Patricia Stephenson
Labour Panel · Social Democrats · Ireland
“A number of us on this side of the House have concerns around what this is opening us up to. We are concerned that we do not have the correct protections and safeguards in place to ensure that the supply will be State-owned and State-led because it is not included in the definitions in the legislation.”
“The world is literally on fire in some places. We have a forest fire in Ireland for the first time in years perhaps. I know we sometimes have them in the Mourne Mountains in the North. This is cause for concern, not just for future generations but for us today.”
“I thank the Minister for coming in. This is a really positive step. I am delighted she is pushing it forward. By and large, the oral contraceptive is incredibly safe. A lot of well-studied medicines are available. Over-the-counter oral contraception has been recommended by the WHO since 2019.”
“I move amendment No. 1: In page 7, between lines 22 and 23, to insert the following: “ “emergency” means a situation where the State is experiencing a significant and protracted physical disruption of gas supply, or other catastrophic deterioration of the supply situation, and where— (a) all relevant market-based measures have been fully…”
“The Department has stated this facility "will provide the resilience required to support our energy transition" and that "the reserve will only be used in genuine emergencies", yet there is no definition in this Bill of what the Government means by an emergency and when that would apply.”
“We also have to be mindful of the burden it will place on pharmacists without the correct resourcing for pharmacies to deliver the scheme to safeguard against them withdrawing from this or any future scheme simply because they feel they do not have the resources to deliver it in a timely manner.”
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“We should be putting them on an even playing field from the very first moment. I know my dyslexia is not a lack of ability but simply a different way of thinking and learning. Our traditional examination system does not work for young people who have dyslexia or dyscalculia. For students who have those additional learning differences, trying to concentrate and getting frustrated is tiring. Your are having to hyper-focus in these time-pressured environments, playing on an uneven field without the additional time. We are seeing an examination system that punishes students for difference. As we have already heard, Ireland is an outlier across Europe. In the UK, France, Italy and in over 86% of countries, students with specific learning differences are granted extra time in second level examinations.”
“We have larger print for those with visual impairments, assistive technology, exemptions from oral parts of exams for those who are deaf or hard of hearing and wheelchair access for those with mobility challenges. This request is no different. I know from personal experience what it is like to live with dyslexia. I have dyslexia. I know it can shake your confidence and make you question your intelligence. It can make you feel stupid or not smart enough, and as though you do not belong in academic spaces or have the same access to knowledge. I know that is not true now but even in a professional capacity, there are still huge barriers to consuming Bills and reading Bills and committee documents. These are things that will be a barrier for students throughout their professional careers.”
“For students with dyslexia or dyscalculia, time in an exam is not just a clock; it is a ticking barrier that measures speed instead of knowledge. Many of these students know the material and have studied hard but when words take longer to process or when numbers require more effort to decode, the exam ends before they have had a fair chance to show what they actually know. The SEC has argued that giving extra time might be unfair to other students but we know fairness is not about equality all the time, it is about equity. It does not mean you treat every student the same. It is recognising what each student needs to reach the same standard. We already make loads of other accommodations .”
“I commend Senator Curley on tabling this motion. Equitable access and education for students with additional requirements in exams and more broadly is something he has been consistent on and committed to since becoming a Senator. As we all know, secondary school students with dyslexia and dyscalculia and their families are deeply distressed by this wait for the State Examinations Commission to finalise its long-promised review of the reasonable accommodations at certificate examinations. The request from students is simple. It is to allow extra time in exams for those with additional needs. It is not very radical. It was recommended, as we heard already, by the SEC's own expert advisory group in 2009, 16 years ago. That is 16 years of young people having struggled unnecessarily for an accommodation that is entirely reasonable and fair.”
“We have talked and have had some debates, but we need to circle back and have a discussion on justice and accountability for Gaza, and what that really means in practice. I just attended a briefing with some women from Colombia who are human rights defenders. We are approaching the tenth anniversary of the Colombian peace agreement in 2026. We have seen extreme gender-based violence and extreme levels of sexual violence. We are seeing across the globe a horrendous level of violence against civilians. We talk about Ireland's historic role in peacebuilding but we are losing that credibility when munitions are flying through Irish airspace. We do not see Ireland taking a proper, active role in leading accountability and justice mechanisms in the context of Gaza. I would like us to have a proper and meaningful discussion on the issue.”
“This is corroborated by a recent article in The Journal by the deputy director of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA, Mr. John Whyte, who describes how the humanitarian situation is so bleak that aid is being deliberately restricted and food, water and medicine are being used as weapons of war, even in the ceasefire we are in. This is a moral outrage and consistent breach of international law, which we have seen for over two years. In this so-called ceasefire phase, we cannot continue to facilitate the arming of a regime that has caused so much destruction and horror. We cannot accept the lack of accountability mechanisms that currently exists.”
“I listened to them while conscious of the UN special rapporteur's recent report, which highlights how Ireland has enabled the transfer of military materials through its infrastructure and airspace, thus making us complicit in genocide. The transfer of weapons through Ireland is the facilitation of genocide, as laid out clearly by Francesa Albanese in no uncertain terms. We cannot, on the one hand, call for peace and, on the other, allow the machinery of war to move through our ports or our skies. While the doctors spoke of the unimaginable conditions, they also told us of the difficulty of getting aid in because even crutches are seen as dual use. In a country where there have been so many amputations, how can we accept this as normal?”
“"There is no colour left in Gaza." Those were the words of Dr. Mohamed, a doctor with Médecins Sans Frontières, who presented to us in the audiovisual room last week the updated humanitarian situation in Gaza, alongside his colleague Dr. Sohaib. Both doctors spoke of the unbearable reality of trying to save children torn apart by shrapnel, often without anaesthetic, electricity or even clean water. They told us about two little girls, just four and six-years-old, two sisters who they did everything possible to save, sitting with one of those sisters all night with her lung exposed due to catastrophic injuries from shrapnel and trying to keep her alive. They fought to save but those two sisters but, tragically, could not. The heartbreak in the voices of those doctors was extraordinarily difficult to listen to.”
“The strategy does not include any commitment on the rights of children with additional needs for assessment of need. It does not have any staffing targets. I recognise that the action plan is due three months after the strategy, but we need this action plan to include benchmarks, timeframes and funding commitments. Otherwise, it is a nice document that has no substance. We cannot do this again to people living with disabilities in Ireland, where we promise the world and deliver very little.”
“We all know that participation in society should not depend on whether a person can navigate inaccessible systems or transport, but that is currently not the case. Currently, participation in society is not equal. Well-being and health must shift from a model of gatekeeping to one of dignity and equality, where disabled people have agency and are not forced to go through bureaucracy and red tape. For this strategy to succeed, power must move from this idea of consultation to actual co-design. I do not believe we are at an effective point of co-design in this country. Disabled people are not really co-designing the policies that affect their lives. Anything less than these things would be another broken promise from the Government.”
“I question how we can have that figure and then say we have this commitment to people with disabilities. Every child and adult should have equal access to learning and training, regardless of their needs or postcode. The barriers that force families to fight for supports are a failure of policy, not of individuals. It is a systemic failure in our policy. In employment, disabled people continue to face systemic exclusion on an all-island basis. We need binding targets, accessible workplaces and employers who are supported and expected to lead on inclusion. Independent living must become a reality, supported by proper investment in personal assistance, housing and community supports.”
“I think we all welcome the publication of the Government's new strategy for disabled people. We have heard words such as "aspirational" and "potential", but I am concerned that without any meaningful targets, this is not going to address the severe crisis the sector is in. We need to be honest in this discussion that disabled people in Ireland are living in crisis and have heard fine words before. To be frank, our record on disability rights and implementing the UN convention is one of delay and denial. This strategy will mean little unless it delivers real change for people's lives and we prioritise it. For example, disability rights organisations said that, as a consequence of the budget a few weeks ago, people living with disabilities will be €1,400 worse off a year.”
“We have debates, obviously, on Gaza and Ukraine, which are necessary, but Sudan is one of the most horrific humanitarian crises that we are seeing, yet it gets absolutely no coverage. We in this Chamber having that debate would have a huge impact, both nationally and internationally.”
“We have a moral responsibility, based on that history, to take more action to end this horrific war. We need to call for humanitarian access to open in Darfur and for sanctions, alongside our EU partners and our closest neighbours, the British Government. Worryingly, there are reports that UK weapons sold to the UAE have been used in the killings in Darfur. We need a critical analysis of the global powers responsible for fuelling this conflict and we need sanctions for those responsible. I call for a debate in this Chamber on what steps the Irish Government can take to become leaders in calling for a ceasefire. As parliamentarians, we have a role to play in having this debate. This is one of the forgotten crises facing the world.”
“We have seen, on both sides, indiscriminate bombing of population centres, the destruction of civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, and summary executions. We have seen horrific crime against civilians. I worked with Sudanese refugees in northern South Sudan. I know the strength and also the suffering of the Sudanese community living through conflict-enforced displacement for decades. All they want is peace and access to food and clean water but, sadly, Sudan now stands on the brink of famine, with huge levels of forced displacement. Food and medical systems are at breaking point. There has been widespread sexual violence against women and girls. Despite all of this, international action has been almost absent. Ireland has been a long-standing partner of Sudan since the 1980s.”
“Over the past week, the conflict in Sudan has escalated seriously. The humanitarian situation is even more catastrophic, if it can even get to that level. While the additional funding of €3 million committed by Irish Aid is welcome, we must do more. Mass killings are taking place. There are reports of summary executions. Satellites have picked up large bloodstains on the ground, such is the scale of the slaughter and the bloodshed as the paramilitary force, the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, regained control over Darfur in the past few days. Prosecutors at the International Criminal Court, ICC, are collecting evidence of alleged mass killings and rapes in Darfur. We all remember the Darfur genocide in 2003 and what we are seeing is history repeating itself a mere 20 years later.”
“While the Minister says that it does not mean he is putting it on the long finger, it does mean that we cannot debate the Bill again for 12 months in this House. In that sense, there is a kicking to touch from our perspective. I know it does not mean the Minister would not be working on it behind the scenes, but he could also be working on it behind the scenes if we moved to Committee Stage. It is not like Committee Stage would be next week. That is not the reality, although we would love it to be an option. That is not how it would normally work because so many things are coming through on the agenda. I thank the Minister for his engagement and that of his team and the Department.”
“I thank all of the Senators on the Government side for attending and providing that support. I know it means a lot to them, and I know they have may have personal experiences, the experiences of friends and family, and instances in their own constituencies where this comes up. This is a modest Bill. I accept it may not be the most straightforward legislation, and there are components that the Minister's Department and the Department of Transport would need to iron out, perhaps also with the Department of justice. However, I think those things can be done as part of the normal legislative process. That is why, while I am sorry, I am not in a position to support the 12-month timed amendment.”
“I wonder why we have Opposition Bills if the feeling is that once we put in a Bill and spend time, it will just be delayed by 12 months. As a new legislator, it raises questions for me about the purpose and role I play in this House. That is where I am coming from. Senator Ruane made it clear that all of the changes, suggestions and strengthening that the Minister is coming forward with, which I respect, could be done if we moved this to Committee Stage. We would not be passing the Bill tonight anyway, and it would be following through various stages of the legislative process with space to be strengthened. The Minister will have heard from other Senators that we have had this challenge across the board. We have a good, sensible Bill that clearly has a lot of support.”
“If, in the meantime, while we allow the debate to happen and we allow the space to have these important conversations, the Minister came up with a Bill that worked better, I would of course withdraw my Bill. I understand that the Minister has the Department behind him. I have consulted many providers around this. I did not pull this out of thin air. I recognise that the Minister would definitely need to speak to Cuan as the main lead. I am delighted to hear that the Minister thinks there is a different option of service providers having a pass that they hand out instead of the application process with the photo. All of those things are brilliant. I respect and understand that the Department has given this a lot of thought, and I thank the Minister for that. Again, I feel that this can still happen in the normal legislative process.”
“This is the first time that I and the Minister have spoken. He said that we have not worked together before. I welcome his positive words about the Bill. I understand that he has a commitment and a desire to pass this. However, with all due respect, this is not just about his Department. This is something that has happened across the board with all different types of Bills. Passing this Bill, allowing it to go to Committee Stage and allowing Committee Stage debate would not prevent the Department from strengthening the Bill or the Minister’s work with Cuan from happening. It is for that reason that I cannot accept the timed amendment. I would love the Minister to trust me as much as he is asking me to trust him, in the sense that I do not want to ram through bad legislation.”
“People who have spent much of their lives being controlled in an coercive, abusive relationship should not have to call up somebody and ask permission for a taxi fare. They should have the power to do that themselves and move freely. That is fundamentally what this Bill is about. It is restoring people's agency and their dignity after it has been stripped away for so long. None of us can undo the violence that has already happened but we can change the systems that make it harder to escape. This Bill is a small but concrete expression of solidarity. It is the State saying that it will meet them halfway on the road to safety. For too long, that road has been too long, too expensive and too lonely. With this Bill, I ask us to shorten the road and make it free to travel.”
“It recognises that women do not live their lives in isolation and that when we support survivors, families and communities will prosper in the future. So often in instances of domestic violence a woman will experience coercive control, psychological abuse and financial abuse. She will be isolated from her loved ones, friends and family. This will offer people an opportunity to rebuild those connections and relationships with parents, grandparents, friends and family who they might not have seen or been connected to for many years. Some people might say that a refuge will pay for a taxi and ask whether that is not a solution. However, if people have to go to a counter or call a phone number every time they need to get to A, B or C, it means they have to ask for permission when they need to do this or that.”
“Three months of free travel will not solve every problem by any means or stretch of the imagination, but it does send a powerful message that the State believes them and believes they deserve the empowerment and autonomy to rebuild their life and to live freely. Sometimes progress is not made through really grand gestures but in small acts of decency that make survival a little bit easier. This Bill is one such act. It costs little but it would mean so much to the people who access it. It is an acknowledgement by the State that leaving is hard and rebuilding is hard but we trust them, we believe in them and we want to support them. It acknowledges that safety is not only about locks and alarms but also about access, connection and opportunity.”
“That is a very small cost to the State when weighed against the potential to save lives, protect children and help survivors to rebuild. Leaving is not the end of the story; it is the beginning of a long and often lonely process of recovery. There are practical hurdles such as finding housing, securing income, accessing counselling and rebuilding relationships, but there is a really profound emotional and psychological journey that comes with it too. Survivors must learn to trust again, hope again and believe that they can be safe. Mobility and the ability to move freely and to travel without fear is part of that recovery. It restores people's agency and gives them empowerment.”
“This Bill allocates a free travel pass for three months. Given the principle of the Bill, it is likely that people fleeing domestic violence would use this pass more frequently due to the upheaval in their lives, as they try to start a new life free from violence. We conservatively estimate a €55 cost per person for three months. Women's Aid reported that it made 6,424 refuge and local domestic violence referrals in 2024. The likely cost of the proposal, therefore, would be about €350,000 if every single one of those referrals made use of the three-month pass. It is unlikely that every single person would use it, but even if we were to double that, a cost of €700,000 per year is the upper end of the probable cost of this Bill.”
“We have seen how free travel for students, older people and people with disabilities opens doors, creates connection and restores people's dignity. The Bill applies that same logic to survivors of domestic violence. It proposes that for three months, survivors will not have to worry about how to get to where they need to go. They can take the bus to their refuge, to their GP, to their solicitor, to court and to their child's new school. They can rebuild their life. It is a really short window but it can make the difference between despair and recovery. The cost of this intervention would be fairly minimal to the State. Currently, the average amount allocated to each potential user, specifically the main card holder and the companion on the free travel scheme, is estimated at €55 per person per annum.”
“There is an additional expense that comes from that. Given that these services do not exist, why will the Government not allow this very modest Bill to proceed? It is especially important for those families who are in need of support right now, not in 12 or 24 months' time. Women and children fleeing domestic violence are some of the most vulnerable in our society. They are among the worst impacted by the continuing housing emergency. The Government cannot keep repeating the concept of zero tolerance while women are forced to remain in danger because the system moves too slowly or the price of a bus or train ticket stands between them and safety. Zero tolerance must mean zero barriers. That is what the Bill aims to achieve. Transport should be a lifeline, not a luxury.”
“By creating a clear, accessible pathway of free travel for survivors, we make the State not just a responder to violence but a partner in recovery. I acknowledge the work being done under the national zero-tolerance policy. The recent progress on co-ordination, the setting up of Cuan, the commitment to data collection and the funding for services are all very important. However, the reality is stark and the numbers continue to rise. Far too often, we see news reports of women murdered by their partners or ex-partners. Refuges are full. Women and children fleeing domestic violence do not have access to sustainable, long-term housing options. Nine counties still do not have dedicated refuge spaces, meaning even longer distances must be travelled and women are placed further away from any supports they may have.”
“If a woman is living in a small village with no car and her abuser controls the money, even getting to the nearest refuge can seem impossible. The Bill recognises that mobility is safety and that a ticket can be a lifeline. As a social democrat, I believe in a society where public services provide real freedom and the State enables people to live safely and with dignity. This Bill very much embodies that principle. It does not rely on charity or chance. It relies on the State to step up, as it should, to remove one barrier that keeps women trapped. Social democracy means recognising that violence against women is not a private issue but a structural one. Domestic violence thrives when there is inequality. It is our duty to remove every barrier we can to create a more equal society.”
“When a mother leaves, she is not just saving herself; she is saving her children's future. That is why the Bill extends the free travel provision to children and dependants. For a child, a train ticket might mean getting to school safely, attending counselling or visiting relatives who can provide comfort and stability. Throughout history, controlling women's mobility has been a means of controlling women's lives. When a woman cannot move freely and cannot leave her home, town or country, can we say she is free? In rural Ireland, especially, transport poverty is an incredibly gendered issue. Women are more likely to rely on public transport but less likely to have access to frequent or affordable services.”
“There is poverty of opportunity where a woman cannot get to her job, college or her child's school event because she has no car, no fare and no safe way to travel. There is poverty of time when every single hour is spent navigating fear, searching for safe routes and waiting for someone to call back. There is poverty of self-esteem when a woman is told for so long that she is worthless that she begins to believe it. This Bill cannot undo all of that but it can start to chip away at those barriers by giving survivors mobility, connection and a small bit of independence. Domestic violence rarely affects just one person. Children live it, too. They may not always be hit but they are always harmed. Children who grow up with domestic violence can experience anxiety, depression and difficulties in school.”
“All too often, the State makes it harder, not easier, to go. Limited refuge spaces and a failed housing policy make it very hard for women to leave because they do not know where they will end up. Another reason it is hard to leave is that leaving often has a cost. When we talk about poverty in the context of domestic violence, we usually mean financial poverty. That is real and it is crushing. Abusers often control access to money, transport, telephones and work. Survivors are told they will not survive without the abuser. There are also other forms of poverty. There is the poverty of isolation when an abuser cuts a woman off from her friends and family, when she no longer has anyone to call and when she cannot risk a lift from a friend because he might see.”
“In fact, the scale of this problem is significant and increasing. Domestic violence is not rare; it is pervasive and it cuts across income, geography and background. Women's Aid tells us that one in four women has experienced abuse by a current or former partner. When we talk about women leaving, we sometimes discuss it as though it were some sort of single act, as if a woman simply packs a bag one day and walks out the door. Those of us who have listened to survivors know it is rarely that simple and straightforward. Research shows a woman will endure abuse for years before leaving and will attempt to leave multiple times before she is able to break free. Why is that so? The reason is that leaving is so dangerous. Leaving often escalates the violence and can mean losing one's home, income and sense of self.”
“The whole purpose of Committee Stage is to tease out the implementation aspects of a Bill but the Government is not allowing that. Delaying the Bill stifles room for debating this critical topic, which affects people throughout the country. If the Government would allow the Bill to proceed to Committee Stage, we would have space in the Chamber to debate these critical matters. Despite the rhetoric of urgency we often hear, there are timed amendments and delays. I find that attitude and approach a little depressing. It can take many years for a woman to make the decision to leave. Why, then, does the Government want to delay a Bill that is designed to support people fleeing domestic violence and reduce their barriers to leaving? Does the Government not consider it a good Bill? Does it not think the issue it addresses is an urgent problem?”
“It is the bare minimum we should be doing as a society that claims to have zero tolerance for gender-based violence. I am deeply disappointed that the Government is proposing a timed amendment to the Bill. It is cynical and it does not bode well for the co-operation and collaboration we aim for across this Chamber. We have seen this practice with several Opposition Bills since the start of this term. The reality is that despite having a zero-tolerance strategy in place, we have seen cases of domestic violence rise year on year. I am not suggesting for one minute that my Bill would fix that but it would help those who are trapped and cannot afford to escape. When presented with a sensible, straightforward Bill, I wonder why the Government is delaying it. Not even allowing it to go to Committee Stage is a little cynical.”
“I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time." I am delighted to speak about the first Bill I have introduced in the Seanad. I welcome to the Gallery colleagues from Dublin Rape Crisis Centre, Safe Ireland and Women's Aid, who have expressed their support for the Bill. It is a modest but vital proposal rooted in one simple idea, namely, that freedom of movement can mean freedom from harm. The Bill will provide survivors of domestic violence and their dependants with three months of free public transport. It is a small, humane intervention for people in crisis, designed to ensure no one is forced to stay with an abuser because he or she cannot afford to leave. It is not radical and it is not expensive but for those trapped by violence, fear and lack of means, it could be transformative.”
“While we rely on outsourcing this to sometimes incredible private sector providers, we will never meet the needs in the childcare sector, and we will be letting families and children down.”
“I have tabled an amendment which calls for a public model of childcare which is universal, publicly funded and properly staffed with decent wages and, critically, is integrated into our education system. I know when the Minister was giving her statement she touched on the moves to integrate childcare into the existing education system. That needs to be prioritised. It is common sense. We need a public model of childcare that guarantees a place for every child, and which caps costs and genuinely treats early years professionals as the skilled educators they are. I stress that while this might sound utopian, it is common sense. It is about equity and economic pragmatism.”
“In fact, the challenges we have with SNA recruitment means we are seeing childcare workers being pulled out of the childcare system. Meanwhile for parents we have childcare costs, which continue to take up an enormous share of income. For many, the cost of childcare is equivalent to paying rent or servicing part of a mortgage. Parents are often forced to choose between returning to work and staying at home, or between accepting often low-paid part-time work or absorbing unsustainable childcare bills. We need a radical reset of this sector. We need to bring it into the public sector. The Social Democrats believe that is the only sustainable way forward.”
“We have childcare workers in the system who are highly trained, committed and doing an essential job. As we know, early childhood education is crucial and childcare workers are key. They are key in fostering development and in caring for our children, thus facilitating parents' ability to work in addition to that. Their pay, despite all of this, remains low in the context of their skill and the responsibility their roles demand. I acknowledge they recently got a modest pay increase. However, conditions in many facilities are precarious, with low wages, high turnover, long hours and inadequate support. We should be doing everything we can to keep childcare workers in the sector, but that is not what is happening.”
“Parents are faced with no choice but to pay up or leave their jobs because childcare is simply unaffordable. To put it briefly, it is a complete mess. I said in this Chamber before that we have instances of mothers - I have spoken to them - making decisions about whether to return to work who are forced to stay home to look after their kids. That is complete hypocrisy when we talk about women's empowerment and gender equality. Ireland has some of the highest childcare costs in Europe. The Government has its head in the sand when it comes to a lot of these issues. It is not a new issue either. This comes up time and again. We all hear from, and know, parents with no access to childcare who are facing crippling costs. I will also touch on the issue of childcare workers. Senator Cosgrove has spoken substantially on this.”
“Despite commitments in manifestos, what we have instead are muddled, half-implemented caps, rising costs and many parents feeling shut out of affordable care. The media over the past two weeks have highlighted stories of childcare providers pulling out of schemes, of costs rising despite promises and of growing frustration among families who are worse off than they were this time last year. It is clear the childcare sector as it stands is not fit for purpose, and I have no hopes that the Government’s small interventions will make a massive change to that. Over 50 providers have already pulled out of the schemes. Some of them have now increased their fees by up to €360 per month, according to a recent article in The Journal. In fact, the whole article makes for incredibly grim reading.”
“In the most recent general election Fine Gael promised to cap childcare costs at €200 per month per child, and it would do that within 100 days of the new Government. It also promised to create 30,000 new early learning places. It was a commitment made in a manifesto that I am sure was widely read by parents across the country. I can only imagine that now, two weeks after the budget, those parents must be feeling deeply disappointed and let down. Fianna Fáil made similar pledges of a €200 cap and measures to improve price transparency. These were not musings. They were not wishful thinking. They were explicit commitments made to voters. For families really struggling and banking on this reprieve from the huge outgoings they have on top of the already skyrocketing cost of living, this is a major blow.”
“We need clarity, and we need it now, because everyone is watching. The occupied territories Bill is something that the Irish people do, in fact, care about.”
“I was disheartened that not one word of the Taoiseach’s speech included reference to the occupied territories Bill. Before the election, the Taoiseach told people this would be a priority. When did it stop being a priority? The Government has proven that it can act with urgency when necessary. In the face of international law being systematically broken by a genocidal regime, where is that urgency now? The Taoiseach spoke very well about the concept of a just peace. This is what the occupied territories Bill would provide. It would provide justice for Palestinians who have had their land and their homes violently stolen for years. This is about justice. It is about ending the impunity Israel has had for decades. That is why I ask the Taoiseach to be clear with us when he says it is not implementable. Do not be coy.”
“The horrendous increase in violent expansionism in the West Bank, as well as the horrors of the genocide in Gaza, make it imperative that we do not facilitate Israel's further illegal theft of Palestinian land. Frankly, a waterered-down version of the occupied territories Bill would award that expansionism. We either believe in and uphold international law, or we do not. It is that black and white. The inclusion of services in the Bill is not some nice little extra to have; it is actually a legal obligation we must meet. The people of Ireland have always stood on the side of justice. The majority of people in this country do want the Bill to be passed as a matter of urgency and for services to be included. Successive Governments have prevaricated on and slow-walked this legislation. The public is watching, and we must deliver this.”
“Over the past few days we have heard from the Taoiseach that the inclusion of services in the occupied territories Bill is not implementable. This is completely at odds with the recommendation of the foreign affairs committee, which unanimously agreed, on a cross- party basis, on the inclusion of services. Could the Taoiseach please be frank about what aspects of services he specifically believes are not implementable? The foreign affairs committee met with eminent EU and international lawyers who established a clear legal pathway for the inclusion of services. Furthermore, officials from the Department of foreign affairs said that the failure to include services would mean that we would not be compliant with the International Court of Justice's ruling.”
“I move amendment No. 2: To delete the first paragraph under “acknowledges that:” and substitute the following: “- Ireland, as part of the international community committed to international law, will continue to support and stand in solidarity with Ukraine;””
“I also offer my support to the robust sanctions regime and for looking at other practical steps we might be able to take. Senator Ahearn talked about the importance of reconstruction. We also heard from Ukrainian ambassador earlier about critical energy infrastructure being systematically targeted, with people now looking to a long winter with attacks on energy, and what more can Ireland do in that space to help the rebuilding.”