George Lawlor
Wexford · Labour Party · Ireland
“I commend my colleague, Deputy Eoghan Kenny, on bringing this motion to the floor of the Dáil. One line from his contribution this morning is at the nub of everything, where he said, "Poverty should never determine potential." That is the key component of this motion.”
“The ESRI and University of Limerick found that three in ten secondary schools mandate digital devices, including 17% of DEIS schools - the very schools serving families least able to absorb these costs.”
“Parents who are already struggling with rising rents, food prices and energy costs are now being told that, without a laptop, their child will fall behind. It is shameful that the State's own free book scheme savings are being wiped out by digital demands that schools have no business imposing without the proper funding.”
“We are calling for enforceable guidelines, proper ICT funding, a national loan scheme, the removal of exam fees, the reversal of transport fee hikes, the restoration of the back-to-school allowance and a ban on voluntary contributions that are voluntary in name only. Families cannot take any more.”
“At the outset, I would like to join, as everyone here has, in warmly welcoming to Leinster House Cian and Jordan Adams, the FTB brothers, and also Cian's partner, Helen, who played such a vital and key role in the whole 33 marathons in 33 days. They are most welcome.”
“The programme for Government commitment, in particular the statutory home care scheme, must be something we seriously look at bringing into being following its insertion in multiple programmes for Government.”
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“It could have been prevented from ever reaching this point if our laws were fit for purpose. The shameful truth is that, as has been said, Ireland has become the puppy-farm capital of Europe. Up to 30,000 dogs are exported each year into illegal markets abroad. When we include unregistered backyard breeding, that figure may rise to 100,000 puppies bred in conditions that range from inadequate to outright cruel. I very much welcome Deputy Whitmore's Bill, which shines a light on what has effectively become a profit-driven model of exploitation rooted in animal cruelty. We are talking about an industry worth over €200 million, one that, in some of its worst forms, is built on practices of cruelty that border on outright criminality.”
“Having listened to the stories of Deputies Gould, Donnelly and Ward and their dogs I am reminded of the phrase, if you want a friend in politics, get a dog. Ireland is in the midst of a dog welfare crisis. That is not a phrase that I use lightly. Today, more than 3,000 dogs are in pounds and rescue centres across the country. Every week we hear of rescue centres overwhelmed, a foster network stretched to its limit, and of families heartbroken after discovering the hidden cruelty behind their family puppy due to an industry that has gone unchecked for far too long. The facts speak for themselves. In 2022, more than 7,300 dogs entered Irish pounds, a staggering 77% increase from 2021. Despite the tireless work of staff and volunteers, 340 dogs were euthanised.”
“We need an urgent debate on the crisis in emergency departments across the country. Last week 14 ambulances were stacked up outside Wexford General Hospital, with no access to the emergency department because it was already packed. Some 14 ambulances taken out of service, some for up to seven hours. We are facing an urgent crisis in the emergency department. Wexford needs a demountable unit to avoid this crisis happening again.”
“The Labour Party has always sought to represent those who need a voice. Today that tradition continues with trans people, who deserve not just recognition on paper but healthcare in practice. We must remember that healthcare is not a privilege; it is a right. Trans people are not asking for special treatment; they are asking for the same dignity afforded to others. They are asking for a system that sees them, hears them and supports them. So, what must be done? First, we must expand services beyond Dublin to ensure that care is accessible across the country. Second, we must reduce waiting times by investing in staff, resources and training. Third, we must align our system with international best practice. Above all, we must change the culture. Compassion must be the cornerstone of our healthcare system.”
“The Labour Party has consistently fought for the most marginalised people in Ireland and trans people are no exception. The Labour Party was instrumental in passing the 2015 Act. My colleague, Deputy Sherlock, continues to raise this issue in this Chamber, demanding reform and accountability. We introduced this motion to overhaul trans healthcare and to call for accessible, timely and affirming services. It is not symbolic; it is a demand for concrete steps towards justice. My party's history is one of standing shoulder to shoulder with those who have been silenced or sidelined. We have advanced workers' rights, championed women's equality, fought for marriage equality and campaigned for the bodily autonomy of women. The trans community has stood shoulder to shoulder with us.”
“We can imagine the toll it takes on their lives when they have to endure years of uncertainty and a daily struggle to access basic healthcare. The message it sends is that their identity is somehow less deserving of recognition. This is not just a healthcare issue; it is a human rights issue. The reality in Ireland is stark. We have only one dedicated gender service, which is based in Dublin, and the capacity there is overwhelmed. While other European nations have expanded community-based services, streamlined pathways and aligned with international best practice, Ireland has stood still. Ten years after the passage of the Gender Recognition Act 2015, which was a landmark moment for equality, the promise of dignity has not been matched by the delivery of care.”
“The issue we come to the Chamber to speak about today cuts to the very heart of dignity, equality and compassion. For too long, trans people in this county have been denied timely, respectful and affirming care. The word "respectful" has been used in this Chamber. When a Member of this House comments in this Chamber in an odious way against another Member, it is something we must call out and not sit idly by and listen to. While progress has been made across Europe, Ireland continues to lag behind. It consistently ranks as the worst nation for trans healthcare among EU member states. We have so many people on waiting lists for care. Many people in the trans community have spoken of their experience of waiting over 13 or 14 years for an appointment.”
“The irony of it is that, if he went to work for an agency supplying work to the public service, there would be no implication for his pension. This is on foot of Circular 24/2022 from the Department of public expenditure. I urge the Tánaiste to intervene with the Department of public expenditure to realistically look at this and to ensure that people who have come back in to give their service to the State again are not penalised.”
“I want to raise the issue of pension abatement. Quite a number of retired public servants who were encouraged back into the service following their retirement are now in receipt of rather large pension abatement bills, so to speak. Retired public servants who had already earned their pensions were basically told that if they worked a certain number of hours, cumulative over the full year, they would not be penalised in any way. However, one man showed me a bill for €18,000 and said that a colleague of his had a bill for in excess of €40,000. These are people who were encouraged back into the service and, to be fair to them, came back into the service at a time when we were really under pressure, which is often still the case.”
“Of course, there also is employee incentives with annual tax-free bonuses being made available. There are also PRSI and USC adjustments. Essentially, this is a tax neutral proposal, which I believe will give tremendous clarity to companies which find themselves in a situation where they are being approached and bombarded from outside the country by agencies which are only interested in the profit margin that they can achieve by purchasing the Irish companies. I think it would receive cross-party support in general. As I said, the meeting with the Minister, Deputy Burke, was very successful, and his next recommendation was to square it up by meeting the Minister for Finance in regard to the proposals that are required. I believe it is something that we can benefit from. I urge the Minister to support it.”
“In the area of capital gains tax relief, we would be asking to introduce, as is the situation in the UK, full capital gains tax exemptions for business owners who sell a controlling stake, typically 51% or more, to an EOT. That is similar to the UK model. We would remove discretionary trust taxes to eliminate the punitive taxes applied to employee ownership trust structures, which currently treat them like discretionary trusts rather than succession vehicles. The area of succession is also a difficulty here, where there is no interest within the family in the ownership of the family business any longer. That is where EOTs could come to the fore also. We need clarity on any anti-avoidance rules. We need to provide clear guidance so that employee ownership transactions are not penalised under existing anti-avoidance legislation.”
“The famous John Lewis company in the UK is an employee ownership trust, EOT. That is an example of the type of company that we need to be retaining in Irish ownership. Alan Coleman has told me that once you reach a particular turnover threshold, the phone calls come from all over the world in relation to buying out the Irish companies. With the geopolitical situation at the minute and the changed world in terms of economics and trade, it is imperative that we do all we can to retain Irish companies in Irish ownership. This is tax neutral, relatively. The fact that it is not happening, it is tax neutral and ensures that Irish companies stay in Ireland and the workforce have an interest in extra productivity to do that. There is a number of areas that need to be looked at but, as I said, it is tax neutral.”
“Yes, Paschal's new pastures. Certainly, this is a win-win scenario. Looking at the statistics, every working day this year, an Irish company has been sold into foreign ownership. If you contrast that with the UK’s situation, ten companies per week transfer to employee ownership trusts. The very simple reason they do that is because the taxation situation is much more favourable in that regard. There is only one company in Ireland that has decided to dodge the tax pitfalls – not the tax, but the tax pitfalls – and work around it. It is called Wolfgang Digital, owned by Alan Coleman. That is the only company at this point in time that has decided to enter an employee ownership trust. To date, he has reported an increase in productivity and a much greater interest among the workforce in terms of the company itself.”
“I thank Deputy Nash. I spoke very briefly to the Tánaiste during the week on this. We had a good meeting with the Minister, Peter Burke, on the whole area of employee ownership trusts. My next step was to meet the Minister’s predecessor, but unfortunately he has gone to pastures new.”
“When filling in my ethics form at the end of the year or my returns, I have to put down if I have an acre of land or a house, but if I have a barring order, protection order or safety order against me, I do not have to mention it. It is ludicrous to think that in the context of ethics, we are not leading from the front. I urge the Minister to consider this also in the context of this legislation.”
“It is essential that all of us in this House support this Bill and that we stand together for justice, safety and the dignity of every person who has suffered the unimaginable. Passing this legislation will not erase the pain of the past but it will help build a future where victims are protected, perpetrators are held accountable and our communities are stronger and safer. We should lead from the front on this, as public representatives and as parties. We should have a zero tolerance - as public representatives of parties - for perpetrators of domestic violence, sexual violence and all violence against any gender.”
“This is despite both services moving into fabulous new-build facilities over the past few years. In that move, Wexford Women's Refuge tripled its capacity and already needs more beds to service the demand in the Wexford area. The Rape Crisis Centre is itself in crisis, trying to meet the demands on its services, with one new case coming into their services every day in Wexford alone. The need is beyond great. Passing this Bill is not just a legislative act; it is a moral imperative. It says to the survivors, "We hear you, we believe you and we will protect you." This Bill is more than law. It is about humanity and ensuring justice does not end at the courtroom door. It is about giving survivors the peace they deserve and reaffirming our commitment to a society in which violence is met with accountability and compassion.”
“This Bill builds on decades of progress, from the Criminal Law (Rape) Act 1981 to the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017, but none of these measures provided a comprehensive civil remedy for victims post-conviction. Tonight is an effort to change that. Internationally, similar laws have proven effective. They reduce harassment, increase victim confidence and demonstrate justice systems can be survivor-centred. Ireland should be no different. These statistics demand urgency. As a proud member of the voluntary board of Wexford Women's Refuge and as someone who works closely with Wexford Rape Crisis Centre, I can tell the House that the number of people availing of these services is staggering. Both services are beyond capacity, with amazing staff put to the pin of their collars to work and deal with the victims.”
“Imagine a young woman trying to return to college after a trial - as a father of three daughters, I would find this harrowing so I can only imagine how a victim would feel - or woman walking her child to school or a man rebuilding his life, always wondering if the person who violated them might appear on the street alongside them or around the next corner. This is the reality for many survivors today. Without civil protection, justice ends at sentencing but the fear continues. This Bill gives survivors a legal shield, a sense of safety and the freedom to move forward. These orders are issued only after conviction for serious sexual offences. They are time-bound and subject to judicial oversight. The rights of the offenders are of course respected, but they do not and must not override the right of victims to live without fear.”
“Rape crisis centres recorded 13,098 helpline contacts and 14,778 counselling appointments last year. That is a 48% increase. These figures tell us one thing clearly, namely, that survivors need more than words. They need action and protection that lasts beyond the courtroom. This Bill introduces civil protection orders for victims of serious sexual offences. These orders will prohibit contact and proximity. Offenders will be barred from contacting victims or approaching their homes, workplaces or schools and breaches are made a criminal offence. That is vital. Violating these orders will carry penalties, including fines and imprisonment. It is time to treat breaches also as aggregating factors. Repeat violations will weigh heavily in sentencing.”
“Some 40% of adults have experienced sexual violence at some point in their lives. For women, that figure is a staggering 52% and for men, it is 28%, while 26% of adults have experienced sexual violence as adults. Most harrowing of all is that 18% of women and 3% of men report non-consensual sexual intercourse as adults. These are not just numbers; they represent lives, shattered lives, futures altered and trust broken. Yet, despite this prevalence, reporting remains low and delayed. One in five survivors waits more than ten years to disclose abuse. Nearly half of those abused as children under 13 take more than a decade to report to gardaí. Even when cases are reported, justice is far from guaranteed. In 2024, only 8% of sexual offences reported to gardaí were detected. Meanwhile, demand for support services is surging.”
“I welcome all the people in the Public Gallery and thank them for all they have done in campaigning for victims of sexual violence and change. I am pleased to speak in strong support of this Bill and thank Sinn Féin for bringing it forward to the floor of the House. My colleagues in the Labour Party will also be supporting it. This legislation is not just a legal reform; it is a lifeline for survivors. It is about ensuring justice does not end at conviction but continues to protect those who have endured unimaginable harm. Sexual violence is one of the most devastating crimes in our society. It is not only an assault on the body; it is an assault on dignity, trust and the very sense of safety every person deserves. The scale of this problem in Ireland is staggering.”
“Let us be the people who say Ireland will not profit from occupation, we will not be complicit in apartheid and we will act now.”
“Yet, the Government delays, waters down and hides behind legal smokescreens, even after EU law experts confirmed Ireland can pass the Bill without breaching EU rules. To whom are we listening? Are we listening to the Irish people or to foreign lobbyists? History is watching us. Future generations will ask what Ireland did when genocide unfolded in Gaza and illegal settlements spread across the West Bank. Did we speak or did we act? We absolutely should pass the occupied territories Bill in full, with application to goods and services, before Christmas. There must be no more delays or excuses. Ireland must lead as it did previously and show the world that our principles are not for sale. Let us be the nation that stands for justice.”
“He said their actions demonstrated to South Africans that ordinary people far away from the crucible of apartheid cared about their freedom. He said the solidarity of Irish workers helped him to endure prison. Ireland's stand mattered then and it matters now. Will we honour that legacy or let it fade into history? Some say this Bill is symbolic. Yes, it is symbolic but symbols matter. They ignite change. Do we want to be leaders or do we want to be laggards? The public has spoken, with 74% of Irish people supporting the Bill. Civil society, churches, trade unions and human rights groups have called for its enactment. Demonstrations outside this building almost daily demand action.”
“We remember the Black and Tans terrorising our towns and we know that the same forces later exported their brutality to Palestine under the British mandate. The same empire that partitioned our island also partitioned theirs. How can we, of all people, of all nations, turn away from a people enduring what we once endured? Arthur Balfour, who signed the infamous declaration that paved the way for Palestinian dispossession, was the same man, as Chief Secretary for Ireland, who crushed Irish nationalism. Our histories are intertwined. When we look at Gaza and the West Bank, we see echoes of our own struggle for freedom. If we do not act, who will? When Nelson Mandela visited Ireland after his release, he praised the courage of ordinary Irish workers who stood against apartheid during the Dunnes Stores strike.”
“Today, we face that same question. Will we act now as we did then or will we betray our own history of courage? Apartheid in South Africa was propped up by trade and investment. So, too, is the occupation of Palestine. When Ireland cut ties with apartheid goods, we sent a message that resonated across the globe: injustice will not be rewarded. Why should this be any different? Why should Ireland shirk away from the very principles that once made us very proud to be Irish? Our solidarity with Palestine is not an abstract thing; it is rooted in our shared experience. We know what it means to live under foreign rule and to see land confiscated, culture suppressed and communities shattered. From the centuries of British domination to the Famine that killed over 1 million of our people, oppression is etched in our national memory.”
“Goods and services produced on stolen lands should never enter Irish markets because that type of trade sustains the injustice that is happening daily in Palestine. Every euro spent on settlements goods helps to entrench an occupation that has been condemned by the International Court of Justice. The ICJ ruling in July 2024 was unequivocal. It stated that an end must be brought to all economic dealings that maintain this unlawful situation. Do we respect international law or do we ignore it when it is inconvenient? We have walked this road before. In the 1980s, we were the first western country, as has already been stated, to ban imports from apartheid South Africa. We did it because we believed no Irish hand should profit from oppression. That decision inspired others and helped to dismantle a system of racial tyranny.”
“This is a moral test for us. In many respects, it echoes our own history. The occupied territories Bill has sat idle for about eight years now and in that time the situation in Palestine has spiralled into catastrophe. Over 67,000 lives have been lost in Gaza in recent years, with hundreds of thousands of illegal settlers entrenched in the West Bank. It is not a distant tragedy or anything like it. It is genocide unfolding before our eyes on a day-to-day basis. We know all about the fight against colonialism, yet as a parliament and as a nation, we hesitate. How much longer will we stand by and hesitate? The occupied territories Bill is clear. It bans trade with illegal settlements.”
“Let us be the generation that stood up and said Ireland will not trade away its soul or dilute its position on issues that have a negative impact on the rights of workers, the planet, on climate change and on farm incomes right across this island.”
“The Mercosur deal is more than a trade agreement; it is a test of all our values. Will we stand with the families who fed this nation for generations? Will we defend the green fields that define us? Will we stand firmly with our commitments to the planet and to battle climate change? Will we seek to ensure that the rights of workers, hard fought for in Europe, are enjoyed by the workers of Mercosur, or will we turn our backs on all of this for short-term gains? Ireland simply must stand firm. We must fight for fairness, sustainability and the future of rural Ireland. Let us not be the generation of politicians who sold out our farming community, turned our backs on global workers’ rights and supported a two-tier climate change agenda.”
“Rather, they are the informed opinions from the fields and farmyards of Ireland. I am aware that the Government has rightly raised concerns about climate, biodiversity and farm incomes, but words are not enough. We must lead the charge for enforceable standards, rapid safeguards and a fair deal that does not sacrifice rural Ireland on the altar of global trade. It is essential that we, as a nation, stand firm and demand binding commitments on animal welfare, pesticide use and deforestation; push for safeguard mechanisms that protect farmers before - not after - the damage is done; work with like-minded EU states to defend agriculture and sustainability; and tell the public what is at stake here, namely, jobs, communities and the integrity of our food system. If the Minister were here, he would know this is a moment of truth.”
“We have also heard the voices of the farming community, many of whom are here today. Declan Hanrahan, chair of the IFA livestock committee, warns that the Mercosur trade deal, as it stands, will destroy Irish and European beef farming and that there are no effective safeguards for farmers, markets or the environment. Seán McNamara of the Irish Cattle and Sheep Farmers Association stated that it is "a disaster for Irish suckler and beef farmers" and that if it goes ahead, "it will devastate rural communities across Ireland". The IFA president, Francie Gorman, reminds us: Either standards count for something, or they don’t. [...] It’s both hypocritical ... to insist on the highest standards for European producers to allow Mercosur countries access without reaching the same standards. These are not abstract warnings.”
“We have to ask this question: how can we preach sustainability at home while rewarding destruction abroad? The safeguards are flimsy. Promises of review mechanisms and compensation funds sound reassuring but they often arrive too late after farms have become unsustainable and families, trying to survive and diversify, have left the land. Farmers fear, rightly so, that by the time Brussels acts, the damage will be irreversible. Do we want to be the ones to explain to the next generation why we stood by and watched rural Ireland collapse? The economic argument is uneven. Yes, the EU may gain billions of euro in industrial exports, but Ireland’s rural economy will bear the brunt of the cost. Is it fair to sacrifice the backbone of our country for marginal gains elsewhere?”
“They are not just numbers or statistics but, rather, they are livelihoods, traditions and, in the potentially affected communities, the heart of rural Ireland. First, as a quality, food-producing country, we know only too well that standards matter. Irish farmers uphold some of the highest environmental and animal welfare standards in the world. Mercosur countries, by contrast, have weaker enforcement and troubling records on deforestation and pesticide use. If we allow imports produced under lower standards, we undermine our farmers and betray our climate commitments.”
“The EU-Mercosur trade agreement is not just another obscure policy; it is a crossroads. On the one hand, there is an opportunity for some sectors. On the other hand, there is the potential for real and lasting harm to the communities that have sustained this country for generations. We simply must tread carefully because the stakes could not be higher for counties such as my own, Wexford. This agreement would open the door to 99,000 tonnes of South American beef and 180,000 tonnes of poultry entering the EU at reduced tariffs. For Ireland, a nation where beef farming is more than an industry but a heritage, this is seismic. Our beef exports are worth almost €3 billion annually. Even a small drop in price could be existential for family farms that have been passed down from generation to generation for centuries.”
“There are some fine people involved in this but I have to say progress has been less than satisfactory, if not tardy. I ask for the Minister's personal intervention in this. He is a proud Wexford man by birth. I ask for his intervention to ensure that this campus moves along as rapidly as possible and that the master plan is proceeded with.”
“There can be no hesitation at this stage. In 2015, ten years ago, the money was made available for the purchase of a site in Wexford town for the campus of the SETU. Wexford County Council can access the site as it stands. The only thing outstanding is the decision on the actual price of what is going to be sold to the SETU. It is imperative that this progress. The biggest county involved in the whole of the SETU process, County Wexford, with a population heading for in excess of 170,000 people, appears to be the one that is left behind consistently in the process of the establishment of the SETU. It is imperative that this Wexford campus be constructed as a matter of urgency. Any delay or hold-up that appears on the horizon seems to be seized upon and grasped by SETU.”
“This will require a specific allocation of funding to the project by the Higher Education Authority from the Department of further and higher education. The Technological Universities Act 2018 was enacted specifically with the SETU in mind. Wexford is a central component of that. We have a facility in Wexford. We need a state-of-the-art new campus to fulfil the aspirations of that.”
“As the Minister stated, the site at Killeens has been CPOed but is subject to an ongoing arbitration to agree a final price. While Wexford County Council can access the site immediately, it cannot give a sale price to SETU for its portion of the land until the arbitration process is concluded, which may take many months. This will give a further excuse to SETU to sit on its hands, claiming it can do nothing until all the issues on the site are resolved. It is imperative that the masterplan be concluded and published as soon as possible. The design and composition of the new buildings for the campus should proceed immediately and planning permission lodged with the council. It should be in a position to tender for the buildings as soon as planning permission is received.”
“Having regard to the firm commitments made to establish a new constituent campus in Wexford town for the Southeast Technological University, when does the Minister expect specific capital funding to be allocated and announced for this project? When will the masterplan for the site be published? When does he expect SETU to have access to the new site and construction work on the new campus to begin? Will he outline the discussions he has had to date with the board of SETU and the Higher Education Authority on the facilities to be sited in Wexford? When will an announcement will be made on this issue?”
“Their work, enterprise and industry in that sector matters and we have to see the struggle they are in and let them know their voices are heard in this House. It is essential we do not allow this crisis to become the collapse of one of our national industries. It is essential that we do not just sow crops. We have to just give these people hope for their futures and families' futures, for succession in this industry. It is not just about cultivating land; it is about a vision we have for rural Ireland and the sectors within that. We need to ensure they remain vibrant, sustainable and just. I urge the Minister to look at this sector with the necessary means and to provide the farmers who offer not just tillage but a sustainable answer to many of our climate issues the support, funding, finance and hope they truly and richly deserve.”
“The notion we are taking grain from all parts of the world to produce our legendary Irish whiskey beggars belief. This is a moment for leadership to support this sector. It is essential we commit to a multi-annual support package that reflects the strategic importance of tillage farming. We need targeted schemes that reward environmental stewardship and economic sustainability. We also need generational renewal with real incentives for young farmers to enter and remain in the sector. We also have to ensure payments are timely, transparent and sufficient. We cannot expect farmers to plant winter crops with borrowed money while they remain unpaid for the grain they harvested months ago. It is simply not viable or feasible. From the conversations I have been having, every farmer in the tillage sector feels forgotten.”
“That includes €20 million for existing schemes such as straw chopping and the protein payment, and €30 million for a new tillage support scheme. Of course, the details of this scheme remain vague. This response is not proportionate to the scale of the crisis. It is not ambitious enough and it is not urgent enough. We have to recognise that tillage farming is not just an economic activity; it is also a climate solution. Recent studies have shown that imported dairy feeds generate 800 kg more of CO2 per tonne than Irish-grown grain. Every acre of tillage lost to grassland is a step backwards in our climate goals. Every tonne of imported grain is a missed opportunity to support Irish produce. The notion that imported grain is being used to produce our famous Irish whiskey is absolutely nonsensical.”
“Teagasc forecasts the average income on tillage farms at 43% but this includes mixed farms. Crucially, much of the income Teagasc is predicting is bolstered by livestock enterprises, not just crop production on its own. For many tillage farmers, particularly those on leased land, 2025 has been a year of operating at a great loss. This is not just a financial crisis; it is a structural one. It is a crisis of confidence, of viability and of future prospects. Last month, as has been mentioned, over 1,000 farmers gathered in Naas in County Kildare, united in their message that tillage farming is on the brink. They called for a minimum of €65 million in annual support. The Irish Grain Growers went further, seeking €92 million to stabilise the sector, and yet budget 2026 has delivered just €50 million.”
“As has been outlined in stark detail by many of my colleagues in the Chamber, our country's tillage farmers are in a serious crisis, not least in my home county of Wexford. Farmers who have long been the backbone of our agricultural diversity, our food security and our environmental ambition. Today, they face a crisis that is not of their making but one that demands our urgent attention and decisive action by this Government. Despite favourable weather and strong yields in 2025, the economic reality for tillage farmers is bleak. Grain prices remain depressed. Forward prices this spring were just €212 per tonne for wheat and €200 per tonne for barley. Indeed, looking at Tirlán grain pricing for harvest 2025, feed barley is €192 per tonne and feed wheat at €200 per tonne and malting barley at €222 per tonne.”
“We have a serious problem in Ireland with animal welfare in breeding establishments. This is something we simply have to grab by the scruff of the neck and tackle. I welcome the Minister's comments in that regard.”
“I welcome what has been said about the high level group. As it stands, the 2010 Act permits upwards of 300 breeding dogs on a site. It also outlines that one full-time staff member to 25 breeding bitches is sufficient. We are looking for a more sensible number of breeding bitches and we believe that 15 is a sensible cap that would enable breeders to run a proper sanitation programme and perform regular welfare acts on all the animals. The staff-to-dog ratio should be set at 1:15 and this should be set out in the legislation as opposed to being contained in dog breeding establishment guidelines. The cap on breeding bitches that is specified should only increase in tandem with the staff headcount, to guarantee that minimum standards of animal healthcare are met.”
“Backyard breeders tend to escape oversight and potential incidents of mistreatment can only come to light where, for instance, neighbours raise concerns. There is no dedicated Garda unit to deal with animal cruelty. Dog breeding establishment guidelines deal with important issues, including animal housing, hygiene, exercise and registration, but it is important that the enforcement of the guidelines is in place. Local authorities, despite their best efforts, are not in a position to ensure enforcement as much as we would like.”
“I thank the Minister for his supportive words. This proposed campaign was inspired by a young pup called Stout who suffered from severe health difficulties arising from malnutrition, poor breeding practice and the unsanitary conditions that he was kept in. The campaign is led by two people in Wexford - Tara O'Connor and Kevin Keegan. They are proposing some reasonable legislation and that the legislation would be amended to place a more exacting standard on dog breeders. They believe legislation must mandate a firm commitment on the part of dog breeders to safeguard the welfare of the animal with an explicit reference to freedom from discomfort and freedom to express normal behaviour. In the legal context, pets currently fall under the definition of "personal property". Stout's law aims to redefine pets as beings with intrinsic needs.”