Emma Sheerin
Mid Ulster · Sinn Féin · Northern Ireland
“Given what we have seen unfold across the North in recent weeks, it is important that we acknowledge that they are people with particular vulnerabilities who are particularly sensitive and, with that in mind, consider our language.”
“No, I will not give way. You have rambled on for long enough in this place. <BR /> <BR />When it comes to the early clauses of the Bill, I, like others, put on the record our appreciation of the work of Geraldine Hanna and our support for the intent of Part 1 of the Bill, which puts the role that she has been carrying out impeccably thus…”
“I thank the Minister for clarifying that immigration is an excepted matter, which means that it is the responsibility of the British Government and nothing to do with the House.”
“On a point of order, Mr Speaker. Members will be aware that the DUP and some of its lackeys in the UUP cynically used petitions of concern, two weeks ago, to block rights for children.”
“I welcome the opportunity to speak at the Second Stage of the Victims and Witnesses of Crime Bill. I am proud to be from a party that consistently supports the best available human rights advice on all matters.”
“For many years, Donaldson used his position of power to abuse and to escape justice. He presented himself as a role model. We now know that that was bogus and that his public persona was a deception.”
The complete record
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“Families, mothers, brothers, fathers and daughters growing up as an "other" or feeling the constant need to justify their identity is not acceptable in any 21st-century society, and, given the history of Ireland, it is certainly not acceptable here. <BR /> <BR />As recently as 2018, the British Government exacerbated the hurt felt by the very people who they called upon to rebuild their country when they needed help by criminalising an entire generation of immigrants from the West Indies in a debacle that has now become known as the Windrush scandal. <BR /> <BR />Racism, like any form of prejudice, is a mould.”
“<BR /> <BR />We need to acknowledge the blight of racism and the very real and lasting impact that it has on the lives of many in our community. Racism thrives where it is not challenged, where people turn a blind eye to insults and derogatory remarks. Violent attacks and vandalism are the symptoms; hatred and intolerance are the cancers that cause them. Racism is not an arbitrary pie-in-the-sky notion that exists in books and films and stops there. It is 100% true that it should have been relegated to the dustbin of history long ago — it was not right then either — but it has not been. It impacts real people today.”
“I rise today to urge Members to support the motion, to send a clear and unequivocal message to the population of the North that racism is a scourge that the representatives in this Chamber take seriously and will act with urgency to stamp out. Sinn Féin believes in a society that cherishes equality and respect as central tenets, a society free of discrimination in all its forms. The House must send a resounding signal that we have zero tolerance of racism here. <BR /> <BR />We tabled the motion to prioritise the updating and implementation of a racial equality strategy. In 2016, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination called on the Executive of the day to adopt comprehensive anti-discrimination legislation without further delay, yet the racial equality strategy of 2015 has never been properly implemented.”
“in relation to our priorities in the next phase of Brexit negotiations. Disregarding the fact that the North voted to Remain, the fact that, three months ago, the Assembly voted to support a motion calling on the British to extend the transition period has been ignored. Just last week, they actually admitted publicly to their intention to break international law. <BR /> <BR />Considering all the important commitments that the British Government are not honouring, it is nothing short of absurd to me that we are standing here today discussing flags.”
“<BR /> <BR />We have been waiting for 22 years for a bill of rights for the North, and, in our Ad Hoc Committee, we still have members questioning the merits of creating one. Two pages before the paragraph on flag regulations in NDNA, the British Government commit to:”
“I thank the Member for his input. I am coming on to the fact that the British Government have got other commitments as per NDNA that they have not yet signed up to or implemented. That is why I am saying that the motion is bizarre. <BR /> <BR />With everything that is going on around us right now, ensuring the increased flying of a flag seems like a strange item to put at the top of the agenda. Of course, the virus that is Brexit is still trundling along in the background of our new normal, and given the British Government's failures to honour their commitments as set out in NDNA, as in previous agreements, it is a damning indictment that this is something that they are choosing to prioritise.”
“If we are honest with ourselves, anyone can see from a quick walk around this Building or the estate — indeed, around this city — that there is no shortage of British imperialism reflected in architecture, statues and memorials and even in street names. <BR /> <BR />In the current context, the motion is at best bizarre and inappropriate and at worst insulting. We are in the middle of a global pandemic in which thousands are worrying about their business going bust, being made redundant or balancing and managing the threat of COVID with the need to maintain employment and put food on the table.”
“That said, respect is an important commodity, and the North of Ireland is contested territory. The dominance of one community over another should be left in the past. It is our belief that there should be parity of esteem for British and Irish identities here. We should have neutrality or equality when it comes to flags and emblems; either both or neither. <BR /> <BR />Obviously, that is not something that political unionism is ready to accept. We have seen and heard talk in recent days and weeks hyping up the need for artefacts and memorials to the creation of the state in the lead-up to the centenary of partition.”
“Like most people on a Monday in the middle of a global pandemic, the Union flag is not my top priority. It is fair to say that the Union flag is never my top priority. As Irish republicans, additional flying days for the flag are never going to be something that we, in Sinn Féin, will celebrate. Indeed, the presence of the Union flag above Parliament Buildings and other civic spaces — at one time intimidating to people who identified as Irish and to republicans — is now somewhat tired. <BR /> <BR />I do not feel welcomed when I drive up that hill and I see the red, white and blue flying, but it does not threaten my Irishness. I am confident in my identity. I can be Irish in a place that does not recognise me as such and seeing a Union flag does not take away from that.”
“My question is coming. Events should be inclusive and reflect the very different and conflicting political and historical perspectives of the time, ensuring that the violent sectarian reality of the period is fully referenced and remembered so that lessons can be learned for the future.”
“I thank the Member for his answers so far. I am conscious that Members on the opposite Benches referred to some of the commentary from my party as "offensive". However, the fact is that the process that led to the partition of Ireland was not democratic, and, as such, it is felt by many in the nationalist and republican communities that it was fundamentally unjust. The Six County-state was created in the midst of a frenzy of sectarian violence, and that happened, obviously, on the back of violence, North and South, whilst under threat from the British Government of the day of an immediate and terrible war. In that context, does the Commission agree that it is essential that any and all events marking the centenary of the imposition of partition and the creation of the Six County-state are inclusive and that they reflect the very —.”
“The current arrangements and restrictions on what is considered care need to be revisited. <BR /> <BR />Given the lockdown, family home carers should be given some space to be employed, and what is considered acceptable for care should be relaxed in order to meet the exceptional needs. I commend the motion to the House.”
“<BR /> <BR />From a departmental point of view, allowing people to cope unaided for sustained periods of time will lead to a greater draw on resources in the long term. It is vital that as the rebuilding plans for health and social care services are developed further, the trusts and Department do not follow the same bias that occurred with the onset of the lockdown, where social care and carers became second or third in the list of priorities. The plans for resumption need to add value to the lives of our disabled population and to consider the concerns of carers. Carers need certainty on the resumption of statutory and non-statutory services. I know that it has been asked of the Minister before, but it is important that the issue is given serious consideration.”
“<BR /> <BR />I know families that avoided submitting a request for a care package because of their fears around coronavirus, with furloughed sons, daughters and siblings stepping into the breach during lockdown. These people have not had a break. They were not logging on in their pyjamas to work from home or spending furloughed days catching up on Netflix but were providing a service that they, in most instances, have had no training for. As well as that, the change in routine for those with disabilities is often unsettling and upsetting. The loss of respite services during COVID-19 has been significant. Without respite, families are providing 24-hour, seven-days-a-week care, which is obviously a massive commitment that ultimately can have a hugely negative impact on a person's physical and mental health. Put simply, we all need a break.”
“This pandemic, the consequent lockdown and everything that has gone with it are causes of significant anxiety for us all. For anyone suffering from an illness or living with a disability, the threat of COVID-19 is particularly sinister. <BR /> <BR />As the North went into lockdown, the impact of the sudden closure and the withdrawal of services on those who depend upon them was extremely hard to imagine. So, too, must be the decision to ask a care provider not to come into the home or to decline parts of a care package because of concerns around COVID-19. I know of constituents for whom carers became part of the family. Relationships build between the carer and the individual, and, when the arrangement is successful, it becomes an organic, natural, supportive situation; a friendship as opposed to a work arrangement.”
“Families are responsible for an employee, someone who is carrying out the care of their loved one, and so the usual stress of ensuring that their relative is being looked after appropriately can be compounded by worries about sick days or payslips. That has been magnified in recent times with concerns about the procurement of PPE or the securing of a COVID-19 test. I know from my experience of working with constituents on these matters that no two cases are ever identical, but the crux of the issue is the same: everyone wants the best for their loved one. <BR /> <BR />A recent report estimated that some 310,000 people in the North are caring for someone and that over 98,000 people became carers during lockdown. Those people are at the heart of today's debate.”
“<BR /> <BR />It is worth remembering that care within the home is disproportionately the responsibility of women, and a study carried out by Carers UK in 2019 told us that 69% of female carers in the North of Ireland were unpaid. Of those claiming carer's allowance in the North in 2017, 68% were female. The same study demonstrated the financial and emotional impacts of the role, with respondents acknowledging what they miss out on and saying that they had suffered stress, anxiety and poor mental health as a result of their responsibilities, which are often in addition to work and relationship commitments. <BR /> <BR />Of course, there are also many challenges with direct payment care packages.”
“No one in the Chamber would argue against an equal standard of living for those in society who live with a disability. However, it is not enough to simply state that we want to see people with disabilities treated equally; we have to act and we have to put in place the measures that will allow disabled people to live equally. <BR /> <BR />During lockdown, life changed for everyone, but the needs of those who require care remained the same, meaning that it was the carers, in most instances, who had to adapt. Caring for someone, particularly for a loved one with whom you share a home, is not a job that can be shrugged off and left at the back door in the evening; it is a vocation and something that not all of us are cut out to do.”
“I thank the Minister for his statement. How many meetings of Ministers, North and South, have occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic? Has the memorandum of understanding proved beneficial between both Administrations?”
“Yes. That is exactly my point. We do not want to see anyone excluded, but we want to make sure that everyone is included, particularly those in the sheep and beef sector who have not been mentioned.”
“Those figures highlight the importance of our farming industry as part of our wider economy and reiterate the need for support to keep farms viable. We need to see help being delivered fairly and equitably, so that everyone has the means to continue as we make our way out of the pandemic. In response to earlier comments, I say that it is Sinn Féin's view that no one be excluded, and we want to see everyone included.”
“The current context of COVID-19 has highlighted the importance of local food production and food security here at home, so the impending exit from the EU and what that means for food importation is a constant worry for local farmers and should be a worry for all of us. <BR /> <BR />Greater support for small farms has more environmental benefits than supporting large, intensive farming practices, particularly in the hills, where land management and biodiversity are important. <BR /> <BR />In a recent presentation to the Agriculture Committee here, the LMC highlighted the fact that the beef and sheep meat processing sector employs over 5,000 people in the North. In 2017, its annual turnover was in excess of £1·3 billion.”
“Of course, lockdown happened just as many farmers were in the middle of lambing or calving, something for which working from home is not an option. <BR /> <BR />The challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and Brexit have put unprecedented pressure on the agri-food sector. It is impossible to expect the sector or, indeed, any other organisation to deal with both challenges simultaneously. Recently, we saw the passing of the British Agriculture Bill, when the Tory Government rejected amendments to the Bill that would have ensured that food imported internationally had to meet the standards that farmers in the North are expected to maintain.”
“Yet, rising costs and falling prices mean that farm income at the end of the year is non-existent, while the other sectors that support the farmer, such as the machinery agents, the feed producers and those selling the fuel, continue to turn a profit, and rightly so. The farmer should also see an income following his or her hard work. <BR /> <BR />Most hill, sheep and beef farmers did not avail themselves of the British Government's self-employed business interruption scheme, because, without subsidy, they barely break even each year, and 80% of nothing is still nothing. The UFU has highlighted the fact that, in the first three weeks of March, prime lamb deadweight price was £4·80 a kilo and that it dropped immediately to £4·15 a kilo, once the lockdown was announced.”
“Approximately 20,000 farmers are classified as cattle and sheep producers. The 2018 figures show that they represented more than 25% of the gross output of farms. We also know that income has decreased substantially in less-favoured areas for hill farmers. <BR /> <BR />I want to reflect on a statement that my dad told me about at the weekend. It was reportedly quoted by a neighbour he had grown up with who had had to come home from America to look after the family farm even though his heart was not really in it. He said that at that time, which was years ago, "Farming is a curious practice. One can work for 12 months consecutively, show a considerable loss and still possess the will to continue". For me, that about sums it up. These people produce something that none of us could live without: food, the energy to live.”
“<BR /> <BR />The statistics for the North reflect the dominance of agriculture in the rural economy here. There are nearly 25,000 farms in the North of Ireland supporting over 48,000 jobs. Agriculture here has an annual turnover of £4·5 billion and makes up 1·7% of the North's gross value added compared with just 0·5% across the UK as a whole. The industry accounts for 2·5% of employment in the North, more than double the UK-wide level of 1·1%. The North of Ireland is more reliant on agriculture and the agri-food industry than any other area in the UK. Within those statistics, we see that 90% of farms derive two thirds or more of their total standard output from grazing livestock, including 10% that are classified as dairy farms and 79% that are cattle and sheep farms.”
“As I have spoken about at length in the Chamber before, I have a particular interest in the sector, coming from a farming family. Just last week, my colleague Declan McAleer and I joined Sinn Féin TDs Claire Kerrane and Matt Carthy, from Roscommon and Monaghan respectively, in a Facebook Live session focusing on rural issues. We were inundated with questions from rural dwellers the length and breadth of the country, and, although the accents changed, the issues were the same. We heard from farmers who were worried about Brexit, people who asked what provisions would be made for beef and lamb producers in the wake of COVID-19 and poultry farmers who were concerned about avian flu. Those producers are united in their acknowledgement of government intervention in their livelihoods.”
“Does the Member agree with me that many farmers missed out on the self-employment scheme because they invested their income back into their farms, for example in buying farm machinery and doing necessary works to the farm, which then meant that they did not have enough profit to avail of the scheme?”
“We are not in favour of blocking the ability of people in crisis to make the decision that they feel is best for them just because other people are uncomfortable with it. The motion would undermine the regulations in totality, by stealth, and Sinn Féin is completely opposed to that. It is 2020, and women here must be afforded modern healthcare in this area, as a right. There can be no further delays. We have waited long enough. I urge Members to support the amendment.”
“I thank the Member for his comment. I am a Sinn Féin representative, and, as such, I speak for Sinn Féin. <BR /> <BR />To serve disabled people properly, we need to build infrastructure that is totally accessible. We need to have inclusivity to properly service section 75 obligations across all public-sector bodies and to raise awareness of the issues that face less-able people in their daily life. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin does not believe that a non-fatal foetal abnormality is an appropriate criterion for an abortion. Our party position, mandated by our party membership, has a modern and compassionate approach to healthcare at its core. That is why we are opposed to the DUP motion. We do not support the DUP's cynical attempt to attack the entire body of human rights-compliant healthcare for women.”
“That leaves women in limbo. Sinn Féin wants to see an end to that. We want to see a proper, safe, legal service for anyone in crisis, whatever their story. We also acknowledge the work of disability campaigners, such as Heidi Crowter. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin wants to see a fair and just society. We want to see an end to all injustices, both deliberate, state-led, institutionalised discrimination, of the kind which is being talked about at the minute worldwide, and the societal prejudices that are held by people who think that they are doing nothing wrong. It is only when that is called out that the legitimisation of such views is halted, and Sinn Féin will continue to do that.”
“For us not to have been able to do that is a shame but, when a right is delayed, it is denied. It is for this reason that we supported the regulations that came into force in the North at the end of March. We welcomed the decriminalisation of women. People in already difficult circumstances were being punished, which added untold trauma to the lives of thousands of women who lived in fear of being found out for what they had done. <BR /> <BR />I wrote to the Minister of Health asking that the regulations as set out by the British Government are implemented and properly funded by the Department of Health locally, so as to see a fully commissioned service across all five healthcare trusts here. The Health Minister has abdicated his responsibilities on this issue, failing to give clear direction to the health trusts that adheres to the law.”
“Young girls were abandoned by their families and sent away to Magdalene laundries in a whirlwind of secrecy and shame. Mass graves containing the remains of unnamed babies demonstrate the regard in which life was held by some in the Church. Women who could afford it were exploited by illegal abortionists in backstreet rooms masquerading as clinics, and a blind eye was turned to their plight so as not to upset appearances. <BR /> <BR />There is not a family in Ireland that this has not touched. It is only when a person finds themselves in a position of desperation that they know what they would do. That people in crisis situations here are still not able to receive treatment at home is not good enough. We, in Sinn Féin, would have liked to see abortion services delivered across Ireland by legislators here in Ireland.”
“As a representative from a political party, I have been lobbied by and engaged with people on all sides of the argument. It is an incredibly sensitive and emotive topic, and none of us knows what any other person has lived through or the experiences that they have had that have shaped the position that they hold. To simply dismiss people who are uncomfortable with the legalisation of termination as backwards or regressive is not helpful. This debate requires sensitivity, empathy and respect. Ultimately, it is about healthcare. <BR /> <BR />The past is shameful enough and must be left in the past. Generations of pregnant Irish women and girls were treated with disdain for the crime of being pregnant and shunned even in their own homes, villages and towns.”
“Sinn Féin supports abortion in instances of fatal foetal abnormalities, for victims of sexual crime and for anyone whose life or health, including their mental health, is in danger. Our party policy states that any gestational time limit should be set according to the advice of medical practitioners, which is what guided the legislation in the Twenty-six Counties. Sinn Féin's amendment today is merely an expression of that party policy. <BR /> <BR />In the lead-up to the referendum, I canvassed in Cavan, Monaghan and Donegal and spoke to people on doorsteps about how they would be voting. Indeed, since the change to our party policy at an Ard Fheis preceding the referendum, I have had many conversations with voters, former voters and potential voters about the issue of abortion.”
“Abortion is an incredibly sensitive topic that has divided Irish society, and indeed societies across the world, for a long time. Many are uncomfortable with the issue. Only after years of dialogue and a willingness to understand the hurt and pain dealt with by generations of Irish women in crisis situations did we see the conditions whereby over 66% of voters in the Twenty-six Counties chose to repeal the eighth amendment from the Irish Constitution. This tells us that the public understands the need for safe and compassionate abortion services for women. Following on from this, our members in the Oireachtas Committee supported the recommendations of the clinicians and implemented the current abortion legislation in the Twenty-six.”
“When the eighth amendment was repealed in the South just over two years ago, Sinn Féin activists were at the heart of the campaign. The movement that drove for repeal was a broad church. Sinn Féin members took their place and organised just as we would on any other campaign for social justice.”
“It is the political activism that I have been involved in as a member that I am most proud of. As has been well documented, Sinn Féin activists have been on the ground delivering food parcels to those most in need over the course of the coronavirus pandemic. That was made possible, in most instances, by my comrade Minister Deirdre Hargey, who has been a fantastic advocate for communities since she took on her role in the Executive team just six short months ago. In the midst of this health crisis, we have been involved in our respective communities on local initiatives, from litter picks to sponsored walks, demonstrating leadership and lifting spirits in what has been a tough time for everyone. We continue to drive the little things that make big improvements in the places that we call home. That is what we do; it is activism.”
“The DUP motion today is an attempt to undermine any and all abortion provision in the North. We in Sinn Féin oppose the DUP's attack on women's reproductive rights, and we oppose the DUP's attempt to undermine our right to modern healthcare. The amendment that we have tabled would see a refining of the law to offer abortion services in the North mirrored with the services that we already have in the Twenty-six Counties. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin is not just a parliamentary party; we are a political movement, and we decide policy as a collective with membership having a say on every decision. That is democracy, and it is one of the things that first inspired me when I joined Sinn Féin.”
“Housing lists in small rural villages are not always a true depiction or reflection of reality, because when people are applying for housing and told that there is none available in their locality, they pick somewhere five, six or 10 miles down the road. <BR /> <BR />If you are not lucky enough to inherit a site, have a site for which you can get planning permission or to have the thousands that are required to build a home, you have to stick it out. That is unfair. We have discussed the lack of housing. The reclassification would leave the Executive funding the entire new build programme, which potentially reduces the number of new builds from over 1,800 to 900. In rural areas, we need more building, not less. For that reason, I support the Bill.”
“I support the Bill. As a rural representative in an area in which young people, in particular, struggle to get their feet on the property ladder, I support the Bill's intention to avoid the halving of the social housing programme. We have had over 10 years of austerity. Prices keep rising; wages do not. More and more people are finding that their grown-up children are still living with them as they approach their thirties and, indeed, in their thirties. I know, because I am one of them. <BR /> <BR />In rural areas, a lack of building in small towns and villages means that most people have only two options: move to where there is affordable housing or wait it out.”
“<BR /> <BR />In the North of Ireland, where our freedom fighters and civil rights organisations were inspired by the demonstrations by the American civil rights movement of the '60s, we stand in solidarity with those whose struggle for equality is ongoing. As a child of the '90s, I am lucky that the freedoms that were fought for here in the '60s and '70s have allowed me to live a life without harassment, but it is deeply unsettling to see that, in America, where freedom riders and marchers staged sit-ins and took the same brave stand, their children's children are not afforded the same luxuries. Ar dheis Dé go raibh sé.”
“I echo some of the comments that have been made around the Chamber. We need to be careful about how the narrative of what happened has been portrayed. George Floyd's death is not the first to be captured on a smartphone and beamed around the world through social media. Such events in themselves are tragedies. Systemic racism, not just one bad apple in an institution, caused his death. Systemic racism, like any form of discrimination, is the disease that hurts not only those who feel the blatant and explicit brutality, but those who have to suffer the comments, jokes and narrative that are made and legitimised by action such as that which happened to George Floyd.”
“I am glad to hear you say that engagement is ongoing North and South. Obviously, there are a number of people who live on either side of the border who would, in ordinary circumstances, cross it on a daily basis. Can I assume that there is a plan to continue interaction between North and South?”
“I thank the Ministers for what is a sensible and thought-out approach. I note that the strategy recognises the reality and importance of Ireland as a single epidemiological unit. How will that strategy maximise the opportunity and obvious advantage?”
“Data on farm income revealed that dairy farmers and cattle and sheep farmers had the lowest average farm-business income in 2017-18 across all the devolved regions. Given that that was the case even when they were in receipt of EU direct payments, the cessation of payments does not bear thinking about. The rule is necessary to provide some certainty for our farmers as we plot our way through the uncertainty ahead.”
“The Government in the South of Ireland invest more heavily in agriculture than the UK Government. A number of weeks ago, I spoke at length about areas of natural constraint (ANC) payments. Those have been scrapped in the North, while the South has increased them to €250 million for this year. It is vital that we retain and enhance our share of the CAP budget to help mitigate trade distortion across the island. Sheep in Glenties in Donegal are no different from sheep in Glenullin in County Derry. <BR /> <BR />Ivor Ferguson, the president of the UFU, recently stated:”
“Sinn Féin wants to see our own primary legislation evolve from that consultation. We have an opportunity in this mandate to look at having an agriculture Bill that is designed to cater for and best serve our all-Ireland economy.”
“That engagement exercise by the Department received 1,200 responses from across the North, a sizeable number made all the more significant when you consider the rural areas across the North with little to no broadband provision.”
“Central to achieving those objectives is that direct payments remain an essential part of CAP, unlike the English draft policy, which phases out direct payments. It will be for a Minister to decide future agricultural support here in the North. I am aware that schedule 6 will provide the legal basis to continue direct support for farmers after this calendar year. Also, according to the Treasury statement, while the North will receive £279 million for 2020-21, it is not clear how much money will be allocated for direct payments for farmers beyond that date. <BR /> <BR />Sinn Féin responded to the Department's 2018 discussion document on a future agriculture framework.”