Patricia Stephenson
Labour Panel · Social Democrats · Ireland
“A number of us on this side of the House have concerns around what this is opening us up to. We are concerned that we do not have the correct protections and safeguards in place to ensure that the supply will be State-owned and State-led because it is not included in the definitions in the legislation.”
“The world is literally on fire in some places. We have a forest fire in Ireland for the first time in years perhaps. I know we sometimes have them in the Mourne Mountains in the North. This is cause for concern, not just for future generations but for us today.”
“I thank the Minister for coming in. This is a really positive step. I am delighted she is pushing it forward. By and large, the oral contraceptive is incredibly safe. A lot of well-studied medicines are available. Over-the-counter oral contraception has been recommended by the WHO since 2019.”
“I move amendment No. 1: In page 7, between lines 22 and 23, to insert the following: “ “emergency” means a situation where the State is experiencing a significant and protracted physical disruption of gas supply, or other catastrophic deterioration of the supply situation, and where— (a) all relevant market-based measures have been fully…”
“The Department has stated this facility "will provide the resilience required to support our energy transition" and that "the reserve will only be used in genuine emergencies", yet there is no definition in this Bill of what the Government means by an emergency and when that would apply.”
“We also have to be mindful of the burden it will place on pharmacists without the correct resourcing for pharmacies to deliver the scheme to safeguard against them withdrawing from this or any future scheme simply because they feel they do not have the resources to deliver it in a timely manner.”
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“My colleague, Deputy Cian O'Callaghan, sought clarity on the Minister's comments that there would be a very small number of projects and programmes and that it would be disproportionate to require every project to be brought to the House of the Oireachtas for assent. There is a tension between the Minister's assertion that there would only be a small number of projects and the fact that there are hundreds of worthwhile projects in the national development plan, for example. Transparency is crucial here in how the Minister would decide what projects make it into a very small number of projects and which get bumped down the list. How will that be decided on? How will some projects be determined to be more important, more crucial and more critical than others?”
“It is of great importance that the rationale behind major planning decisions requiring extensive public funding is subject to oversight and democratic debate, particularly when we have seen issues in areas around this, notably the national children's hospital, in terms of overspend and something that is yet to be delivered. Providing Oireachtas oversight should be seen as best practice to provide transparency over the delivery of critical infrastructure. We are all in favour, I assume, of seeing public services improved in a timely and cost-effective manner. The Department need not seek to take critical decisions alone but should allow certain decisions be brought to the Oireachtas to be probed and critiqued to get the best possible result.”
“It was incredibly frustrating that one of the only pieces of legislation that will probably come through the infrastructure committee was waived and we were not given the time. We could have done it in two or three weeks and we were not afforded that. Regarding this amendment No. 2, I welcome the overall intention of the Bill. We obviously have a major gap when it comes to the development and delivery of critical infrastructure in Ireland. This amendment refers to the concentration of powers in the Minister's Department in relation to infrastructure and the potential lack of transparency that could occur from that. I believe such decisions should be made with oversight of the Oireachtas, coming back to the whole role of parliamentary democracy and the role we play within that.”
“I move amendment No. 2: In page 5, to delete lines 22 to 26 and substitute the following: “(4) A draft of the designation order shall be laid before both Houses of the Oireachtas,and the order shall not be made unless a resolution approving the draft has been passed by each House.”. I thank the Minister for coming in. I want to touch on something Senator Boyhan said around an insult to parliamentary democracy. I want to reiterate my disappointment and frustration around the waiving or pre-legislative scrutiny for this Bill. It is a really important Bill. As other Senators have said, it is crucial legislation and that is why having pre-legislative scrutiny conducted like that is part of the process of making sure legislation is good and strong. It is one of the unique roles parliamentarians have.”
“Regarding the tech companies, we do not talk about it all the time in this space, but we see harmful online culture that endangers women and children and misogynistic norms being promoted by online platforms. This is part of the ecosystem. When we talk about prevention, we have to talk about education. We have to stamp it out in our online spaces and every aspect where we see this kind of violence being normalised.”
“It includes more housing and more refuge space for survivors, as noted by Senator Cosgrove, and stronger measures to remove perpetrators from homes because we see woman in this cyclical place where they can call a number and seek support but they are worried that they are going to go into homelessness and they do not take that step. As we know, leaving is the one of the most dangerous times in a survivor-victim's life. They do not feel that they have anywhere safe to go. They worry they are going to end up in homeless accommodation. Legislation is coming to the Chamber this week, but we need to ensure that survivors are not forced to choose between counselling and pursuing a case and access to justice. It will require stricter regulation.”
“I note the tragic death today of Noreen Daly, a woman in her 80s in Waterford who was killed in her home. We urgently need a host of other interventions from the Government as domestic violence and gender-based violence figures increase, and women continue to be killed. It feels like almost weekly this year that we read of another woman who has been killed. That includes reform of the civil legal aid system, which the Minister is working on. I have concerns that he is not reforming it against the minority report. It includes raising the eligibility thresholds so survivors can access justice.”
“Several stakeholders warned that victims may be deterred from releasing their name to the register for the fear of retribution with Rape Crisis Ireland noting that the possibility of such a register being publicly accessible could present a risk to victims and their families. That is particularly relevant in smaller communities and rural communities. The public availability of information disclosed to the register could make it relatively easy to identify a victim. We need to carefully consider these risks. A more controlled disclosure model may be preferable whereby a current partner can direct request for relative information. I note the concerns around the time that a perpetrator remains on that register and concerns that is, in fact, too narrow. This is a welcome measure, but it will not solve femicide alone.”
“Furthermore, the committee recommended that relevant summary convictions be included on the register, particularly breaches of domestic violence orders, especially in incidences where there are multiple convictions. Under the current proposals, such convictions would not meet the threshold for inclusion. This is creating a real false sense of security as a woman may presume that a partner who does not appear on the register poses no risk despite having a history of domestic convictions that fall below the legislative threshold. Another significant concern raised was the need to protect against potential retaliation by perpetrators.”
“I join colleagues in acknowledging the tireless work of her family to bring this Bill to fruition and of Fianna Fáil Senators to ensure that her legacy will protect and empower countless other women who are facing the same situation, and what a legacy to have. Several recommendations were made on the proposed register during pre-legislative scrutiny that I wish to raise with the Minister. First, concerns remain that the range of offences covered by the Bill are too narrow. While I welcome the inclusion of harassment and stalking offences under section 10 of the Non-Fatal Offences Against the Person Act, as well as offences under section 2 of Coco's Law, the committee also recommended the inclusion of offences under section 4 of Coco's Law. Why has that not been reflected in the Bill?”
“I acknowledge Jason and Joe Poole and all their tireless advocacy. It is testament to how hard they have worked for their sister and daughter to get this over the line. I thank them very much. I acknowledge David French for all of the work that he has done for his sister, Valerie. The Social Democrats welcome this Bill. The introduction of a register has a potential to act as a crucial safeguard for women suffering from abuse. All too often women are killed by men. Frequently, it is their former or current partners who have prior convictions for domestic violence. All too often women have no knowledge of this. As we know, this was tragically the case for Jennifer Poole.”
“What protections and safeguards will be in place to avoid that very thing happening? We proposed an amendment in the Dáil which would have effectively closed this loophole by allowing only single operators to be exempt from regulations and requiring those providing care to more than one client to seek an exemption from HIQA. This is something I might consider bringing forward on Committee Stage.”
“It is a short-sighted outlook to undervalue and underinvest in care and our care workers both in terms of those paid and unpaid, who through their service make such a vital contribution to the State and society and we should treat them accordingly. Returning to the Bill, I reiterate the concerns of my colleagues regarding its provision for the exemption from regulation of service providers with three or less clients. The pre-legislative scrutiny report recommended that all State-funded services should be covered by this legislation and the associated regulations. On Report Stage in the Dáil, my colleague, Deputy Rice, noted the Social Democrats' concerns that this proposed approach could provide a potential loophole for unscrupulous employers who could exploit it to create a series of small providers to shirk their regulatory obligations.”
“This is of significant concern given the rising demand that we will see in the coming years. It is thus vital that we properly value and compensate care workers starting with paying them a real living wage and the payment of mileage, which is particularly pertinent for rural workers. The recruitment crisis is compounded by the cost-of-living crisis. We have heard directly from Age Action Ireland that a lot fewer migrant care workers are coming to work, with the housing shortage and rising costs of living deterring would-be low-paid care staff. Even outside big cities, it is just too expensive to live in Ireland.”
“We know that there is a huge reliance on the private sector with the ESRI estimating that over 7.6 million home support hours were privately purchased in 2022, accounting for over a quarter, 26%, of all home support hours provided that year, which reflects the over-reliance on the private sector. Turning to the Government's long-awaited statutory home support scheme, when can we expect the delivery of this key programme for Government promise, which is also part of the Sláintecare reform? This has been promised again and again, but we have still seen no delivery and no concrete timeline for that. I will briefly acknowledge the work of our care workers. We know the deepening crisis the sector is facing in terms of workforce recruitment and retention.”
“It also breaches Ireland's obligations under the UN Convention for the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Urgent action and investment are needed to tackle the scale of the unmet need in this area, which we all know is only going to grow in part due to our ageing population. Waiting lists are already sky-high, and we are seeing real regional disparity in access, particularly for rural communities outside of Dublin and the commuter belt, which are not seeing the benefits from increased funding and workforce measures. The warnings in terms of increased demand are stark. A 2025 ESRI report found that between 2022 and 2040, annual home care hours would need to increase from 28.7 million to between 45 million and 55 million hours.”
“Although this is a crucial if long-overdue step, it also does not deliver what is badly needed and that is a statutory home support scheme, as promised by the Government nearly a decade ago in January 2017. We know there is a growing unmet need for home care services in this State among older people and people with a disability, with the demand for home support far outstripping supply. The current inequitable model for long-term care in Ireland incentivises nursing home care, thereby denying many older people the choice and right to remain at home for as long as possible. The lack of home care provision by the State risks forcing individuals into unnecessary or premature admission into hospital or residential care undermining the Sláintecare vision to provide person-centred care at home and within the community.”
“The Social Democrats support this Bill to provide for the regulation of home support services. The statutory right to home care is something that we, as a party, have long advocated for. I acknowledge that this regulatory framework plays an important role within that. The legislation is long overdue. The current situation whereby home care services remain unregulated is simply not tenable. The absence of any oversight, minimum standards or regulations for the sector has undoubtedly put vulnerable service users at risk. It is shocking to think that at present if a provider is not receiving State funding, there is absolutely no obligation for them to comply with HSE standards and policies.”
“Do we agree that we are breaching our own sovereign independence by permitting this to happen without any exemptions in place? That is what is happening. I am frustrated that there cannot be any opportunity for collaboration on this issue. This is something people really care about. It is not just me off doing my well-intentioned stuff. This is something that has meaning to the people of Ireland. I really cannot fathom why we would see Palestinians shackled in Shannon Airport and not try to put mechanisms in place to prevent that. I am deeply disappointed that the Government will not allow the Bill to progress to Committee Stage, where we could work together to amend it. I am serious about working across the floor on good legislation that addresses serious legislative gaps.”
“We know that weapons have been flown through Ireland on the way to Israel. We know that there are weapons being flown through Ireland for which exemptions have not been sought. That is breaking our own rules. I can only assume that the Government is happy with the status quo , does not find this egregious breach to be a problem and believes the fact that it undermines our neutrality to be perfectly okay. None of the statements today challenge that. None of the statements actually engage with the policy intent of the Bill. It was all about potential challenges to implementation, points I utterly disagree with. There was no meaningful engagement with the issue. Do we agree that we are breaching our neutrality by allowing these planes to fly through Ireland against our own rules?”
“The legal advice I have received from the OPLA tells me that, if a person was subject to rendition in Ireland, a court would find that he or she had constitutional protections. I do not agree with the three points the Minister of State put forward as to why this Bill is not being allowed to move to the next Stage and amended to strengthen it. The Bill is legally sound and implementable. There seems to be an absolute misunderstanding. I believe that may be on purpose and that there may be a wilful desire not to really and meaningfully engage with the detail of the Bill and the idea of the inspection regime, something that came out of a previous government. I did not pick this out of nowhere. It is bound in previous debates in the Dáil and in the Seanad. We know that weapons are being flown through Ireland.”
“There were questions around enforcement issues and sovereign immunity. The Bill was drafted with sovereign immunity in mind. It seeks to push the policy objective as far as possible within what is permissible. This is why it is framed as an express stipulation as part of an invitation to fly or land. We have pushed sovereign immunity to its limits. We are requesting that state aircraft respect human rights. It is entirely directional. Should we not want to give that direction? Should we not want to tell aeroplanes that land that we would like them to respect human rights? Should that not be a basic requirement? There was also an assertion that constitutional protections would not be applied to non-citizens.”
“However, the Government is unwilling to do so. The Government is not serious when it comes to this issue. It is not seriously willing to engage. I have been told that I am well intentioned. I am, but I also see a serious legislative gap in this area. It is a serious issue. Our own rules are being breached. As I said before, I did not create the rules. They were created by the people who sat in these Houses before us. Instead of offering any solutions to this problem, the ongoing egregious breach of our own sovereign rules, the Government is just saying that this Bill will not work. It is not willing to commit. I have demonstrated an openness to cross-party collaboration but the Government will not work with me on this. It did not do it with the previous Bill, the arms embargo Bill, either.”
“On the grounds for opposing the Bill, I personally do not see an issue with the transfer of ministerial responsibilities. It happens all of the time. Frankly, I do not care which Minister provides the exemptions. My primary focus and the sole focus and purpose of this legislation is to implement tighter controls in respect of the inspection of aircraft. I am not remotely tied to any vehicle or mechanism or to a particular person exempting state aircraft. What I care about is making it more difficult for ICE deportation flights to stop over in Ireland and stopping the illegal transportation of weapons. I therefore feel a bit frustrated. It is a bit pathetic of the Government to oppose the Bill on this ground because it knows that this could have been worked through as part of the legislative process, including on Committee Stage.”
“It has been going on for two years. When will this investigation land on our tables? When will we know that the Department actually knows what is going on? Someone else said that we cannot direct planes but, of course, I never said we should. Senator Higgins was very clear on the purpose of this Bill. If a plane does not land, the company can be fined. We know about these planes from the manifests. It is not secret. I have listed them all out before. There was an assertion that this could not be effectively implemented. As I have said, this is a very implementable Bill, unless we do not believe in the Office of Parliamentary Legal Advisers and think it is not up to scratch. I do not believe any of us in this Chamber would agree with that.”
“The Minister of State who was here before Deputy Buttimer said that it was too expensive to do this and to enforce our own rules. I believe he also used the term "onerous", which is extraordinary language to use when we are talking about enforcing our own rules. All we are asking for is an inspection regime. There seems to be some sort of vast misunderstanding on the other side of the House as to what the Bill actually does. People kept talking about military flights. This Bill actually does not deal with military flights in any way. This is about the inspection of civilian aircraft that are carrying weapons. It seems to be suggested that weapons are not actually being carried through Ireland. That is absolutely factually incorrect. I noted a comment that the Department's investigation has been ongoing since 2024. That is fantastic.”
“These are things that just exist - that we have signed up to, ratified and written ourselves and, yet, under the current practice we are just turning a blind eye to all of those things. Do not ask, do not tell; it is not happening; we do not know it is happening; we cannot inspect it; we are powerless. I do not believe that is true. If there is a will, there is a way, and this legislation is a pathway. I urge the Minister of State to seriously consider working with me on Committee Stage to strengthen it.”
“I thank the legal drafters at the Office of Parliamentary Legal Advisers, OPLA, for ensuring it is sound and robust. I would particularly like to thank Ms Maeve Gleeson. I thank the tireless staff of The Ditch and the volunteers of Shannonwatch, who provided so much of the factual evidence in my statement today. In light of all of this, I ask the Minister of State to take this Bill seriously and understand that it actually fulfils our own obligations and sovereign roles under the Constitution. I did not make us a neutral country. I am glad that we are one. I did not write the Constitution. I am glad the safeguards are in there to emphasis our neutrality. I did not write the Chicago Convention or the Hague Convention.”
“Is the Government happy that weapons that may have been used in Gaza, Lebanon or Iran have flown through Ireland? Does that make us proud? I think that is a stain on us as a country. It seriously calls into question all of Ireland's credibility on issues of peace. We are seeking to earn a seat on the UN Human Rights Council this year, while at the same time, people have flown through Shannon, shackled together to be deported to what is effectively a warzone. We allowed that this year and this year we seek to be on the UN Human Rights Council. The dichotomy is stark and I have got to say it feels like pure hypocrisy. We should be following the likes of Spain, Switzerland and Austria, which have all restricted airspace to US military planes en route to Israel. I would like to finish by emphasising that this is a good and strong Bill.”
“However, if we are serious about conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacebuilding and our peacekeeping work, we simply cannot allow this practice to continue. We often hear from the Government that Ireland is perceived as an honest broker internationally at the UN and different forums. Does the Minister of State think we can actually claim to be an honest broker while allowing these weapons, which are tools of war, killing, maiming, murder and destruction, to fly through Ireland? This is a direct question. Can the Minister of State not see how wrong that is? On the one hand, the Government says it wants global peace and an end to the killing of children in Gaza, and it is a sentiment I strongly agree with but, on the other hand, we facilitate the transportation of killing machines.”
“They are just faceless, nameless people but they are not faceless, are they? They are humans with loved ones, with people who cry over their deaths and feel their absence like an ache in the hearts. I have no doubt that the Minister of State and his colleagues at Cabinet feel their pain as much as I do. I am not claiming to have any monopoly on empathy but the Government has to wake up and see that it facilitates this violence when it allows these weapons over our skies or in our airports. "Ireland the peacebuilder." We often hear this refrain - that we are peacebuilders. People see us uniquely in the world because of our history, what we have done, and the great things we have done for peace across the globe.”
“I am sure that will be a very uncomfortable thought for many of us but it is simply what is going on and this is why my Bill matters. The issue is not going to go away. We should not really be having our hands in any violence. I do not believe any of the Irish people want any part in indirectly facilitating the death and destruction of Palestinians or anyone else across the globe. Why would we facilitate any elements of war by allowing weapons to transit, and why would we undermine our own standing internationally? The vast majority of Irish people - 77% - supports Irish neutrality. They do not want to see weapons flying through this country. We are obviously facing a world that is more complex than it ever was before. Civilian suffering has been normalised. The number of dead people in places like Palestine has lost all meaning.”
“In the face of Government inaction and hand-wringing about the inability to inspect flights, this Bill provides an inspection regime to put a stop to this illegal practice. I refer to explosives, detonators for use in missiles, missile launchers, sniper ammunition, grenades, handguns, tear gas, parts for F-35 jets - all items used to murder and main Palestinian civilians and journalists, bomb hospitals and target ambulances in Gaza. These inventories are listed on the airway bills of flights passing through Irish airspace and that is simply a fact. Far from doing everything we can to aid the people of Gaza, the Government is repeatedly facilitating the US and Israeli war machines to commit violence in the Middle East.”
“Is this Government willing to acknowledge what the dogs on the street know? Weapons are routinely transiting through Ireland without approval. It is a direct breach of our rules and national sovereignty. Is the Government turning a blind eye? Is it wilful ignorance or does it really believe that it has no power to have any oversight over this? Given the number of military exemptions routinely made, I assume that the Government is not particularly interested in knowing what goes on in our skies and in policing the consistent breaches of our rules. However, I appeal to the Government's own self-expressed commitment to neutrality and ask that it seriously consider the proposal before it. This Bill only seeks to codify into law powers that will enable the Government to enforce its own existing rules.”
“The Taoiseach said, "We're not going to be flying planes, shadowing planes, that's not going to be a reality, let's be honest." I agree that shadowing planes would be utterly ridiculous. However, our current enforcement mechanism amounts to relying on the word of private companies that they are simply not doing it. It is a system of blind trust. Just last week, Amnesty joined legal action against the Belgian subsidiary of FedEx for the alleged illegal transit of arms through Belgium, including parts once again for F-35 fighter jets. That is another example of multinational companies showing their utter disregard for domestic law. That is the very reason we need to have a random on-the-spot inspection regime. The Government previously claimed that we were powerless.”
“Patrick's Day trip that there were no weapons landing in Shannon, but we know that there are weapons routinely transiting through Irish airspace on civilian planes. Eamon Ryan said in the Dáil in 2024 that "unless an air operator has sought an exemption to carry munitions of war, there is no mechanism by which my Department will have knowledge of the type of cargo that is being carried on such overflights." In 2024, the Taoiseach claimed that the Government had no prior knowledge of civilian aircraft that had illegally been transporting weapons through Irish airspace with overflight permission. The Taoiseach said that all the Government could do was simply tell airlines that they were not allowed to do it.”
“The Irish Times reported this year that there was a significant uptake in these flights coming through Ireland before and during that war. Of course, correlation does not always mean causation, but that an increase of 248 flights went unchecked in Irish airspace due to an administrative error is alarming. How can we be confident that the Government knows that there is nothing of concern in these planes that pass overhead when it cannot even accurately count the known flights, never mind the others? Beyond the known exemptions, the Government has routinely held that there are no weapons landing in Shannon or being transported through Irish airspace. Just this year, the Taoiseach said during his St.”
“It is my expectation that no Government would ever provide an exemption for ICE-style deportations and would therefore stop these flights landing in Shannon. However, if the deportations are conducted using commercial airlines, the provisions for random inspections in this legislation would provide safeguards. I wish to move on to the issue of weapons flying through Ireland, which is the so-called do not ask, do not tell rule. We know that the Minister of State's Department regularly provides exemptions for military planes to land in Shannon. I do not agree with it at all. The practice fundamentally undermines our neutrality and credibility as a country that upholds international law when those weapons are being used, for example, in the US Government's illegal war in Iran.”
“Media reports regarding one of these flights detailed how, in January, a group of Palestinian men being deported to the West Bank through Shannon Airport were shackled by their hands and ankles, a horrifying image. Why are our airports being used to facilitate the Trump Administration's cruel and inhumane mass deportation system? How can this Government accept a situation where we have not been notified, let alone where we can prevent this kind of thing happening on Irish soil? We cannot afford to treat this kind of activity as business as usual when dealing with a rogue US Government that has shown utter contempt for human rights. My Bill extends what qualifies as a state aircraft by including custom flights, requiring ICE flights to abide by human rights standards and seek exemptions before landing in Shannon.”
“I am referring to the repeated use of Shannon Airport as a refuelling stop for a number of inhumane Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, ICE, deportation flights from the US, which reportedly took place between May 2025 and February this year. Some of these flights were part of forced third-country removals, with the individuals being deported to countries, such as Rwanda and Djibouti, where they had zero prior connection and where there have been subsequent reports of individuals being subject to arbitrary detention. Amnesty International has expressed serious concerns regarding Ireland's facilitation of these third-country removals and our potential complicity in enabling human rights violations.”
“Lufthansa, Delta and Israel's El Al have all transported Lockheed Martin combat jet munitions to Israel via Ireland - parts used to weaponise the F-35 jets that have bombed Gaza and Lebanon. FedEx, also carrying F-35 components, was aided through our airspace by AirNav Ireland. Challenge Airlines, the Belgian-Israeli airline, was under investigation by the Department of Transport in 2024, but was allowed to continue the illegal transport of F-35 jet parts through Irish airspace. The first section of this Bill responds to the growing concerns regarding the use of Irish territory to facilitate human rights abuses.”
“My Bill addresses these gaps, which were first identified by Eamon Ryan in 2024. It would confer powers on An Garda Síochána to carry out inspections of planes to deter the misuse of civil aircraft in the transportation of weapons. It expands the definition of "state aircraft" to include military, customs or police, which will need to request permission to fly over or land in Ireland, broadening the scope of who needs to inform the Government. Under this Bill, it would be a criminal offence, punishable by fine or imprisonment, to obstruct the investigation of an aircraft. These enforcement powers and the accompanying penalties laid out in my Bill would be a deterrent to any airlines that consider breaching our rules. Up until this point, it seems that no airlines have been deterred by any of our existing legislation.”
“Why do we see reports again and again on the passage of weapons through Ireland, which the Government chooses to ignore? What is the point of these rules if we do not enforce them? There has not been a single Government inspection of an aircraft in recent years. Under the Hague Convention on neutrality, Ireland as a neutral state has a responsibility to ensure that belligerents do not move troops or munitions of war through our territory. The High Court found us to be in breach of our own regulations and obligations under the convention in 2003. We have heard consistently from the Government that it simply does not have the power to carry out on-the-spot inspections of planes and that it lacks any legislative basis to do so. As such, I have brought that legislative basis.”
“However, commercial airlines are also being used to ferry weapons through Ireland without any oversight by the Government. Our laws unequivocally forbid the passage of weapons through our airspace. Banning the transportation of weapons through Ireland is not new. It has been a long-standing principle borne out in Ireland's neutrality. The Chicago Convention on International Civil Aviation states that no munitions of war may be carried in or above the territory of another state except by permission. The Taoiseach has previously noted that it is expressly prohibited for civil aircraft to carry munitions of war in Irish sovereign airspace without being granted an exemption to do so by the Minister for Transport, so the Government knows the rules.”
“The Government's stated justification for opposing the Bill does not engage in any meaningful way with the policy intent behind it. The Bill identifies a serious legislative gap in the inspection of flights. It is designed to address the gaps expressed by the former Minister, Eamon Ryan. He committed under the previous Government to address this matter. Did this policy issue fall under the new coalition? Does the Government not care about these overhead flights any more? Has the issue just completely changed for it? It is bitterly disappointing that the Government is opposing the Bill instead of meaningfully engaging with it. Shannon Airport has been used as a transatlantic gateway for US military operations for the past 30 years. Weapons have been carried by military planes, which are required to apply for diplomatic clearance.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming in. Of course, I am disappointed that it is not the direct line Minister, given the importance of this legislation. The Bill is a response to the ongoing evidence that weapons are routinely transiting through Ireland. I understand that the Government is opposing this Bill on the basis of some very minor arguments. We have a ten-Stage legislative process in Ireland for the purpose of amending legislation. This Bill was drafted by the Office of Parliamentary Legal Advisers, OPLA, who have advised me that it is legally sound. If the Government is not happy with elements of this Bill, I wish it would make amendments with me. I would be very happy to work with it. I have a proven track record of working collaboratively across the House.”
“Given the evidence of systematic mistreatment of dogs within the greyhound industry, we must ask ourselves why Irish taxpayers' money to the tune of nearly €20 million a year is being used to prop up a declining and ethically unjustifiable industry that sees thousands of dogs being killed every year. The industry does not enjoy widespread public support. It is reliant on Government funds to survive and I do not believe the State should be complicit in these egregious and systematic breaches of animal welfare. We must see an end to public funding for this deeply cruel practice and I would very much like to have a debate on the issue.”
“It is not credible for the industry to claim that it prioritises greyhound welfare when in addition to thousands of dogs killed each year because they are no longer considered to be profitable, hundreds more suffer life-changing injuries or are killed while racing, with common injuries on the tracks including broken legs, crushed vertebrae and dislocated wrists. During the recent hot spell, we again heard industry claims that it valued animals' welfare ring hollow. While veterinarians and welfare organisations were urging dog owners not to walk their animals in the heat, greyhound racing went ahead in Tralee despite soaring temperatures that reportedly reached 27°C. This constitutes yet another example of the systemic maltreatment suffered by animals in this industry.”
“This is an incredibly cruel industry in which the widespread killing of dogs remains endemic and raises serious animal welfare concerns. Contrary to what we have been told by the industry, which is that the welfare of racing greyhounds is its main priority and that standards are improving, these figures reveal that the mass killing of unwanted racing greyhounds continues at the same rate exposed in the 2019 "RTÉ Investigates" documentary "Greyhounds Running for their Lives". After that documentary and the fallout that came with it, Greyhound Racing Ireland committed to bringing in a traceability system to ensure greater accountability for the welfare of racing animals. However, the system has only served to further expose and not solve the welfare crisis.”
“I raise the appalling new figures that have been released by Greyhound Racing Ireland revealing that 63% of the racing greyhounds born in 2021 and 2022 that have been retired from the track are already dead. To break this down, the figures provided to the Minister for agriculture show that, as of April this year, 57% of the greyhounds born in 2021 that remain in this country but are no longer racing are dead. That is a total of 3,300 dogs. The death rate is even higher for 2022. A staggering 74% of the racing greyhounds born in that year that remain here and have been retired from the track are dead. That is a total of another 2,666 animals. None of those dogs would yet have had gone beyond five and a half years of age and the youngest was three and a half years of age. These figures reaffirm what we already know all too well.”