments and the support they need to thrive. Let us not be complacent in the face of injustice. The future of our society depends on how we treat our most vulnerable members. We cannot afford to fail them any longer.”
“We need to foster a culture that recognises the importance of early intervention and support and values every child's right to a fair shot at success. For too long, parents, advocacy groups and families have had to plead in unison and demand change. It is absolutely incumbent on us as public representatives to hold our Government to account and insist that it prioritise the resources and infrastructure needed to address this crisis. The time for excuses is over; the time for action is now. We need a comprehensive plan that includes increased funding, the recruitment of additional professionals and streamlined processes that eliminate unnecessary delays. The waiting list for children in Ireland awaiting an assessment of need is a glaring example of systematic failure that must be addressed. Our children deserve better.”
“How can we justify a system that prioritises red tape over the well-being of our youngest and most vulnerable children? The lack of urgency in addressing this crisis is absolutely infuriating. We are failing an entire generation of children who are being denied timely access to assessments that could and will significantly improve their quality of life and educational outcomes. These waiting lists reflect broader societal issues, such as the stigma surrounding mental health issues and disability. By allowing the children to wait in silence, we are sending a message that their needs are not a priority and that their struggles are not worthy of our immediate attention. This attitude must change.”
“Once the assessment is carried out for those lucky enough to be in the 7% who manage to get an assessment in a relatively timely manner, they then face the prospect of yet another extensive and prolonged wait to access the therapies they have assessed as being in need of. One manager working in the services told me that by the time children access the need they were initially assessed for, that need may well have completely changed, which in turn leads to further and more complex problems for those children and their families. I appreciate that the reasons behind the lengthy waiting times are multifaceted, ranging from insufficient funding to a shortage of qualified professionals, yet these explanations do little to alleviate the suffering experienced by families. We must demand accountability from this Government and health authorities.”
“These are not just numbers on a list; these are real children, each with unique needs and potential, who deserve better than to be treated as an afterthought. The impact of these waiting lists is profound, not only on the children but also their families, who are left to navigate a maze of uncertainty and frustration. The emotional toll is staggering as parents are forced to watch their children struggle without access to the help they so desperately need. Of course, the assessments of need waiting times are just the beginning of what can only be described as a list to get on a list.”
“The appalling waiting lists for children in Ireland awaiting an assessment of need that we have heard listed out today are nothing short of a national disgrace. It is an indictment of the values of society that we allow vulnerable children to languish in limbo, with their futures hanging in the balance, while bureaucratic inefficiencies and systematic failures continue to plague our health and education systems. This situation is not just a logistical nightmare; it is a moral failing that demands our immediate attention and action. Every day countless families, such as Cara Darmody's, and I pay tribute to her, find themselves caught in this agonising waiting game, often for years as we all know, as they seek the assessments necessary to secure vital services and supports for their children.”
“When a building or a company goes into receivership it becomes vested in the ownership of the Minister for public expenditure and the HSE own the rest.”
“I listened with interest last week as the Taoiseach scolded local authorities for their inaction or delays in returning void houses back into use. However, as someone who served on Wexford County Council for 20 years, one of the things that caused some of the greatest headaches were large-scale derelict buildings that created dangerous places for young people and children, in particular, to venture into. I think of the old Wexford General Hospital lying dangerously derelict for 33 years. I think of Hookless Village resort in Hook Head in Wexford lying dangerously derelict for 18 years. In the Taoiseach's constituency St. Kevin's Hospital has been closed since 2002. I think I am correct in suggesting that. Hookless Village resort is vested in the ownership of the Minister for public expenditure.”
“Will the Taoiseach speak to the relevant Minister about this to ensure the investment required in the plant is made so that the money spent on the reservoir, which was most welcome, is not wasted? As the Taoiseach can imagine, tourism in an area such as Curracloe will explode in the summer season. This is causing major difficulties and problems.”
“I raise an issue affecting 11,000 customers in the Wexford area who are served by the Kilmallock Bridge water treatment plant. Based in Ballymurn, the plant supplies Castlebridge, Curracloe, Ballymurn, Crossabeg, Glenbrien, Screen and Oilgate. Last October, the Minister, Deputy Browne, and I attended the unveiling of two new treated water storage reservoirs and associated works. At that time, the programme manager for Uisce Éireann promised continuous provision of water. Since last October, there have been at least 16 outages. The problem is the continuous difficulties in the plant itself. The infrastructure outside the plant was provided in the form of reservoirs and improved associated works but the plant is quite old and requires major intervention.”
“By empowering workers to organise and negotiate collectively, we can create a more equitable and just society. In supporting this Bill, therefore, I believe we stand in solidarity, advocating for change and working to ensure the voices of workers are heard and respected. The time for action is now. It is beyond time to build a brighter future for all workers in Ireland, one where their rights are recognised, protected and celebrated. I thank Deputies Coppinger and Murphy for tabling this Bill and I am proud to support it along with my party.”
“Employers often resist unionisation efforts and without a legal obligation to recognise unions, workers are left with limited recourse. The lack of legal recognition disproportionately affects vulnerable groups, including migrant workers and those in low-wage industries. Workers in these groups often lack the resources and support needed to navigate the complexities of labour relations. By providing a legal mechanism for trade union recognition, we can level the playing field and ensure all workers, regardless of background or employment status, have the opportunity to join together and advocate for their rights. The need for a legal mechanism for trade union recognition is not merely a legal or economic issue. It is a fundamental matter of human rights and social justice.”
“If a new union tries to recruit members who already belong to an established union with long-standing negotiation rights, the employer may well refuse to recognise it and the employer may be supported by ICTU's anti-poaching rules. Those of us who support trade union recognition need to be careful to accommodate in our thinking precisely which union should be recognised and which union should not. It is in no one's interest to legislate for a free-for-all. The legal framework for trade union recognition is fragmented and inadequate. While the Industrial Relations Act 1990 provided some protections for trade unions, it falls short of establishing a clear and consistent process for recognition. Many workers, especially those in non-unionised sectors, face significant barriers when attempting to organise.”
“It includes setting out the procedure for deciding on the terms and conditions to be imposed in the absence of recognition, as well as a lot of practical considerations such as access to the workplace and to workers and facilitating workplace elections and meetings. In fairness, this Bill ticks many of those necessary boxes. There is legislation that provides a remedy to employees who are disadvantaged while their employer refuses to recognise and negotiate in limited circumstances. I pay tribute to my colleague, Deputy Nash, for steering that legislation through the Houses. It is open to us now to go further by extending that legislation to secure better and more effective trade union recognition and collective bargaining. Any legislation has to recognise the phenomenon of poaching and have a viewpoint on it.”
“No law can force workers or employers to sit down in the same room and negotiate in good faith, but what the law can do is set out what will happen if employers fail to do so. A third party, such as the Labour Court, must intervene and decide the union's claim without any input from the side that does not participate. In fact, it should be a very real fear that, if employers do not show up to a meeting, things can be decided in their absence. That should bring sensible employers to the table. Giving effect to the concept of trade union recognition involves much more than writing a single sentence.”
“People talk of mandatory recognition as if conferring the status by law is simple and immediately effective. It is all very well to say the union must be recognised, just as it is very well to say road users must drive carefully or alcohol must be consumed responsibly. When the law proposes a positive obligation such as this, the real test is what it provides when people fail to live up to those obligations. What are the remedies? It is not enough for the law to state that the right of a union to represent its members for the purposes of collective bargaining shall be recognised by an employer. The problem is that, while it expresses the right sentiment, what is needed is something to give effect to it. Apart from declaring what ought to happen, legislation must set out what to do when it does not happen.”
“Justice Geoghegan's line of reasoning was correct, any industrial action at a non-unionised workplace to secure trade union recognition would be unconstitutional, yet this is clearly not the law and has not been the law since trade union disputes were legalised in 1875. If an employer cannot seek an injunction to stop a strike aimed at securing trade union recognition, it must follow that employers' constitutional rights are not being threatened and that, if constitutional rights are not breached when a strike attempts to achieve this outcome, neither would they be breached if the result is achieved by statute. It cannot be the case that the Oireachtas is prevented from legislating for something a trade union is entitled to achieve through industrial action. This is not the end of it, however.”
“Given their purpose they must be given a proportionate and constitutional interpretation so as not unreasonably to encroach on Ryanair's right to operate a non-unionised company. With respect to the late Mr. Justice Geoghegan, it seems far from obvious that his analysis on this point was correct. If a law to compel trade union recognition cannot constitutionally be passed, it must follow that a trade union strike aimed at compelling the company to recognise it would also be unconstitutional. It would be an unlawful conspiracy to infringe on the company's constitutional rights. Any strike seeking trade union recognition would be an actionable wrong, which could be injuncted and substantial damages could also be awarded. This is an important point. If Mr.”
“It is true that at least one judge made an observation that employers have a constitutional right not to recognise trade unions. Mr. Justice Geoghegan stated in the Supreme Court decision of Ryanair Limited v The Labour Court in 2007: ...as a matter of law Ryanair is perfectly entitled not to deal with trade unions nor can a law be passed compelling it to do so. There is an obvious danger however in a non-unionised company that employees may be exploited and may have to submit to what most reasonable people would consider to be grossly unfair terms and conditions of employment. With a view to curing this possible mischief the Industrial Relations Acts, 2001 and 2004 were enacted.”
“The cause of labour and trade unionism runs deep in my town and constituency and courses through the veins of many Wexford people. The traditional model depended on trade unions mobilising a critical mass of employees to join and participate in trade union action. However, in a gig economy era, with transient, insecure and poorly organised workforces, trade union density is bound to decline where it is most needed and the issue of statutory recognition rights for trade unions becomes more pressing. The Constitution guarantees the right of citizens to form associations and unions, but the courts have not to date had to consider specifically whether the Constitution would have an impact on an attempt by legislation to require employers to recognise and negotiate with trade unions.”
“In my town of Wexford, the handed-down stories of the foundry workers' lockout of 1911 still run deep in the veins of Wexford people. The reason the workers were locked out was the demand for union recognition among their fellow workers. The local leader of the locked-out men was a man called Richard Corish and such was the fondness and affinity for Mr. Corish as a result of his leadership during the campaign for union recognition that he went on to become a local Labour Party TD and was mayor of Wexford for a remarkable 25 years in a row while serving as TD for Wexford concurrently. Following his death, his son, Brendan Corish, won the by-election and served as Labour Party TD for 35 years before my immediate predecessor, Brendan Howlin, took over and served for 37 years as Labour Party TD.”
“Ba cheart dom a rá ar dtús go bhfuil mé ag ullmhú mo Bhille féin maidir le haitheanas na gceardchumann, rud atá ina ábhar imní do Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre le fada an lá. Is fíor a rá go bhfuil leibhéal ardtábhachta ag baint leis an mBille seo sa Teach seo agus go deimhin sa tír seo. I have been preparing my own Bill on trade union recognition, which is a long-standing Labour Party concern. However, none of us has a monopoly on wisdom when it comes to law reform, and I am happy to make my contribution by way of amendments to this Bill, if it goes to Committee Stage, rather than launch a separate proposal. Accordingly, I am happy to confirm that my party will be supporting this Bill. This issue resonates deeply within the fabric of our society.”
“This is absolutely essential for the students of County Wexford and their families. The county with the highest population in the region must no longer be left hanging on when it comes to the provision of opportunity for students. As a man born in County Wexford, the Minister, I know, has a keen interest in this project. As already stated, these higher education facilities are playing and will play a pivotal role in driving economies across the country. We must ensure the opportunity exists everywhere on this island for future entrepreneurs to thrive and develop.”