Patricia Stephenson
Labour Panel · Social Democrats · Ireland
“A number of us on this side of the House have concerns around what this is opening us up to. We are concerned that we do not have the correct protections and safeguards in place to ensure that the supply will be State-owned and State-led because it is not included in the definitions in the legislation.”
“The world is literally on fire in some places. We have a forest fire in Ireland for the first time in years perhaps. I know we sometimes have them in the Mourne Mountains in the North. This is cause for concern, not just for future generations but for us today.”
“I thank the Minister for coming in. This is a really positive step. I am delighted she is pushing it forward. By and large, the oral contraceptive is incredibly safe. A lot of well-studied medicines are available. Over-the-counter oral contraception has been recommended by the WHO since 2019.”
“I move amendment No. 1: In page 7, between lines 22 and 23, to insert the following: “ “emergency” means a situation where the State is experiencing a significant and protracted physical disruption of gas supply, or other catastrophic deterioration of the supply situation, and where— (a) all relevant market-based measures have been fully…”
“The Department has stated this facility "will provide the resilience required to support our energy transition" and that "the reserve will only be used in genuine emergencies", yet there is no definition in this Bill of what the Government means by an emergency and when that would apply.”
“We also have to be mindful of the burden it will place on pharmacists without the correct resourcing for pharmacies to deliver the scheme to safeguard against them withdrawing from this or any future scheme simply because they feel they do not have the resources to deliver it in a timely manner.”
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“We need to be clear that there can be no tolerance of the intimidation of Irish public servants for doing their jobs. We cannot allow multinational platforms or foreign states to dictate what protections we can or cannot give the people of Ireland. It is unacceptable ethically, politically and democratically. The Social Democrats believe in freedom of expression. We believe it is the cornerstone of our democracy. However, so too is the freedom to live without fear, especially fear stoked by hate and weaponised online. We need to have a debate in this Chamber about ensuring the right of our public servants to do their jobs free of intimidation so they can do their work and respond to what we, as legislators, instruct them to do with our democratic mandate.”
“Hate speech legislation is about criminalising incitement to hatred and violence. We see threats made online every day to attack legislators like ourselves, gardaí and people involved in solidarity movements. Many attacks specifically target women in the public eye. Threats of sexual and physical violence, including death threats, have been made. Political representatives have seen a notable increase in this behaviour in recent years. In addition, the United States Secretary of State recently threatened visa restrictions for foreign nationals working in regulators simply for doing their jobs. This amounts to threatening Coimisiún na Meán staff for doing their jobs and responding to EU directives. That type of interference is a threat to the Digital Services Act.”
“It is better than Stephanie. I get Stephanie a lot. The rise in hate speech in recent years both online and offline is very real, measurable and corrosive and causes great harm to those who fall victim to it. In 2022 alone the Garda reported a 29% increase in hate speech and hate-related incidents. Marginalised communities, ethnic minorities, LGBTQ+ people and people with disabilities are the communities bearing the brunt of this violence and hate speech. As legislators we have a duty of care to protect them not just in principle but in law. Ireland was given two months to begin implementing the EU hate speech laws or face being taken to the Court of Justice of the EU. The date for that legislation to be passed is 7 July of this year. This is not about criminalising free speech. We all support free speech.”
“I acknowledge the Minister of State's comment that there are legal drafting concerns rather than constitutional issues, which is welcome. I wish to reinforce the following: amendment No. 24 maintains exiting monitoring requirements under updated terminology. There is not an added cost in respect of enforcement agencies or the State. The amendment prevents offenders from seeking relief on technical grounds and some of the measures have been effective in other legislative updates that perhaps we can look to as well. It ensures that public safety is not compromised during that legal transition. I am sure there will be plenty of opportunities in the drafting process to ensure that that is in line.”
“This amendment inserts new section 33A to address a critical gap in offender monitoring. Without the provision, individuals currently subject to notification requirements under the Sex Offenders Act might challenge their obligations on technical grounds when terminology changes. This amendment ensures continuous monitoring of all registered offenders without interruption, maintaining public safety while the legislative framework updates.”
“That is not sex; that is rape. Another one stated "Teen involved in sex act with older man". She was not involved in a sex act with an older man; she was abused. This kind of reporting does not just fail survivors; it also retraumatises them. It shifts blame and keeps the focus away from the adults who have caused that harm. We must be better than that. We must expect better of our media. We must lead by example by changing those words in our laws. I commend Senator Eileen Flynn. I understand the Government will be accepting these amendments, and I commend it on taking that step. This is a great example of co-operation and moving forward on these types of issues.”
“It uses the words "child exploitation material" instead. That matters because it tells the truth. It acknowledges that we are looking at harm that is irreparable and devastating, and not something that should ever be normalised or minimised through language. It is not just in the context of that law that this matters; it also applies to the media. We often see headlines in this country which have described child abuse in terms that obscure reality. I acknowledge the work of Fix It Ireland, which is a campaign by the sexual violence centre in Cork that has been tireless in exposing the kind of media reporting that does real damage. We may have all seen these headlines, but I will mention a few. There are headlines like "Man had sex with 12-year-old girl", as if a 12-year-old could ever legally or meaningfully consent.”
“When it comes to child sexual abuse, we have allowed the language to soften the violence, to protect the perpetrator and to downplay the suffering of the children involved. The term "child pornography" is used as if it is just another form of adult content, which it is not. It is a misleading term which suggests something consensual and transactional, but there is no such thing as consensual sex involving a child. That is not pornography. It is documented sexual abuse and evidence of a crime. Every time we use the term "child pornography", we participate in a culture that conceals the truth of what is happening to those children. As legislators, we cannot allow this to continue. I appreciate the Minister of State's comments that he is committed to seeing those changes. This amendment brings us in line in terms of morality.”
“I support Senator Flynn's Bill. I know she has been working on it for a long time. It is a really important issue that brings us in line with things like the Luxembourg guidelines. Obviously, words matter. The power of words in legislation reflects our society, which is why the change she is introducing is so important. It is long overdue. It confronts language that we have tolerated relating to the abuse of children and it demands that we confront the truth. We need to acknowledge the horrific abuse that is happening in some of these awful cases. I have spent a great deal time in this Chamber talking about harm, whether that is in medicine or in policy. I know the damage that can be done when we dilute the truth. A similar dynamic applies here in terms of the dilution in the words we use.”
“There is no contributory pension for decades of unpaid forced labour. There is no legal obligation on religious orders or pharmaceutical companies to contribute a cent, something that even the special advocate has called out. The Bill once again places the burden on survivors to make themselves eligible to the State, to apply, to wait and to accept what they are given. Human rights have to be at the core. Rather than looking at this through a legal lens, we should be looking at it through a human rights lens. That would bring greater equity and justice for survivors.”
“It was for mass rape, starvation, beating, deprivation of education, the destruction of many families and the robbery of culture, issues which have never been properly addressed. That speaks to the extent of the abuse and the horror that was visited upon people and their families. My party leader, Deputy Holly Cairns, has spoken powerfully about the Government's callous and discriminatory approach. She has argued that the redress scheme feels more like an obstacle course that people are supposed to jump through rather than a pathway to recovery and justice. Holly has highlighted the pattern - eligibility narrowed, timelines rushed and trauma ignored. The Bill continues down that road. We have the enhanced medical card, but that is meaningless for some survivors because it does not guarantee access or trauma-informed care.”
“Women who spent time in State maternity hospitals, children who are denied recognition because they did not spend six consecutive months in an institution and families broken by forced adoptions and lifelong secrecy are all being excluded again. Excluding people from redress undermines the very apology the State gave in the first place. How can the State claim to apologise while actively leaving some survivors behind? I will read from a letter from Ms Catherine Coffey O'Brien, who is with us today. She writes: Twenty-five years ago we were given an official State apology. An apology along with legislation and redress was given to us by the Irish State but what was it for?”
“Thank you. When the State brought forward a scheme that focused on managing legal liability rather than the human rights needs of survivors, we had limits, delays and exclusions. It forced survivors to prove themselves again, to plead and to be retraumatised. This Government has had multiple opportunities to do the right thing regarding survivors, and every time it seems to choose the narrow the scope in order to avoid legal obligations. More survivors become retraumatised through the system, the hoops involved and all the bureaucratic processes. This cannot really be described as justice. It is an institutional failure being repeated once again in respect of people who are already survivors and victims of the system. The Government's special advocate has expressed concern at how many survivors are being left behind.”
“These bonds are directly funding Israel’s military action in Gaza, which means the Irish Central Bank is responsible for approving the prospectuses for the bonds, enabling their sale across EU member states. By approving these prospectuses and allowing financial institutions to sell or hold these bonds, the Irish Central Bank is effectively providing the capital to the Israeli state to fund its military actions in Gaza and indeed the West Bank. This is not a neutral act; it has moral and political consequences. I urge the Government to support the motion and urge the House to consider what other actions it can take on Gaza.”
“I also want to raise a matter of serious concern regarding the unlawful detention and abduction by the Israeli occupation forces of civilians from the humanitarian flotilla on Sunday night as they sailed in international waters. While we know no Irish citizens were on board, we know the civilians who were on board, many of whom are citizens of EU member states, were engaged in humanitarian action that many in this country support. Eight of them remain in detention, the conditions of which, allegedly, remain very poor. Today, my colleagues in the Dáil have introduced a motion to end Ireland’s role in facilitating the sale of Israeli war bonds.”
“I support Senator O’Loughlin’s contribution on the condemnation of Hungary Pride. It would be fantastic to have a debate on this issue. I have already raised it at the Council of Europe and will continue to do so. It is a big issue. I ask for a discussion on further action that we can take regarding Gaza, and particularly what the Minister could do to work with member states to invoke the “uniting for peace” UN General Assembly resolution, Resolution 377(V), to convene an emergency special session of the General Assembly. I have raised this here before and it came up in an unopposed motion by the Labour Party in the Dáil. I would also like this House to call on the Government to impose sanctions on high-level Israeli ministers, as the UK did yesterday.”
“I do not welcome the idea that if we pass this motion, we will not have an opportunity to vote on the proposal again, as I believe the Minister of State said at the end of his statement. If we pass this motion, the Oireachtas as a whole will not have a chance to review it. This shows a lack of transparency. It is difficult for us, as Members, to vote on something we have not seen. That is what ultimately what it comes down to.”
“We need amnesty for families and children who have been here for years, who have set up their lives here and who have contributed positively to their communities. They should not be the victims of the system we have failed them on. The Government talked about having a rules-based approach. I believe in having a rules-based system and it is good, but we have circumstances in which the State breaks its own rules, and vulnerable people end up as collateral damage. There are complexities within negotiations for readmission agreements. We cannot send someone back to Kazakhstan, for example, if they are facing political persecution. I know the Minister of State agrees with that and I am not saying he would not, but I am sceptical about the Government’s approach to migration given that context.”
“However, we are having this discussion at a time when the Government’s record on removals and deportations is cruel and coming under some serious and deserved scrutiny. Last week, we saw the removal of children and families who had integrated into communities and schools. In fact, a principal was quoted as saying the sudden deportation of two pupils felt like a death. Deportation notices are hanging over families who have been living in Ireland for years. This is a consequence of the fact that our migration system is completely broken. I recognise the Government is taking serious steps to fix that, but this broken system has enabled circumstances in which people who have been living here for years and started new lives here are re-victimised. They are the victims of our broken system, and there is no human rights within that.”
“As we all know, Kazakhstan’s record on human rights and civil liberties and its treatment of political dissidents have been the subject to serious international concern. As Ireland considers opting into the negotiation mandate, it needs to do so with the idea of oversight and accountability at the core. I stress that migration is a human reality. At the heart of it are people. They are not just numbers or policy issues. They are individuals who are often fleeing instability or are in vulnerable circumstances and whose personal safety is highly at risk. They deserve our protection where appropriate and legitimate and, of course, where cases are valid. Deportations are, as I have stated before and as the Minister of State and colleagues have said, part of an effective migration system.”
“Our support for any international agreement, particularly one that concerns migration and return, must be grounded in a clear, enforceable commitment to human rights, dignity and due process. I am sure we would all agree this is non-negotiable but we do not have evidence of the exact terms in this motion. The Minister of State has referred to the Geneva Convention, the European Convention on Human Rights and the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. These are great references but we have seen that international law seems to have very little meaning in practice, given what is happening in Gaza. Unless it is followed up with oversight, enforceability and accountability, which we need to see in the readmission agreement, it is all just words.”
“We have no context, and it seems a bit strange that we are being asked to approve something in respect of which we have no oversight. Although the Minister of State talked a little about the Geneva Convention, I do not see in the briefing note the safeguards that will be put in place regarding human rights obligations during the negotiation process. It seems that this might be a routine technical measure, particularly given how low the number of Kazakhstani citizens seeking protection in Ireland is, but that does not matter because, ultimately, the decisions on shaping the kind of migration system we have in Europe and in which Ireland participates on a European scale must come from a perspective of human rights.”
“This is the first time I have had a chance to have a discussion with the Minister of State in the Chamber. I welcome him to the House. We are being asked to consider whether to support the entrance of Ireland's negotiation to the Council decision on the readmission agreement with Kazakhstan. I recognise the important role readmission agreements play when it comes to the overall migration system. There are many questions and uncertainties because we do not have the specifics. The Government is asking us to approve a motion which proposes we that start negotiations on the readmission agreement. However, we do not know the terms of that agreement. This sets a very bad precedent, and we need to understand the negotiating criteria before we approve the motion.”
“We all watch what is going on in the news, we all feel helpless and we all feel like we are not doing enough but I have outlined many credible and meaningful actions we could be taking here. I hope the Government will take it seriously and that we will take credible action on Gaza.”
“We believe these actions will make a difference and go beyond solidarity and state recognition. I welcome the new words we are hearing from the Government and I will work with Government on the foreign affairs committee to get these things done. The Minister of State knows that. Senator Ahearn should not laugh; I am being genuine. I am devastated by what is happening in Gaza. We all are but there is not enough action being taken. We have called for this and I am delighted that we are finally having a debate in this Chamber on the matter. We have been in the Seanad four months now and this is the first time we are having statements on this. This is not a laughing matter. I am sorry that I am getting emotional but we are all emotional.”
“Again, I ask why we are permitting the use of the IHRA definition of antisemitism, which this Government has endorsed. This basically condemns any criticism of the actions of the genocidal Israeli state as antisemitic. Why has this Government endorsed that? It is not credible action. Why are we allowing dual-use products and military weapons to fly over Ireland, effectively facilitating the delivery of arms that are being used to kill children? Why are we doing that? If we say that we are doing everything in our power to meet our obligations under the Genocide Convention, why are these things still happening? That is what people are out there protesting and campaigning for every day. It is not a matter of Opposition versus Government as Senator Ahearn has suggested.”
“As the small nation we are, Ireland alone cannot stop this genocide. I know that. I am not naive. However, we could be doing a great deal more to put pressure on the Israeli state and to lead in Europe with credible action. Why is the Central Bank still selling Israeli war bonds, which effectively finance the actions of the Israeli state? The OPLA provided advice this week that stated there is no legal issue with the Central Bank restricting the sale of Israeli war bonds. The Central Bank is facilitating the sale of these war bonds. That is the truth and the Irish Government seems to have no interest in doing anything about it. My colleague Deputy Cian O'Callaghan stated clearly yesterday that legal advice from Oireachtas lawyers says that stopping the sale of these bonds is compatible with EU, international and Irish law.”
“When the ICJ told us to do everything in our power to oppose the genocidal actions of the Israeli state, why did we not immediately expedite the passing of the occupied territories Bill? Why has the Government prevaricated up to this point? Why do we not have a commitment to include services in that Bill? What are we waiting for? Are we waiting for Gaza not to exist any more? Are we waiting for the genocide to spread into the West Bank? When are we going to consider it safe enough and politically expedient enough for us to actually take this action? Last week, my colleague Deputy Hearne called Gaza "an open-air extermination camp". These are strong words that will, for most of us, evoke the most gruesome and inhumane part of the 20th century. While we look on, history repeats itself.”
“While the Minister of State might not agree with me, I believe the Government has been wanting on this. It has failed to respond to the will of the Irish people to impose any meaningful sanctions because of what is happening in Gaza. For too long, we have relied on strong words of condemnation. I welcome the Tánaiste's commitment to passing the occupied territories Bill but I would still like an answer as to why it has taken this long and the motivation for delaying it up to this point. We have heard from the former Minister, Roderic O'Gorman, that, when he was in government, the Attorney General did not have any issue with the services component of this Bill. Services make up the vast majority of trade with the occupied territories. The watering down of this Bill does not denote the strong action on Gaza the Tánaiste claims to want.”
“I do not take that as a small action. However, for many months, the Government has cited this quite frankly meagre action as evidence of how well we have done in response to the killing of tens of thousands of innocent civilians. There is a genocide taking place in Gaza and we have legal obligations under the UN Genocide Convention to take credible action on it. This week, the Tánaiste said we do not need any more strong words on Gaza, that we have had enough strong words and that we need strong action. I welcome those remarks but it is frustrating because we have been asking for strong action for a very long time. While Ireland might be seen as a leader in the world for its stance on Gaza, the self-congratulatory back patting has become a little bit tiring and frustrating for people when we have been calling for more meaningful action.”
“I am delighted he asked that question because I am going to outline some tangible and meaningful actions we can take in respect of Gaza. I believe everyone in this Chamber feels the same level of horror, disgust and, perhaps, helplessness as I do when we read about and see every day the onslaught of violence and terror taking place in Gaza, where almost 60,000 are now dead. I am not trying to take any ownership of grief or pain in that regard. However, while we all share in the same words of condemnation, it is simply not enough. We have seen incredible levels of civic solidarity in action from normal everyday people in Ireland. It is something that makes me really proud to be Irish. We have seen actions of solidarity from this Government. Notable among these is the recognition of Palestinian statehood.”
“I will share time with Senator Cosgrove. I thank the Minister of State for coming in. In his opening remarks, Senator Ahearn commented that he thinks the Opposition are just playing politics with this and that we do not really believe the Government has not done enough. I take great umbrage at that comment. As someone who grew up in post-conflict Belfast and who has worked for years in peace building and human rights activism, I really do not believe the Government has done enough. I am not trying to say that the Opposition is good and the Government is bad, as the Tánaiste said. It is not about that at all. It is that inaction is bad and action is good, as my colleague Deputy Gibney said this week. The Tánaiste asked what more we can do.”
“This legislation, coupled with targeted infrastructure and investment in local businesses and public spaces, offers a good blueprint for reversing urban decline, as Senator Noonan previously said in his intervention. It is important for breathing life back into our towns and cities. It is about creating vibrant, inclusive, sustainable communities where people can afford to live and thrive.”
“There were roughly 11,000 applications for the vacant property refurbishment grant last year and yet only 1,349 were paid out. I recognise there is a drawdown period within that. I was actually a recipient of the vacant property grant. I am deeply familiar with its operation. I am grateful I got it but there are so many challenges with it that it makes it deeply inaccessible for many people. The fact that very few applications have been paid out points to a major issue in how these grants are being implemented and puts into question how seriously the Government is tackling the issue of vacancy and dereliction as one method of increasing the housing stock and bringing back the towns and villages.”
“I particularly support the town centres policy of this Bill, which brings a specific planning process for dealing with the over-the-shop units and older structures to ensure they can be brought back into residential use. This approach recognises the unique challenges posed by older buildings, particularly around the issues of fire safety and disabled access, and it proposes nuanced, practical solutions to address them. The Government has introduced some measures to tackle vacancy, such as the vacant homes grant, but the implementation of this scheme has been deeply ineffective. There are challenges around fire certificates, building standards and accessibility. The lack of support and resources for those looking to refurbish vacant above-the-shop units is currently limiting the potential to bring these units back into residential use.”
“Some local authorities across this country have successfully and effectively used compulsory purchase orders to address vacancy, but the Bill will compel them to purchase derelict homes that have been on the register for two years. There are local authorities that have not been as effective or as successful at this and, therefore, the homes lie vacant. The Bill proposes a new vacant home tax at 3% of the market value. My colleagues in the Social Democrats would seek a 10% tax to truly disincentivise it, but I support any actions, including this Bill, that bring in more credible action on vacant homes, which, quite frankly, are a scourge on our society during a housing crisis. Beyond this Bill, we need to push for more bolder action to tackle the crisis.”
“I very much welcome and support the objectives of this Bill, which aims to robustly address vacancy and dereliction by transforming the derelict sites levy into a robust derelict sites tax, collected by Revenue as opposed to local authorities, thus ensuring the taxes are systematically collected, which will ensure efficiency and reinvestment into affordable housing. For far too long, the vacant property tax in Ireland has been totally ineffective. The Bill also has provisions to modernise the derelict sites register with the aim of accountability and transparency regarding who owns those sites. This transparency is also critical for tackling the issue of vacancy.”
“As we all know, town centres are the lifeblood of our local communities, particularly in rural areas. Our town tempters include local shops that have been around for generations, or perhaps new entrepreneurs with local businesses opening cafes, which, again, are important community hubs. A major element of our town centres is also about above-the-shop living and residential properties, many of which now stand vacant. The impact of this is twofold. First, as I mentioned, people are not able to live in those homes although we have high homelessness figures. Second, it has an impact on the vibrancy, liveliness and safety of our towns. We have talked about community safety in the Chamber previously. Having people living in town centres and city centres contributes to safety.”
“That is in the context of the worst housing and homelessness emergency the country has ever faced. We hear consistent rhetoric from the Government that it really wants to tackle this housing emergency, yet a Bill that would contribute to tackling that emergency is being delayed by 12 months. The rates of vacancy and dereliction are appalling when we consider the number of people in this country who do not have a home, the hundreds of hidden homeless and the people who have been forced to emigrate because they do not have any hope of being able to buy a home in this country. In the face of this housing emergency, every vacant and derelict property represents not just housing potential but also an opportunity to reinvigorate our communities.”
“I thank the Minister of State for coming in. The wind was slightly taken from my sails by the vote, so I hope I can find my place and what I was thinking about saying. I welcome Senator Noonan and the Green Party bringing forward this Bill. It existed in a previous iteration during the previous government, which is why it is particularly disappointing that the Government has tabled an amendment to postpone it for 12 months, given that the former variation of this Bill was already in place. I disagree with the rationale that it needs to be looked into more, and certainly not for 12 months, when we have reports of up to 100,000 homes lying vacant throughout Ireland, including countless buildings standing in complete neglect in our towns and cities.”
“We need to rebalance towards public investment in housing, healthcare and education. In his opening remarks, the Minister spoke about not using windfall on ordinary spending. I agree with that but we need a lot of substantial investment in ordinary, everyday things and we should be exploring reinvesting in those and, of course, in climate resilience, which the Minister mentioned in his opening statement. I add my support to Senator Clonan’s remarks about the rights of people with disabilities in this country and how they have been excluded, disenfranchised and disempowered. We all know – it is not news – that they have had their rights in this country systematically undermined and violated.”
“Without immediate and sustained action, we risk having another generation completely locked out of home ownership or, indeed, having anywhere to live. That deepens inequality and constrains economic growth. The housing emergency has left us vulnerable and we are relying heavily on institutional investors, which has led to a reduction in the housing supply. We need urgent State intervention to provide housing infrastructure if we are ever to achieve a sustainable economy. Senator Murphy touched on the point around large-project capital spend. Some projects have been less successful in terms of value for money and we need to crack down on that. We cannot have wasted spending on capital projects that may not have been planned out properly. In that context, I would suggest a reimagining of Ireland’s economic policy.”
“There has been debate about this and we had a Mercosur briefing last week by Commission staff, but that briefing did not alleviate any of our concerns. I know I am not alone as an Opposition Senator in that. Some Government Senators and TDs shared those concerns. I do not know whether there is even space to do anything, given that I believe the deal will be signed off at Brussels level in a few weeks, but the farming, rural and agricultural community does not feel that its concerns have been listened to or responded to in respect of Mercosur. That is deeply disappointing. At home, we are grappling with our own crisis, the housing emergency. CSO data shows housing supply has completely failed to meet demand, pushing up property prices while rents are at a record high.”
“My colleagues and I in the Social Democrats want to see an economic model that prioritises Irish interests and indigenous businesses first and foremost and, as such, the challenges we are seeing around CETA and the Mercosur deal are concerning. Many components of the CETA deal are in place but we would challenge the taking-away of the sovereignty of the Irish courts through the dubious investor court system, on which there has been a Supreme Court ruling. With Mercosur, we are effectively reducing the competitiveness of our beef on the international market. That will reduce both food and environmental quality standards, thus putting our farmers on the back foot compared with South American exporters.”
“We need to focus on building a resilient and equitable economic model that supports our amazing indigenous industries and specifically strengthens workers' rights and prioritises, above all else, sustainability. We do have excellent and strong indigenous businesses in Ireland. The Government should be supporting them in identifying new markets for them to grow and prosper in. I want to emphasise the point about preparedness and response mitigation planning by the Government to ensure we have economic resilience to deal with the external shocks. Some might be to do with tariffs or economic shocks but they could also be climate related. We do not know where the road lies ahead relating to climate shocks. Our over-reliance on one key trading partner puts us at great risk, so diversification is key.”
“My colleagues, Deputies Gibney and O'Callaghan, have both called for the EU to repurpose the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund, which was originally set up to deal with job losses as a consequence of globalisation. Are there different mechanisms that exist in Europe that we can use to think about the uncertainty of tariffs and the impact that might have on employment? The threat of tariffs also exposes the deeper structural vulnerability we have in our economy, which is our over-reliance on multinational corporations and global trade. Obviously, we live in a global world but if we continue on the path and fail to diversify - Senator Murphy already talked about the need to diversify as well - we risk being caught in more crossfire of trade wars and the general geopolitical upheaval that faces us in the years to come.”
“Having said that, the implications of the tariffs are quite extreme if they were to come in. I recognise the work the EU is doing and the Government is doing in supporting the negotiations over the next few weeks and keeping Irish interests, in particular, at the heart of those negotiations and making sure the Government is leading on that. I welcome the Government's work on continuing that partnership and really strengthening that aspect of European unity in light of the US threats. Equally, we need to mitigate, prepare and think of the worst case scenario if the tariffs are introduced and what supports we can put in place. I hope the Government is putting plans in place for supports for workers and businesses and these things are being planned as contingencies for the worst case scenario.”
“I thank the Minister for coming in. I apologise for missing his introduction. I know we are all trying to split ourselves in two at the moment. I will also miss his response as I am going to a committee but I will watch it back afterwards. I read the Minister's opening statement and as he said, along with most of the other Senators here, we are obviously facing unprecedented challenges and a lot of global instability. We had more remarks last week from Trump about the imposition and threat of tariffs. We all know the consequences if those tariffs were put in place on our economy and the impact it would have on the high-quality jobs we have here at home. I welcome the Minister's remarks around keeping a level head. U-turns have happened before so I do not think we need to necessarily panic.”
“When it comes to discrimination, it ain’t no game with me. I am a proud Pavee Lackeen, can’t you see? Despite the animosity, I’m a proud Pavee Lackeen. I wish the world would seek to understand me. I am proud to be me regardless of society, and what faces me. I know I’ve got the backing of my community. Being individual is hard, but I will always seek to be unique in a world where being different is wrong . I was always taught to stand out and be strong. My life sometimes prevents me, But I will always fight for what is right And for my right to not have to fight to be me. In a world where my unity unites me I strive to be the best version of Pavee Lackeen Me.”
“Life expectancy for Travellers remains shockingly low compared with the settled population, as much as 15 years lower. Suicide rates are six times higher among Travellers than the settled population. Those are pretty grim statistics. Worse still, even when funding is allocated to address inequality, it has often gone unused. The Irish Traveller Movement has highlighted the persistent underspending of Traveller-specific budgets by local authorities and Departments. This is shocking in light of the inequality the community faces. I will spend the rest of my time today acknowledging the work of local Kilkenny poet Samantha Joyce by reading her poem "Pavee Lackeen", which speaks volumes to the discrimination and resilience of the Traveller community. It reads: I am a proud Pavee Lackeen, even though you may not see.”