Emma Sheerin
Mid Ulster · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“Given what we have seen unfold across the North in recent weeks, it is important that we acknowledge that they are people with particular vulnerabilities who are particularly sensitive and, with that in mind, consider our language.”
“No, I will not give way. You have rambled on for long enough in this place. <BR /> <BR />When it comes to the early clauses of the Bill, I, like others, put on the record our appreciation of the work of Geraldine Hanna and our support for the intent of Part 1 of the Bill, which puts the role that she has been carrying out impeccably thus…”
“I thank the Minister for clarifying that immigration is an excepted matter, which means that it is the responsibility of the British Government and nothing to do with the House.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Members will be aware that the DUP and some of its lackeys in the UUP cynically used petitions of concern, two weeks ago, to block rights for children.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Second Stage of the Victims and Witnesses of Crime Bill. I am proud to be from a party that consistently supports the best available human rights advice on all matters.”
“For many years, Donaldson used his position of power to abuse and to escape justice. He presented himself as a role model. We now know that that was bogus and that his public persona was a deception.”
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“Following this decision, will the Minister, at the very least, commit to robust monitoring of the dredging of Lough Neagh?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. Minister, can you provide an update on the joint programme of cross-border collaboration and enforcement to tackle environmental crime?”
“Can you start to record that, so that its high incidence and the great need is recorded properly?”
“Thank you, Minister, for your answer. I am sure that you will be aware of the extreme sensitivity of this subject, and I do not want in any way to understate that. Domiciliary care workers, as you outlined, are probably one of the most stretched of all groups of workers across our health service. The issue of unavailability of care packages in rural areas such as my constituency of Mid Ulster is a massive pressure point, for the workers on the ground and for the families that are affected. I have been informed in the past that your Department does not keep a record of the number of care packages that never get fulfilled because the person requiring a care package passes in hospital before they are allowed to enter their home with a care package.”
“Minister, thank you for your statement. Considering our reliance in 2020 on social media and the use of digital technology to advertise public health guidance in the context of COVID-19, can the Minister advise whether there was consideration at the British-Irish Council of a digital inclusion strategy to end rural poverty around information technology and broadband provision? That exacerbates the social exclusion of rural dwellers, particularly in the context of COVID-19.”
“I have written to the Minister about this, but does the Member agree with me that we should use the skills barometer for the skills strategy and include a centre of excellence for engineering in mid-Ulster as part of our strategy?”
“Minister, thank you for your answer. You referenced the transition period, and you will be aware that the clock is ticking towards the end of that period and that, for a lot of businesses, time is running out. Do you accept that, in the event of a no-deal Brexit, we will not get the clarity that we need and that, therefore, plans must be put in place as a matter of urgency?”
“Thank you, Minister. That is welcome news. Can you confirm what engagement you have had with the fishing community at Lough Neagh?”
“I thank the Minister for his answers thus far. Given that we live on an island that has its own environmental landscape and unique characteristics, none of which is affected by the boundary on the island, does the Minister agree that all-island cooperation and coordination on environmental issues is vital?”
“I thank the Minister for that. Will that be an interim appointment or a permanent appointment? If it is an interim appointment, why?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. Will the Minister outline how the Executive derive maximum social value from the money that is spent?”
“<BR /> <BR />We welcome the requirement that the Bill would put in statute to support adult victims in their physical, psychological and social recovery, including access to accommodation and financial assistance, but the leave to remain in the UK for 12 months does not, in our opinion, go far enough, as my colleagues have stated. There is no way to prescribe an appropriate recovery time. You cannot force someone to recover from such an experience within a scheduled time frame, so we support provisions that enable support and leave to remain for an unlimited period, which would effectively support recovery. We support the motion.”
“The British Government, once the authority of the biggest empire in the world — the leading colonial power, which was responsible for the entrapment of so many into slavery across the world — would go some way to righting the wrongs of the past by passing the Bill. I echo at this point the remarks of Sinéad Bradley in condemning the British Government's hostile environment policy, which does nothing to guard against the fear that is felt by those who are desperate to escape whatever it is that they are trying to get away from.”
“As we all went into lockdown, those engaged in exploitation, it seems, were allowed greater cover. <BR /> <BR />One story that resulted in the convictions of eight human traffickers last July in Poland demonstrates how crime gangs prey on the desperation and vulnerability of their victims before trapping them in a cycle of despair. The gang trafficked their victims to England on a promise of a better life, but the account of one such victim — a former Foreign Legion soldier — told of a journey into the UK that quickly turned into enslavement, beatings, starvation, a loss of dignity and an all-out attack on human decency. <BR /> <BR />It is often said that you can judge society by how it treats the most vulnerable. If we turn a blind eye to the plight of those trapped in slavery, we give a damning indictment of ourselves.”
“We can see from statistics that the NRM received 2,209 referrals in the second quarter of 2020, a 23% decrease in referrals when compared to the first quarter of the year.”
“I thank the Member for her intervention, and I agree. Mr Beattie painted a picture of a sobering and depressing reality, but it is only a thought for us. When we think of the strides that the women's movement has made, internationally, and how many glass ceilings we have broken to attain equality on many fronts, including the battle for equal pay for an equal day's work, it beggars belief that we still have human beings who are treated like they are in a chain gang, breaking rocks for a road that they will never get to walk on. <BR /> <BR />The Act passed in 2015 no doubt provided significant support to victims, but further work is needed. COVID-19 has had an impact on the detection of cases, just as it has on everything else this year.”
“Victims of human trafficking for forced prostitution, organ donation or forced labour; people working in sweat shops and underground factories; people trapped in a familial cycle of unpaid labour or debt-based exploitation — all of them are human beings, but all of them are being treated as if they are not. <BR /> <BR />The nature of what we are discussing means that all of that activity is underground, conducted under a horrible cloak of darkness, and accurate statistics are difficult to obtain. The charity, Anti-Slavery International, estimates that 40 million people worldwide are trapped in slavery, one in four of whom are children. This is something that disproportionately affects females, as 71% of those deemed to be victims of slavery are women and girls. The picture painted by Mr Beattie needs no exaggeration.”
“I support this motion, and I welcome the consensus in the House on this issue. <BR /> <BR />This Sunday, 18 October, people across the world will recognise and celebrate Anti-Slavery Day. For many, it will be a poignant time to take stock of and acknowledge the pain felt by the generations that have gone before, perhaps recalling the journeys taken by ancestors, chained and bound on a ship, to a country that they now call home. <BR /> <BR />Whilst that might be the image that springs to mind when we think of the term "slavery", this Sunday also serves as an opportunity to assert opposition to the slavery that still exists today.”
“It means that those with visual impairments can buy medicine North and South and expect to find the same Braille on the packaging. If we lose such an EU directive, rural dwellers buying paracetamol or Calpol for their children will be confronted with different instructions depending on whether they buy it in Stranorlar or Strabane. That is another complication that no one will welcome. <BR /> <BR />If we are to have a just society, it is imperative that our most protected rights are those of our most vulnerable. The protocol went some way to ensuring that. I do not regard it as Brit-bashing to ask that that is upheld.”
“If you are a driver with a disability and require accessible parking so that you can go to the pharmacy or the supermarket without any trouble, you are entitled to a blue badge, and that holds equal weight across EU states. If you live in Derry, Newry or Aughnacloy and sometimes nip across the border for your groceries or to get fuel, you know that your blue badge will be recognised and you do not have to do anything extra before commencing your errands. For a section of society that is already at a disadvantage, any further bureaucracy, form filling and chopping and changing between different systems, depending on the jurisdiction that you are in, will lead to frustration and further exclusion. <BR /> <BR />Another example is the use of pharmaceutical Braille, which is consistent across states via an EU directive.”
“Unfortunately, before we got that far, we could see the British Government reneging and abandoning the protections offered in the protocol through the Internal Market Bill. <BR /> <BR />The Human Rights Commission and the Equality Commission have advised that the proposed amendments undermine the 1998 commitment to incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights. Worryingly, the Internal Market Bill may allow the British Government to opt out of many of the EU directives that have protected rights that we have become accustomed to in the North. Those rights ensure equality of access to opportunity and services regardless of background or ability. Our buy-in, North and South, to the European Convention means that we have harmonisation of certain schemes that impact on the life of anyone with a disability.”
“No, thank you. <BR /> <BR /> — provided us with some assurances. The implementation of the protocol meant two big-ticket items for the North of Ireland, both of which have been spoken about at length and neither of which we can afford to lose. <BR /> <BR />The first of those items is the non-diminution of rights principle. That is not just something that is very difficult to say; it is a guarantee from the British Government that they will not roll back on the rights mentioned in the "Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity" section of the Good Friday Agreement. If the non-diminution principle is the belt, the dedicated mechanism would serve as the braces. It consists of the granting of funding and additional powers to human rights organisations already working in the North to hold the UK Government to their promise.”
“<BR /> <BR />Last winter, every evening, we all tuned in to a soap with far greater drama and far less predictability than anything that even the most seasoned of scriptwriters could have delivered. The House of Commons in London became the scene of a "Will they? Won't they?" that would challenge any romantic comedy with vote after vote on the withdrawal agreement. The withdrawal agreement that we finally saw signed off, whilst not perfect — remember that this relates to Brexit, so perfection is not something that is attainable —”
“It is no secret that my party's position is that Ireland would be better off without the involvement of Britain in our affairs, but to portray the conversation that we are having as an opportunity to vent is insulting. It is insulting to all the people on the ground who worry about the impact that leaving the EU will have on their daily life. We are in a mess that is not of our making. We did not vote for Brexit, but we are where we are. We are getting dragged out against the will of the majority in the North. Our position now should be about how we can make the best of a bad situation. As the saying goes, "Half a loaf is better than no bread".”
“As for the accusation of Brit-bashing, this is not personal for us with the Tories. It is personal for our constituents and for the communities that we all represent.”
“I will address your comment, which I know was meant in a disparaging tone, about the influence that Dr Archibald has in our party. Caoimhe, like me, is an elected member of the Sinn Féin ard-chomhairle, so she does hold quite a bit of influence in Sinn Féin. We are a democratic party, and this is something that is important to us all. <BR /> <BR />Contributors across the Chamber, including you, remarked on how repetitive this conversation is. This year has seen all of us lurch from one crisis to another. Brexit fatigue is now so 2019. It has been compounded by COVID fatigue in 2020. As boring as this might be for some, the reality is that, much like when you are talking to a petulant child, when you are speaking with the British Government, you sometimes have to repeat yourself.”
“As a consequence of Brexit, we are losing the rural development programme that you mentioned. What has the Department planned to replace it, and how will it be funded, given that the substantial bulk of its funding came from the EU?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. My understanding is that, if implemented, the strategy would cut staff pay across the board, remove the cap on teaching hours and remove collective bargaining rights for teaching staff who oppose it. I am aware of serious concerns that departmental officials have failed to engage with trade unions and representatives on the changes. Minister, at a time when we are trying to support workers and families, will you give a guarantee that you will not subject teaching staff to unfair and exploitative conditions?”
“I thank the Minister for her answer. Minister, you will be aware of the level of anxiety that exists around the virus. I am very conscious that, for anyone who cannot log in from the kitchen, the stress around COVID-19 will be exacerbated by the moral dilemma that they now find themselves in. The fact that, for most people, statutory sick pay is so much lower than a week's wages means that they are forced to choose between feeding their family and keeping themselves and others safe. Minister, will you advise the House whether you will consider some form of financial package to mitigate the financial loss to low-paid private sector workers who are asked to self-isolate and do not have the option to work from home?”
“I thank the Minister for his statement and answers. What steps will he take to work with his counterparts in the South to ensure that the COVID surge plan will prevent spread of the virus, particularly in border regions?”
“The protocol and the withdrawal agreement protected our rights as listed in the ECHR and the Good Friday Agreement via two mechanisms: the non-diminution of rights, which is, in layman's terms, a guarantee from the British Government not to roll back on rights; and a dedicated mechanism in the form of funding and powers to human rights organisations that work here in the North to hold them to that promise. The Internal Market Bill risks both those measures. Considering the British Government's form, I have grave concerns.”
“Although that is an example that trivialises the issue, for our migrant population, many of whom will have language barriers and the challenges of racism and stereotyping to deal with, it is yet another barrier and yet another attack on their rights. It isolates and disenfranchises a group of people who have come here to make a better life for themselves and who enrich and bring diversity to our society. <BR /> <BR />The charter went further than the convention to protect immigration rights. Now the Tories are trying to give themselves Henry VIII powers to override EU immigration legislation post-Brexit.”
“No, thank you. <BR /> <BR />Imagine having to present your passport going through a checkpoint on your way to work in the morning, on your way to get groceries on a Saturday or with your children in the back seat as you collect them from school. We are less than three months out, yet we do not know whether that will be a reality. <BR /> <BR />For EU migrants who have made their home here, it looks as though they will require an electronic travel authorisation (ETA) to go into the Twenty-six Counties, making constant applications in order to commute. If you were born in Portugal but are now playing football in Dungannon, you will need an ETA if your team draws one from Monaghan, Cavan or Donegal in the Ulster Championship.”
“For anyone who lives on or around the border, that is not something that you will endure once or twice a month whilst on a visit to your granny, safe in the knowledge that you will soon be enjoying contraband Coca-Cola hidden from your mother. Instead, it will be a daily inconvenience. Imagine having to present your passport —.”
“Of course, on continued access to and exercise of EU rights, opportunities and benefits for Irish citizens in the North, we still have no clarity as to whose responsibility that will be. It has already been acknowledged that, for cross-border justice cooperation, no deal will leave us with a gap in law enforcement capability generally. <BR /> <BR />I am lucky enough to have been born in the 1990s, but, with one parent from another jurisdiction on this island, crossing the border was a common feature of my childhood. My memories of soldiers peering in through the window as we drove over Lifford bridge are few, but they were fraught with fear and anxiety, which I inherited. We do not want to go back to having army checkpoints.”
“<BR /> <BR />When the chief executive of the Human Rights Commission presented to the Executive Office Committee a couple of weeks ago, I asked him whether it was likely that we are going to have a situation in which Irish passport holders end up with more free movement rights than British passport holders. He told me that, all through the negotiations, the commission was told that there would be an: "inevitable asymmetry of rights". <BR /> <BR />Gardaí in the Twenty-six Counties can ask for passports from non-EU citizens. Post-Brexit, a British passport holder from the North is a non-EU citizen. Does that mean that you have to carry your passport if you are British but that I do not because I am Irish?”
“No, thank you very much. Not after the way in which you spoke to my colleague. <BR /> <BR />The Internal Market Bill, on the other hand, potentially gives the British Government the power to override those things. We have seen in recent times that, under immigration law, the British Government regard us all as British, even though the Good Friday Agreement stated that we could be British, Irish or both, as per a person's own identity. I have to renounce a British identity that I have never had. However much that might grate on me, it does not change my ability to work. It looks, however, post-Brexit, as though Civil Service employees, for example, will have to have British nationality. For those not born in the North and not automatically treated as British by virtue of a birth certificate, that presents a significant challenge.”
“<BR /> <BR />Many of the rights that we have now come to take for granted, such as the right to parental leave or the guarantee of equal pay regardless of race, gender or religion, have been in place because of EU directives. The Irish protocol gave us a promise that leaving the EU would not automatically mean losing those things. An example of that is the fact that annex 1 of the protocol includes EU directives on equal treatment in the workplace.”
“I support the motion. According to the British Government, the Internal Market Bill will prevent further divergence between the North and Britain. Many would argue that that is something that Brexit itself has made inevitable. Setting aside the fact that we are operating in a contested territory with a history of conflict and competing narratives and that our systems are intrinsically different from those in Britain, one obvious issue on which the North is already in stark contrast to the UK is on the provision of rights. We are at a rights deficit compared with Britain. We do not have a single equality Act in the North and have relied on the EU for most of our rights protections until this point. Given how rights were denied and distributed in the past, that is a sensitive subject, and protections are powerful.”
“Minister, thank you for your answer. Although on paper there is a 10·8% decrease in the median time taken for a case to be dealt with, in reality, for most Crown Court cases, the average reduction was only from 866 to 861 days, which is not much of an improvement for victims. Will the Minister take steps to ensure a significant improvement in these case times?”
“Will the Minister commit to adding the B47 to the gritting schedule? This is a rural road that connects rural communities in Cranagh and Plumbridge with services in Draperstown and Magherafelt in my constituency. At various points throughout most winters, the road becomes totally inaccessible, leaving people rurally isolated.”
“Minister, can you give us an outline of how EU-related matters of interest to the North and the whole island of Ireland will be taken forward by the North/South Ministerial Council?”
“Thank you for your answer, Minister. Can you give us some assurance to those parents who are concerned and do not think that their child should be returning to school, that there will not be a penalty and that you will deal with each case on a case-by-case basis and treat the parents with sensitivity and flexibility?”
“We all have a duty to call out racism when we see it and to act together to create a society built on justice and respect that treats everyone equally. The Executive have to demonstrate that they have zero tolerance for racism here.”
“The absence of ethnic monitoring means that we lack data relating to the presence of black and ethnic minorities in government and industry. If you do not have the full picture, it is difficult to address the issues. <BR /> <BR />In recent times, much has been made of how this is a decade of centenaries. We are also in the middle of the UN's International Decade for People of African Descent, which we should honour in the Chamber. What better legacy could we have than creating a society where racism was nothing more than a horrible memory? For anyone who is brave enough to leave their home to make a life elsewhere, far from family and the surroundings that they are used to, Ireland should be a warm and welcoming shore.”
“Yet, in the North, we have less protection for victims of racism than anywhere else in these islands. We need to address this. We need the implementation of stronger hate crime legislation, the report on which we await. This legislation must tackle institutional racism at its core and should be based on international best practice. It needs to be clear in people's minds that bullying on the basis of race is a crime that carries a penalty and that it is unacceptable before the law here. Supplementary to this, we require affirmative action to ensure proper representation of black, Asian, and minority ethnic communities in our public sector and on the boards that make decisions. We should be, as part of this strategy, properly furnishing the groups who represent these communities with the resources that they require.”
“It states that, in view of its consequences, it requires from the authorities:”
“We can dismiss this as something that happened far, far away across the Atlantic, but the reality is that racism is experienced on these shores every day as well. Countless accounts of members of black and ethnic minority communities who have made their home here have told the same stories of verbal and physical abuse, of remarks and messages from behind a keyboard. <BR /> <BR />In a 2018 life and times survey, in answer to a question about whether there was more racial prejudice in the North now than 40 years ago, 41% of respondents said that there was more now. That is not acceptable. The European Court of Human Rights describes racial discrimination as:”
“In a year unlike any other, in the middle of a global pandemic, we watched the fallout of the deadly virus called racism in America as the murder, in cold blood, of George Floyd on a Minneapolis street played out on our televisions and our timelines. People took to the streets, again. A few years ago, on a holiday in the Deep South of America, I stood outside the Lorraine Motel, and I felt the sadness of what had happened there overcome me. That the children and grandchildren of the freedom riders, the marchers and the students who staged sit-ins in diners still have to walk behind placards in their bid to be treated with decency and respect is beyond belief. It is shameful that, in 2020, because of the colour of your skin, protest is still required to live a life free of harassment and bullying.”
“It grows under shadows, fed by hatred and intolerance and shrouded in secrecy. It is allowed to fester only when it goes unchallenged. As we in the North of Ireland are no strangers to, when discrimination becomes institutionalised, and when it is practised by those who make and enforce the law, it is legitimised.”