Simon Harris
Wicklow · Fine Gael · Ireland
“There are more than 10,000 routes and thousands of buses involved and the number of students using the services is not a million miles away from 200,000. The current terms of the scheme are going to continue to apply for the 2026-27 school year.”
“I thank Deputy McDonald for raising what is genuinely an important issue. I do take the point that when we talk about this in the abstract or from a process point of view in here, that for people watching this is their real lived experience.”
“There number of children who have been supported by means of the school transport scheme, as Deputy Fitzmaurice knows and has alluded to, has grown significantly in recent years. Since 2018, the number increased from 120,000 in 2018 to more than 181,000 now. Included in that figure are 24,000 pupils with special educational needs.”
“I knew the Deputy would have to mention the GAA, especially with Galway and Limerick playing at the weekend. I wish everybody involved the best of luck. We are very committed to the school transport scheme. If the Deputy wants to see our commitment, he should look to our budget.”
“An ageing population, increasing healthcare needs, the transition to net zero and the need for continued investment in housing, energy and infrastructure will place a significant demand on public resources.”
“There is also a legitimacy to the point the Deputy made about how it is a legitimate form of transport for some people. We see this working in other European countries. We see it in our nearest neighbours. I do not want to get the regime wrong, but I think they have registration at the point of purchase that allows people to track this.”
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“As regards legacy more broadly, I hope that in the coming weeks we can reach a framework such that the two Governments can say, "This is a good way forward on the issue of legacy across this island." That will be a very significant moment for victims and families. I met a number of victims' groups yesterday on this. I met all the parties in Northern Ireland on this last Monday in Stormont, and we are working intensively to see if we can find a way forward.”
“I am quite sure the Taoiseach has raised it with the British Prime Minister and the Taoiseach and I have discussed it on a number of occasions. The Irish Government feels very strongly about this. At the moment, it is a statement of fact there is no available mechanism that is Article 2 human rights-compliant other than a public inquiry. Bridie Brown is in her late eighties. She deserves answers about the murder of her husband. I will continue, as will the Government, to make that point at every opportunity in our engagements, including all our engagements with the UK Government.”
“I join the Deputies in commending Bellaghy GAA and the GAA more widely. The president of the GAA, Jarlath Burns, attended the meeting with the Brown family when they came to see me. Sean Brown was a good, decent man locking up his GAA club when he was brutally murdered 28 years ago. Not only have no answers been given to his family and no Article 2-compliant investigation established, there have been clear active efforts to suppress information. It is also very clear from the rulings of the High Court and the Court of Appeal in Northern Ireland that a full public inquiry is required and the involvement of agents of the UK state with regard to the murder of Sean Brown needs to be answered for. The family needs those answers. The Taoiseach and I are ad idem on this.”
“I will continue to raise this case with the Secretary of State in my discussions with him and to keep in close contact with the Brown family, their representatives and political representatives in this House and Northern Ireland, for whom I know this is an issue of the utmost importance, as it is for me.”
“These include the rulings of the Northern Ireland High Court and Court of Appeal which identify a public inquiry as the only remedy; the material released by the Coroner's Court linking agents of the UK state to the murder; and the repeated frustration of a thorough investigation of the case by state agencies. These are important elements. My Department participated in the supervision of a review of the case following the report of the Police Ombudsman, which did not receive the information subsequently found by the coroner. Information was withheld from the various investigations to date.”
“This is something that has never been provided to them. This is not just my view. It is also the view of the courts. The courts in Northern Ireland have made clear their view that the Independent Commission on Reconciliation and Information Recovery as established by the UK Legacy Act cannot offer that remedy and that a public inquiry is currently the only mechanism available that can do so. This case is exceptional in a number of respects. I know there is a lot of hurt and a lot of victims and unanswered questions in terms of truth, justice and accountability in Northern Ireland, but this case has exceptional characteristics.”
“The various investigations conducted since the murder have failed to provide the answers needed by the Brown family and they have waited too long for the truth. I raised the case of Sean Brown with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in our first call after I took office in January as well as in a number of subsequent calls, most recently at the end of last week. I also discussed the issues with Secretary of State Benn at the meeting of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference at Hillsborough Castle last month. As I said when I was in Belfast last week to meet with the party leaders, it has been the long-established position of the Irish Government that the Brown family must have access to a mechanism that is compliant with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.”
“I propose to take Questions Nos. 177 and 243 together. I met with Sean Brown's family just over two weeks ago on what was the 28th anniversary of his murder. I was struck by Bridie Brown and her family and the anguish, pain and hurt they have been put through. The family have shown enormous strength and resilience in pursuing this case. I commended them on their tireless campaign for truth, transparency and accountability over the past 28 years. I reiterated to them that I will continue to use any influence I have, now and at every point, and that of the Irish Government to bring about a resolution that is acceptable to them. They want a public inquiry, they deserve a public inquiry and they need a public inquiry.”
“There is really good and intensive engagement between the two Governments - my Department and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Hilary Benn. I am hopeful - it is not guaranteed - we can try to reach a landing zone in the coming weeks that could see us take an important step forward on legacy, which would be so important to so many people across this island.”
“I do not have specific insights into provisional findings from Operation Denton. I know it is hoped the report will appear in the coming months. We all hope this provides families and survivors with much-needed answers. I will continue to make the point, as will the Minister for Justice, regarding the importance of this information being provided and, more broadly, the issue of legacy. The Irish Government wants two things to happen with regard to legacy. We want a legacy infrastructure that is human rights-compliant and we want something that can bring victims and survivors, or at least as many of them as possible, with the process. Neither of those circumstances exist with the Legacy Act.”
“My colleague, the Minister, Deputy Jim O'Callaghan, and I continue at every opportunity to pursue this matter. The Deputy is right that we want to get to an agreement in terms of a framework on legacy, whereby truth, reconciliation and justice can be accessed by people right across this island. It would be extraordinarily helpful for the British Government to recognise the express wish of this House and come forward with that information.”
“I agree with everything the Deputy said on this matter. I fully acknowledge that very country has a right, even an obligation, in regard to its national security. However, that cannot become a cover for not providing assistance that could and should be provided. This House and successive Governments have constructively put forward proposals as to how that access to information could be provided. Not much is unanimously agreed in here but the Dáil has unanimously adopted four all-party motions calling on the British Government to look afresh at our urgent request. We did so in 2008, 2011, 2016 and 2024. The motions called on the British Government to allow access by an independent international judicial figure. We thought that was the way forward.”
“We continue to make every effort to facilitate co-operation with legacy investigation bodies outside of this jurisdiction, such as Operation Denton and Operation Newham under the Kenova body of work. We eagerly await the publication of the Operation Denton report in the coming months in the hope it will provide families and survivors with long-awaited answers. It is important to reiterate that the investigation into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings remains an open case in this jurisdiction. Any new evidence that comes to light, from whatever source, will be fully and rigorously pursued by the Garda authorities.”
“The absence of a substantive response from the British Government to date in respect of those requests is a matter of great concern. I raised this directly with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland at our first in-person meeting here in Dublin. It was also raised by the Minister for Justice and me on 24 April at the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference at Hillsborough Castle. I will continue to raise this issue and take the clearly expressed will of this House forward in all future engagements. In line with the commitment in the programme for Government to address the legacy of the conflict in this jurisdiction, the Government remains committed to finding truth and justice for the victims' families and the survivors of these heinous attacks.”
“I thank the Deputy for raising this issue and for consistently keeping it on the agenda in his time in the House. It is important that is done. Earlier this month, as he noted, we marked the 51st anniversary of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974. Those brutal attacks claimed the lives of 34 people, including an unborn baby, injured hundreds more and shocked the country to its core. More than five decades on, it remains deeply regrettable, to put it mildly, that no person has been held responsible for the attacks. This House has unanimously supported four all-party motions calling on the British Government to allow access by an independent international judicial figure to all original documents relating to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.”
“The IFA is on the Government trade forum, which gives it a seat at the table in terms of trade policy and stakeholder engagement as we go forward. Europe really needs to crack this issue because we need more free trade agreements and we need to work out a way of bringing farmers with us, not just in Ireland but across the European Union.”
“However, as we go forward, we must look at how we can involve farmers and the agriculture sector in protecting their interests much earlier in the process in order that we do not end up with a trade agreement that has good elements but leaves us asking, "What about the farmers?" That is not a clever way for us to proceed. We will want and need more free trade agreements and we must think about how we bring farmers and their interests with us from the start of the process rather than getting to the end and wondering whether there is any way to make it work for farmers. That sequencing is completely wrong. We will continue to engage on Mercosur with like-minded countries. Our programme for Government commitment still stands.”
“It is some of the best produce in the world, we are proud of it and it is an important part of our economic model. I made the point at the recent working lunch of the Foreign Affairs Council's trade configuration that Europe, including its member states and the Commission, must get better at working out how we can engage with farmers and the agriculture sector earlier on in the process. Otherwise, this issue will arise time and again as we seek to make other free trade agreements. Our position on Mercosur is outlined in the programme for Government. I am not changing it or deviating from it. I ask the Deputy, please, not to think I am.”
“I will say more on CETA another time when we can have a proper debate. If we cannot ratify a free trade agreement with Canada in the middle of all the turbulence that is going on in the world, I am concerned. I cannot think of a better, less offensive nation to trade with and have a trade agreement with than Canada. Let us have that debate when the time comes. It is for another day. The Deputy provoked me there. I want to make a broader point regarding Mercosur, which is that free trade is a really good thing. I say that as Minister with responsibility for trade. The IFA is a member of the Government trade forum. Most of what Irish farmers produce is exported and I want them to have lots of places where they can sell their produce.”
“There have been good efforts but I am sure we have not reached the level of clarification and assurance we in Ireland require. That work continues. I am also sure that is the position of a number of member states. There are some who seem to have a position that is somewhat evolving on this situation. In the interim, my Department and other relevant Departments are continuing their own detailed analyses, continuing to consult with other member states and seeking further clarification and information from the Commission. It is expected that the Commission will present the final agreement package either late in quarter 2, which could be next month, or early in quarter 3, which would be after the summer recess.”
“It can go as what is called a mixed agreement - this would require unanimous member state approval, which clearly does not exist; or it could go as a split agreement, with the trade elements applied on an interim basis, which would require approval at Council under qualified majority voting. That is where the question arises as to whether there is a blocking minority, for want of a better phrase. My sense of the situation is that a number of member states remain resolute in their opposition. An acknowledgement from some countries that the Commission has made steps to try to make improvements around the sustainability agenda and other important aspects, including empowerment of women and making the climate provisions of the Paris Agreement much more binding, would be helpful.”
“I had a significant one-on-one meeting with my French counterpart specifically about Mercosur. Our links and engagement with France on this remain intense and ongoing. Our position within the European Commission is very well understood. I do not think other member states would be in any way surprised by Ireland's position. What happens next is important. At the moment, the agreement is undergoing a legal scrubbing, after which it will be translated into all the EU languages. It is worth repeating that there is still a degree of uncertainty over what form the final Commission proposal to member states will take. There is one of two ways it can go.”
“My officials and I have continued to engage at EU level at every opportunity, with both the European Commission directly through the trade Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič and with counterparts in EU member states, including France, to voice our concerns with the agreement and to interrogate the outcome of negotiations to assess if our concerns have been adequately addressed. I am not convinced they have been. While our engagements with the Commission and counterparts in other EU member states are continuing, Ireland’s position on the EU-Mercosur agreement remains as clearly outlined in the programme for Government.”
“Our position is clearly outlined in the programme for Government, which states that the Government will work with like-minded EU countries to stand up for Irish farmers and defend our interests in opposing the current Mercosur trade deal. In our trade negotiations, we have always been guided by standing up for and defending the interests of Irish farmers, along with securing enhanced market access opportunities for them and agrifood exports from our country. On 6 December 2024, the European Commission announced that it had concluded negotiations with Mercosur. Since then, officials from my Department and other Departments have been carefully analysing the text of the additional legal instrument addressing sustainability commitments.”
“As a small, open economy, we depend for our prosperity upon good two-way trading relations with the nations of the world. That is an important context. Ireland has traditionally always been a supporter of free, fair and open trade, in particular via the EU's free trade agreements. That is why I sought approval for legislative change at Cabinet this week that will allow us to ratify CETA, the free trade agreement with Canada. We have always been clear, however, that such agreements must defend our vulnerable sectors and that our farmers’ livelihoods must not be undermined through weak or ineffective environmental standards in other countries.”
“I propose to take Questions Nos. 174 and 176 together. I thank Deputy Ó Murchú. His party is working him hard today. I assure him that my officials and I remain in ongoing and close contact with a number of like-minded countries, including France, which the Deputy referenced in the question, on our opposition to the current EU-Mercosur trade deal. Indeed, as I stated in response to an earlier question, I held a bilateral meeting on 14 April with my French counterpart, the foreign minister, Mr. Barrot, at which we discussed international trade developments, including the Mercosur agreement. Regarding the meeting referred to in the question, I hope the Deputy appreciates that it is not possible for the Government to attend every meeting but Ireland is very active in this space.”
“At EU level, co-ordination among member states has also increased to ensure that sanctions are implemented in a harmonised way. What we really need to see now is European unity on continuing the sanctions and the rollover of sanctions. Hungary must play its part in this, but regardless of Hungary's position, we are going to keep the sanctions in place. We also need to prepare an 18th package of sanctions. I will provide the Deputy with a further note on the shadow fleet, given his interest in it.”
“The sanctions are being enforced in Ireland. EU regulations have direct effect in Irish law so it means they must be complied with in the same way as domestic Irish legislation. As such, a natural or legal person who contravenes the provisions of an EU sanctions regulation would be guilty of an offence and liable to prosecution. We have seen an unprecedented scope of sanctions adopted by the EU since February 2022 in respect of Russia's illegal aggression in Ukraine. This has required an increased level of co-ordination and co-operation on sanctions across Government. My Department chairs the cross-departmental international sanctions committee, which monitors, reviews and co-ordinates the implementation, administration and exchange of information on sanctions.”
“Far be it from me to try to predict what the US President will do, which is a challenge, but one would hope that he would join with European friends and allies in trying to maximise the pressure on Russia. If he is saying that he wants peace and he wants parties to get around the table, then there has to be, in my view, sanctions for the party that is refusing to get around the table, particularly when that party is the aggressor in the brutal, illegal war. We are continuing to engage. I should acknowledge that the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, was in Odesa recently and the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, was in Lviv. We are in constant contact and engagement, bilaterally and at EU level, in terms of to Ukraine. The sanctions Europe is putting in place are appropriate and an important part of keeping the pressure on Russia.”
“What we are now seeing is that there are two Presidents -although there is only aggressor - involved in the war, President Putin and President Zelenskyy. President Zelenskyy has said very clearly and categorically that he is willing, as is the Ukrainian Government, to accept a full, unconditional ceasefire but President Putin is not. Every day we hear from Russia and its proxies and there is always another hurdle, another if, but or caveat while, as the Deputy rightly says, we hear reports of further advances of the Russian offensive into Ukraine and the continued targeting of civilian infrastructure and crucial energy infrastructure as well.”
“To start with the Deputy's last point, that is a huge concern because, in fairness to President Trump, he has been very clear that he wants the war to end. He wants peace and the President of the European Commission, President von der Leyen, has welcomed some of the interventions President Trump has made in that regard. There has been significant dialogue between a number of senior European leaders including the British Prime Minister, the French President, the President of the Commission, Prime Minister Tusk and others who have met a number of times. As the Deputy will have seen, there were phone calls back and forth between them and the Oval Office in endeavouring to get to a position of a ceasefire and, one would hope, a negotiated, just, lasting and enduring peace.”
“That is why Ireland strongly supported the adoption on 20 May of the 17th package of sanctions against Russia, including its particular focus on measures to counter the shadow fleet. The listing of a further 189 shadow fleet vessels will limit the revenue Russia is able to generate from oil exports. I also welcome that consideration is already being given to a further set of sanctions measures. We will continue to work closely with EU partners to ensure we are doing all that we can to exert maximum pressure on Russia to end its illegal war of aggression. In addition to imposing new measures, it is also critical that the sanctions we have adopted remain in place. We have been clear that the lifting of sanctions by any country or by the European Union should only ever be considered in the context of a lasting peace agreement.”
“I look forward to further close co-operation with my counterpart to strengthen our collective response to these shared challenges. Specifically on the issue of sanctions, Ireland has consistently supported strong sanctions against Russia in response to its unprovoked and illegal full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The scale and speed of the sanctions adopted by the EU in response to Russia’s brutal aggression have been unprecedented. The broad range of sanction measures put in place are having a tangible impact on the Russian economy. They are making it harder for Russia to access battlefield goods and to generate revenue to pay for its illegal war. Given Russia’s continuing aggression in Ukraine, while refusing to accept a ceasefire and continuing to target infrastructure, it is important that we maintain and increase this sanction pressure.”
“In September 2024, I visited Kyiv and saw at first hand the appalling impacts of Russian aggression. On that occasion, I signed with President Zelenskyy a bilateral agreement on support and co-operation, which underlined Ireland’s unwavering commitment to continuing to support Ukraine and pledged us both to deepen our co-operation and partnership. Most recently, it was a privilege to be joined virtually by the Ukrainian foreign minister when he addressed the Global Ireland Summit on 6 May. The minister pointed to the global ramifications of Russia’s full-scale invasion, including by undermining the multilateral rules-based order on which we rely for peace and prosperity. Ireland’s position is clear - this war and the threat posed by Russia are not only existential issues for Ukraine but also a major challenge to the security of Europe.”
“This is an important forum for discussion on what more the EU can do to ensure Ukraine gets the support it urgently needs to defend itself and to deter future Russian aggression. One of my earliest engagements as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade was an introductory phone call with the Ukrainian foreign minister. During that call, I reaffirmed our country's commitment to providing much-needed diplomatic, political, humanitarian, economic and non-lethal military assistance to Ukraine. On 15 February this year, I met the minister on the margins of the Munich Security Conference where we had a detailed exchange on recent developments and how Ireland could further strengthen its support. I have also had a number of phone calls and engagements with the minister since then.”
“I propose to take Questions Nos. 172 and 173 together. I thank Deputy Lahart. I am committed, as is the rest of the Government, to working with our European and Ukrainian counterparts to maintain our solidarity with Ukraine and to ensure Ukraine gets the support it needs to defend itself against brutal Russian aggression. This remains a key focus of my engagements, both bilaterally and at the European Union. Ukraine, as the Deputy can imagine, features prominently on the monthly agenda of the Foreign Affairs Council. We are regularly - in fact, almost always - joined by the foreign minister of Ukraine, generally virtually, to hear directly about the situation on the ground and Ukraine’s most pressing needs.”
“Deputy Murphy is right. That was an option. It could be amended line by line or section by section. Our view was that bringing forward a new Bill was a better way of doing it. I am open to persuasion on the issue of services. It is not a persuasion that needs to be done from a policy point. Rather, I am open to persuasion as to whether it would work in this Bill. I am not afraid of infringement proceedings. There are much more important things going on in the world. However, I want to pass a Bill that is robust, practical and legally enforceable. I cannot pass legislation that I believe not to be legal.”
“As the Deputy can imagine, I will be engaging with the Attorney General as we seek to advance this general scheme. In response to Deputy Stanley's request, that was the point I was making. In the previous Government, I had conversations about whether it was possible to move forward with an occupied territories Bill. I accept that the line Deputy Murphy is quoting regarding political choice is accurate, but from being in the briefings with the Attorney General and hearing the now Taoiseach when he was in my role addressing the foreign affairs committee, it is the clear legal view of the Government that the current Bill would not have been legally permissible. That is genuinely the legal advice available to me.”
“Obviously, the position I occupy is that we have to make sure that it is legally robust. I think we all share that view. I do not like invoking her name or speaking for her - she is well able to speak for herself - but when I spoke to Senator Black I made the point that the position of my Department, from a legal point of view, was that goods were potentially legally permissible but services may not be. I also said I was happy to be proven wrong on that. There is a practical implication around services that is not in the policy space. There is a practical implication as to how you would enforce the services issue rather than the goods issue.”
“That is a perfectly appropriate question to ask. My understanding, which I am setting out without the benefit of having advice in front of me, is there is a clearer delineation of goods and services at an EU level for a member state to act. However, I intend to seek the updated advice of the Attorney General in relation to that. I take the point that Deputy Murphy made and I have heard Deputy O'Gorman make before relating to the Attorney General's advice that has been published. I do not have a policy difference with the Deputies. I am doing this, I hope, with all of them because we are horrified by the genocide we are seeing happening. We want to take an action and we hope it will inspire and motivate others and help bring about pressure on Israel to end what is happening in Gaza.”
“The Attorney General helpfully and importantly came back and identified what I would describe as a narrow way forward. I am paraphrasing because I do not have the legal advice in front of me. It is not a risk-free way forward, which we are not looking for by the way, but a narrow way forward to progress legislation. When I and many others entered the general election campaign, it was on that basis that every political party or grouping in Dáil Éireann was committing to enacting legislation in this space. I take the point on 2018 but I want to outline on the record of the House why I believe the position is different now, at least legally, than it was in 2018. Deputies Murphy, Ó Murchú, Stanley and Connolly all asked a very fair question in asking me to tell them the legal difference in relation to goods versus services.”
“I take the point Deputy Connolly makes around the date of the original Bill being 2018. That is, of course, a statement of fact. Respectfully, I make the point back that, for better or worse, trade is an EU competency, and I am happy to be in the European Union. It has been the position of successive Governments for quite a period of time that, therefore, any issues in that Bill were a matter to be dealt with at EU level rather than at member state level. The change, from the Government's legal understanding, was the ICJ advisory opinion. In my previous role as Taoiseach I asked the Attorney General to look again at the ability of a member state to do something in the context of the ICJ advisory opinion, which, as Deputy Murphy reminds us, reminded nation's of their obligation to act in this space.”
“It would be a big benefit if a number of other countries were to join Ireland in passing legislation that we believe is compatible with EU law and we were to ground that in the narrow route that is the International Court of Justice advisory opinion and the Attorney General's advice that flows form that.”
“I do not wish to speak for the Senator but I think her view is that she does not care who brings forward the legislation, once it comes forward and is advanced. The general scheme of that legislation will go to the foreign affairs committee in June. I am conscious the Chair of that committee is present in the Dáil. I will endeavour to get the general scheme to the committee as early as possible in June. I think we all agree that Ireland's trade with the occupied Palestinian territory is very limited. That is not a reason not to do this, and I am not suggesting it is. It is the right thing to do. However, all of us, through our various political movements, should be encouraging other countries to do the same.”
“The Government is also clear that any legislation regulating trade with illegal settlements will be advanced as a necessary step to comply with international law and it would be wrong for others to see it as a “boycott” of Israel because it is important that this Bill is clear on what it is and what it is not in terms of its legality. Consistent with the position of the EU, Ireland has been clear in underlining the policies and measures that distinguish between the State of Israel and Israeli settlements, which are clearly illegal under international law. I am advancing with the commitment in the programme for Government and have engaged with the sponsor of the current Bill, which the Deputy has correctly named. I have made it clear to Senator Black that our approach is to bring forward our own legislation.”
“Our diplomats do an excellent job and must be allowed to do their jobs. Turning to the question of legislation, as this House will be aware, the previous Government carried out an extensive analysis and review of the occupied territories Bill late last year. The Government’s analysis was that substantive amendments would be required to most, if not all, of the Bill’s provisions in order to bring it in line with the Constitution and try to reduce the risk of an EU legal challenge. These considerations remain central to the Government’s approach. In this regard, the new Government, in the programme for Government, sets out a clear commitment to progress legislation prohibiting goods from the occupied Palestinian territory.”
“I wish to put on the record that I was utterly appalled at reports that the IDF fired shots in the vicinity of a visit to Jenin on 21 May by a group of diplomats, including two Irish diplomats based in Ramallah. Fortunately, no one was hurt but this is clearly intimidatory behaviour that must be condemned in the strongest terms. A senior official in my Department has formally conveyed to the ambassador of Israel my strong condemnation and deep concern at this incident and has called for a full explanation and accountability for those responsible - those who decided to fire shots in the direction of diplomats. In line with its obligations under international law, Israel must ensure the protection of foreign diplomats. Our mission in Ramallah plays an important role in monitoring the situation on the ground in Palestine.”
“The UN human rights chief told the United Nations Security Council last month that the announcement that residents must not return to their homes for a year raises serious concerns about long-term mass displacement. Combined with unprecedented levels of violence and record levels of settlement construction, there is a huge risk of further destabilisation. The UN human rights office in the occupied Palestinian territory has expressed alarm at the decision of the Israeli security cabinet this month to resume land registration in Area C of the occupied West Bank. The role of the international community, including the United Nations and diplomatic missions on the ground, remains indispensable in terms of monitoring and reporting on developments.”
“Ireland has strongly supported the sanctions adopted by the EU against both individuals and entities involved in settler violence and we continue to call for the imposition of further EU sanctions. At the meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council on 20 May, Ireland called for the immediate adoption of further sanctions targeting violent settlers. At the same meeting, the Foreign Affairs Council agreed to carry out a review of Israel's obligation under Article 2 of the EU-Israel association agreement. The situation in the West Bank, where Israel is conducting its single largest operation in 20 years, is extremely concerning. It demands our urgent attention and appropriate action. At least 40,000 people have been displaced since January.”
“I propose to take Questions Nos. 169, 170, 179, 185, 191 and 195 together. I agree with the Deputy that the Bill takes on an even greater level of concern after the horrific announcement today of Israel's plans to develop further illegal settlements. The situation in the West Bank is deeply concerning. It is clearly unacceptable. I want to be clear that Ireland and the EU are strongly opposed to Israel's settlement policy and activities, including in and around East Jerusalem. In my intervention at the EU-Israel Association Council in February I called attention to our strong opposition to Israel's settlement policy and activities and to all actions that undermine the viability of the two-state solution, including extremist settler violence.”