Sian Mulholland
North Antrim · Alliance Party · Northern Ireland
“Members from different parties recognised that our justice system must continue to evolve and continue to have children, young people and victims at its heart. What, we know, works to reduce offending and create safer communities has that support. <BR /> <BR />Not every contribution reflected that approach.”
“I will use my final Member's statement before recess to reflect on the work of the Ten is Too Young Coalition and all those who have worked so passionately to increase the minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR), including Voice of Young People in Care, the Children's Law Centre, NIACRO, the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Childre…”
“We so often hear calls in the Chamber for legislation that is evidence-led, data-driven and compliant with our human rights obligations. Those are principles that I wholeheartedly support, but they cannot be principles that are applied only when they are convenient. Children's rights are human rights too.”
“<BR /> <BR />The triggering of the petition of concern mechanism was a misuse of a mechanism that was designed to protect minority rights. Here it is, blocking change designed to protect those who are most vulnerable.”
“Safeguarding falls within your remit, Minister. We know that, but we also know that it is the responsibility of each and every one of us. That is part of the Children (Northern Ireland) Order 1995. Faith-based counselling is not subject to the same regulation as other clinical counselling services.”
“Thank you, Minister. I am glad to hear you say that the role played by social workers is "complex and challenging". From what I hear from those who have contacted me, social workers are stretched to capacity. What is the Department doing to address that?”
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“There are still deep issues of hurt within its structures, with which I and many others struggle, and questions that remain unanswered for many people, but Pope Francis never shied away from acknowledging those hard truths. His leadership taught us that real faith requires honesty, humility and a willingness to listen and to change. Throughout his papacy, Pope Francis called us to face not just the internal challenges of the Church but the wider suffering in our world. He named the pandemic of poverty for what it is — a moral emergency — and he urged all of us, including people of faith and people of none, to place the most vulnerable at the heart of our actions. That is something that we all could live with. <BR /> <BR />Perhaps what touched me most personally was his unwavering message of inclusion.”
“It is with great sadness that I rise to mark the passing of Pope Francis — a leader whose compassion and courage changed lives, including my own and that of my family. For many years, I felt very distant from the Church: I struggled with its failings and questioned whether it still had a place in my life. However, through the example set by Pope Francis during his papacy, his humility and his focus on social justice, love and mercy, I found my way back to my faith over the past decade. Now, I attend Mass weekly with my young family. That has become a source of great comfort and grounding for us; it is something that I once thought would never be part of our lives again. For that, I will be forever grateful. <BR /> <BR />That is not to say that the Church is perfect, or that I believe it to be so: far from it.”
“Thank you, Minister. I apologise for missing the first part of your answer. Would your Department consider putting in place any capital funds, particularly for smaller rural schools? I should have declared an interest as a parent of children who were impacted on by the school closures. Two of my children go to a school that was closed in Ballycastle. Rural schools might not necessarily have large security infrastructure and have very open sites. Will there be a capital fund for those schools?”
“I thank the Minister for giving way. Minister, what would you say to those disability campaigners who say that they feel really aggrieved at the conflation of tackling fraud and disability benefit cuts? They would say to you that they are absolutely aware that there is a fraud problem in the welfare system, but when one looks at disability benefits, the figure is less than 0·2% of the entire budget, so it is less likely that someone is defrauding the system through claiming disability benefits. To conflate the two is therefore pretty offensive.”
“Thank you so much, Minister. That was comprehensive and really useful. Is your Department doing any work with employers to encourage inclusive workplaces that will be more useful for disabled people to come into?”
“We need a focus on progressive means of generating more revenue for public services, particularly increasing taxes on the superwealthy, which is one of the reasons why I cannot support the DUP amendment, which takes that out. We need to send a clear signal from the Assembly that Northern Ireland will not be punished for needing support. I return to my first question: what kind of society do we want to be?”
“I wholeheartedly agree with that. That is the point I am making. When we look for investment in the health service, occupational health, mental health services or employment programmes, we find that we are not getting any of it. If the amendment that the SDLP proposes is not just about a mitigation package that takes money out of our Budget but is a holistic package, which is what we need and ask for, I am slightly less concerned about it. At the minute, our priority is to find out and get detailed figures on what this is going to cost and the impact that it will have. <BR /> <BR />We need a different path and a rejection of this Government's punitive approach. We need a UK-wide commission to shape real, compassionate solutions to economic inactivity amongst disabled people.”
“Yes. Quickly, Sinéad. I have points to make.”
“According to Carers UK, 150,000 unpaid carers could lose PIP and carer's allowance. <BR /> <BR />I am using UK stats, Mr Deputy Speaker, because we simply do not know right now what impact this is going to have on Northern Ireland. We have absolutely no figures at our disposal at the moment that will say there are x number of people who will be disadvantaged in Northern Ireland and it will cost x amount of money to mitigate it. That is one of the reasons why I have a wee bit of concern about the SDLP amendment. We simply do not know how much mitigations will cost right now. Especially given the situation that we are in, it is hard to sign up to something so vague until we have the figures in place. <BR /> <BR />What I want from this motion today is for us —.”
“The crisis is particularly stark in specialities such as orthopaedics, dermatology and mental health services, including child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS). Therefore, when we talk about the impact of cutting disability benefits and pushing people off welfare, in a place where they cannot even get the healthcare that they need, it is not simply unjust, it is unworkable. Let us be clear about who this hits the hardest. According to the Resolution Foundation, across the UK, 3·2 million families will lose an average of £1,720 a year. A household with a disabled person and a full-time carer could lose £10,300, and the poorest half of working-age households will become £500 poorer. According to the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 250,000 people, including 50,000 children, will be pushed into poverty.”
“The financial reality does not stack up either. The Disability Policy Centre found that, from 2016 to 2021, disability benefit cuts were meant to save £18 billion, but they saved £800 million. For this current package, which Labour claims will save close to £5 billion, a third-best-case model puts savings at £100 million, just 2% of the billions that Labour says that it will save. Meanwhile, projected losses — to name a few — come from the appeals and admin costs, £400 million; the increased NHS and social care demand, £1·2 billion; and lost consumer spending, £500 million. Those figures come directly from the Disability Policy Centre's data.”
“It is a false promise; it is pressure without partnership and, frankly, it is a disgrace.”
“<BR /> <BR />The Green Paper makes it crystal clear that we in Northern Ireland are being asked to bear the burden but will not share in the benefits. We are expected to implement all the cuts to PIP, carer's allowances and the health element of universal credit, but we will see none of the direct investment in employment supports that is being promised for GB in the package of measures. In the Green Paper, there is talk about 1,000 new work coaches, massive investment in NHS occupational health and programmes to work directly with employers to create more inclusive work places: all of that is being designed, trialled and funded in England. In Northern Ireland, we are being offered all the pain and zero gain. We are expected to cut support while our health system is in crisis. We have just had a debate that outlined that in its entirety.”
“Frankly, the job market is not exactly productive. <BR /> <BR />When the Government say that this is about getting people into work, we in Northern Ireland especially have to ask these questions: where are the jobs that will accommodate fluctuating health conditions? Where is the transport system that gets you to a job if you have a disability, particularly in a rural area? Where is the help for employers to make reasonable adjustments or even to understand what a "reasonable adjustment" means? Áine from Carers NI said in the meeting that we had before the debate that, if you want to get people into work, you should get the entire infrastructure right before you start cutting their benefits.”
“<BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland will be hit especially hard. We have already said that we have the highest economic inactivity rate in the UK: 26·6% of all people aged 16 to 64. Over 120,000 people here are long-term sick, which is nearly 40% of inactive working-age adults. It worries me that part of my constituency falls in the Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council area, which is one of the areas highlighted in Ulster University's January 2024 report as having some of the highest levels of economic inactivity among working-age men and women anywhere in Northern Ireland. The reasons for that are not that hard to find. There are higher rates of disability and mental ill health, and the legacy of the Troubles continues to shape trauma, poor outcomes, poverty and poor infrastructure, especially in rural areas such as mine.”
“<BR /> <BR />There is a man in his 50s who lives on his own outside Ballymoney. He has chronic pain and arthritis, which he has had for years. He cannot work, not because he does not want to but because his body simply cannot let him. Right now, he gets PIP and the health element of universal credit, but, under the new rules, he will be reassessed, and, because he does not meet the criteria to get four points in one element, he will lose up to £9,000 a year. Nine and a half grand: that is his heating, his groceries and his lift to the GP, but it will be gone. He does not have family nearby, and he lives alone. That is the state telling him that he is no longer sick enough to be deserving of support. He has not changed, and his pain has not changed, but the system has and is leaving him behind.”
“Since the changes were announced, having been leaked through rumours and conjecture, people have been phoning my constituency office in tears through lack of sleep and the fear and worry that have been caused. There is a single mother in Ballymena who cares for her disabled son. She gave up her career to care for the most important person in her world — her words. The carer's allowance did not just cover costs but gave her the breathing room to be fully present for him in order to build their life around his needs. Now, a bureaucratic change to his PIP assessment means that that support could be taken away as soon as he turns 18. She has not stopped caring, and he has not stopped being disabled, but the state may no longer recognise either of them. She is not backed up; she is left behind.”
“The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) tells us that 800,000 people will lose money from PIP, nearly half of those through reassessments. That is not reform; it is a step backwards, plain and simple. It is being landed on the shoulders of the most vulnerable, the people who already struggle to get by. <BR /> <BR />I am particularly incredulous about the fact that those policies are not being delivered by the Tory Governments of years gone by, whose Administrations became a byword for austerity and cruelty. They are being delivered by a Labour Government who came to power promising a new progressive approach but ignored the options for taxing wealth and opted instead to raise money off the back of those who can least afford it. <BR /> <BR />I want to be specific about what that will look like in my constituency.”
“<BR /> <BR />Let us remind ourselves of what is being proposed in the Government's 'Pathways to Work' Green Paper. If you are disabled and receive the personal independence payment (PIP), which is the benefit that is meant to help you with the additional costs of your disability, you may soon be told that you no longer qualify. Your condition and your needs may not have changed, but, under the new criteria, you no longer tick the right boxes. PIP is an equity payment, and removing that from some of our most vulnerable will breed inequity and injustice, and it does not stop there. Losing PIP means losing so much more than PIP. The person who looks after you at home could lose their carer's allowance. You could lose the health component of universal credit (UC). You could even lose the roof over your head.”
“It is a real honour to propose the motion. I begin the debate with a question that I have been battling with since the publication of the UK Government's Green Paper, 'Pathways to Work': what kind of society do we want to be? If we judge that by how we treat our most vulnerable or how we treat and support our constituents who are sick, disabled, caring for others or living in poverty, I fear that we are heading in the wrong direction. <BR /> <BR />Last week, the Chancellor stood up and promised to do nothing that would put household finances in danger. In the same breath, however, her Government released a plan that, by their own admission, will push a quarter of a million people — that is at the low end of the estimations — into poverty, and 50,000 of those will be children.”
“We are waiting on the anti-poverty strategy and on the fuel poverty strategy, both of which are long overdue, but they cannot ignore the people who are dying. Their needs are urgent and their time is limited, and, too often, they are invisible in policy conversations. <BR /> <BR />Let us be clear: working people who are dying should not be penalised just because they get sick before they reach pension age. It is a matter of compassion. We say clearly that we will not look away. We believe in dignity in death. We support the motion.”
“That is why we call on the Minister to engage directly with the Department for Work and Pensions to push for those changes, which are so greatly needed. Marie Curie's most recent report, to which Mrs Dillon referred, confirms what we already know about the reality: poverty at the end of life is more common now than it was in 2019, while fuel poverty is even more common. Those who are most likely to die in poverty are disabled, female, from a minoritised ethnic background or living in insecure housing. <BR /> <BR />Working-age benefits are already falling short. If the Labour Government proceed with the cuts that they have outlined, terminally ill people could be even more exposed. We know that we have strategies coming.”
“We ask that working-age people who are terminally ill be allowed to access their state pension early, by which we mean not months down the line or after endless form-filling and delays but immediately, when they are told that they are dying. <BR /> <BR />If we could provide financial security when it is needed most, if we could allow families to focus on caring instead of on coping and if we could focus on ending the injustice of people dying in poverty simply because they become ill before they reach a certain age, would that not be something? <BR /> <BR />We are aware that social security is devolved and that Northern Ireland follows the principle of parity with Westminster, sometimes frustratingly.”
“If people had the dignity and support to die at home, warm and cared for, we would not be asking the NHS to pick up the costs of a crisis that we could have prevented. <BR /> <BR />That is what brings us to the motion. We support the motion, which is on something that is so simple and fair, and we thank the Member for proposing it.”
“Their illness increases their need for heat but also wipes out their income. It is a vicious cycle and a cruel one at that. The ways that we pay for heat in Northern Ireland make it worse, with 47% of homes being on electricity prepayment meters and 69% using prepayable gas. That means that, if you cannot afford a top-up, you go without. It is as simple as that, and that is brutal. Self-disconnection is so real. People are living and dying in cold, dark homes not because they want to but because our system does not protect them. That has consequences. Cold homes make pain worse, increase the risk of infections, affect people's mental health and, in the worst cases, hasten death.”
“<BR /> <BR />Many of us in the Chamber are uncomfortable with reducing people to statistics, especially and rightly so when we talk about our friends or members of our community who are terminally ill, but we have to face what the data is telling us. In 2023, we had 800 working-age people in Northern Ireland die in poverty, which is nearly one in four. It is getting worse. Since 2019, the proportion of people who are dying in poverty has increased by almost 7%. <BR /> <BR />Then there is fuel poverty. In 2022, again, the figure for people who were living in fuel poverty was nearly one in four. We know what that looks like. It means that there are people who are often housebound, in pain and using electricity-dependent medical equipment while being unable to stay warm.”
“He had been diagnosed with a terminal illness and wanted to spend his final few days at home surrounded by his family and friends. When she spoke to me, what she remembered most clearly was not the last hug, the final conversation or even the goodbye, it was the bills. She said to me, "We were prepared for the grief. We were not prepared for the cost". They were not deciding how to live well in those final, precious months; they were deciding whether to stay warm or to have dinner. She told me that there were nights when she genuinely wondered whether it would be better for him to be in the hospital, which would be clinical and unfamiliar but at least warm and lit, or at home, surrounded by love but sitting in the cold and dark. What a choice.”
“The reality is that, for far too many people in Northern Ireland who are diagnosed with a terminal illness before they reach pension age, not just the emotional burden of dying but the financial burden of dying in poverty are difficult. It affects not just them. It affects their families, their unpaid carers, their partners, their siblings and their children. It affects the people who are left behind with not just grief but debt and no safety net. For the families of those who are at the end of life, it is not about making ends meet but about making it to the end without fear, shame and hardship. <BR /> <BR />A few weeks ago, a woman came into one of my constituency surgeries. Her husband had recently died. He was just 45 years old.”
“Thank you, Minister. For areas such as Armoy, where planning applications are in place and there is space for development, it is just a really difficult situation. Rural communities are suffering as a result of the lack of waste water infrastructure. What engagement are you having with NI Water, specifically on rural communities, about trying to increase capacity before communities are decimated because people cannot continue to live there?”
“Therefore, I am relieved to hear the comments of the Member. <BR /> <BR />I urge the Minister for Communities to take immediate action to deliver the long-overdue Irish language strategy and not to let it be the case that he is the Minister presiding over a Department that is found wanting for a third time by the courts in not bringing forward the strategy to the Executive. <BR /> <BR />Much like music, which is often said to be the language of our soul, language serves as a bridge to connect our minds, share ideas and express our identities. While the Irish language may be seen by some in our community as a source of division, I argue that it can be a powerful tool for fostering deeper connections with one another.”
“Apologies. I was just amplifying my colleague's succinct sentiment. <BR /> <BR />We have seen the positive examples of language strategies in other countries. In Wales, the Government implemented a long-term strategy to protect and promote Welsh language. The aim is to have a million Welsh speakers by 2050, with measurable targets for language acquisition and use. The Irish language strategy must be similarly ambitious, with clear goals for increasing the number of Irish speakers. <BR /> <BR />We will support the amendment from the UUP, and I appreciate the Member's words, which have definitely reassured me that it is not a case of, "If we talk about the Irish language, we must talk about Ulster Scots". At times, there is a little bit of that. It is very degenerative and can feed into the politicisation of the language.”
“Thank you. <BR /> <BR />"They should just get on with it": I quite like that. That is directed at you, Minister, just in case you did not realise it. <BR /> <BR />We have seen —.”
“It highlights the fact that, despite years of discussion and hours of meetings and contributions, there is still no clear, actionable plan and not even a draft strategy on the table.”
“whom I have spoken to recently, there is hurt, anger and a profound sense of frustration that their language and culture has to be dragged through the courts rather than its being celebrated through the Chamber. By providing a framework for the Irish language, we will be making an explicit commitment to ensuring the rights of Irish speakers in our shared community. The strategy should not only provide for the language but ensure equal access to education, employment and cultural resources for all, especially those from vulnerable or marginalised communities. <BR /> <BR />The concerns raised by Conradh na Gaelige about the development of the strategy or lack thereof are not to be taken lightly.”
“We need to be clear about this: the strategy is not just a nice-to-have but a legal commitment underpinned by various agreements and solidified by the Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022, which enshrined it in law, introducing strategic statutory protections and mandating for its creation. <BR /> <BR />It is an embarrassment that we now see the instigation of yet another legal challenge to the Department regarding the lack of implementation. To be honest, from the Gaeilgeoirí”
“For children, regardless of their background, bilingual education is about more than learning a language. It is an immersion in a vibrant culture where they gain a deep understanding of history, music, literature and identity. In today's globalised world, languages are a valuable currency and attending an Irish-medium school can foster a child's interest in learning Irish and inspire a broader desire to learn other languages, especially as those pathways are built in the brain. <BR /> <BR />The need for an Irish language strategy has never been more pressing. It should be a strategy that not only protects and promotes the language but supports the rights of a minority language.”
“I will focus for a moment on our young people, as I am the party spokesperson for children and young people. I have seen first-hand the many benefits that bilingualism brings to children. I see the positive impact on academic performance, cognitive skills and cultural awareness through having an immersive second language. Those advantages are not limited to Irish language education. Being bilingual in any language offers tremendous benefits to children, particularly in brain development. Bilingualism is a cognitive powerhouse. Studies have shown that bilingual children have stronger problem-solving skills, better multitasking abilities and enhanced memory. I can attest to that from the experience of my household. Bilingual children excel academically and demonstrate greater creativity.”
“Such a strategy has the potential to preserve and promote the Irish language; support the rights of vulnerable communities and minority languages; open the doors further to bilingual education; and to enhance the social, cultural and economic opportunities for all. The impact can be far-reaching and provide benefits not just to the Irish-speaking community but to wider society.”
“I will not speak in Irish because, at the moment, my Irish is confined to my telling my sons to put on their shoes and asking them where their school bags and school jumpers are. I do not think that the Chamber needs to hear that. <BR /> <BR />First, I thank the Members who tabled the motion. It is an issue that I am passionate about: the Irish language is for everyone and should not be feared or seen as a tool to divide. I find it regrettable that, in the past, there have been attempts to use it as a weapon rather than a gift. <BR /> <BR />The strategy would offer the choice to all communities or, should I say, our community as a whole to embrace a language that could belong to everyone.”
“Will we see it before next month? What measures will be put in place to provide support for those who will be left behind as a result of the regulations? Finally, can he update the House on what he has heard is coming down the line from the Department for Work and Pensions?”
“I really appreciate that the Member did not use that as a wee opportunity to mention the very difficult situation that we faced as a result of previous welfare reform. I absolutely agree with him. There was a lot of hope when people heard that Labour was coming into power. I know that I felt hope, particularly after the years of devastating policies from the Tories. There was hope, so what is most devastating is that we have recently seen cut after cut focused on the most vulnerable in our society. I do not think that any MLA, past or present, would want to be seen to justify the attack on and removal of benefits from the most vulnerable. <BR /> <BR />Although I understand that there are cost issues involved and that there is an economic argument being made, I hope that the Minister can give us an update on the anti-poverty strategy.”
“I know what you are going to say, Gerry, but I will allow you to say it.”
“Minister, what are you planning to do about what our most vulnerable people could be facing?”
“I know that what is about to come down the line will be so much worse for the most vulnerable cohort of our community. <BR /> <BR />I have just done away with my speech, because that is the crux of where we are at today. Although the regulations are really welcome, they are not enough. We have to call for a legislative programme that is linked to our anti-poverty strategy, which the Minister has committed to bringing to the Executive by the end of the month. The strategy has to be coupled with investment and support, however, especially if we are looking at cuts that will take from the purse of the most vulnerable. What are we putting in place? For what kind of society are we trying to legislate? The regulations, particularly the benefit cap, will take some of the sting out of the cuts, but what else are we going to do?”
“The Minister has previously told the House about the administrative costs associated with mitigating that cut, but, given what we are facing now, with rising child poverty levels, mitigating it is something that we need to consider, instead of saying that we do not have the money to do so. If we do not have the money now, we will end up paying for the cuts down the line. The Minister has also said that. <BR /> <BR />I had such a heavy heart coming to the Chamber today because of the rumours and conjecture about what our communities are about to face. When we look at the regulations before us and at the costs involved, we can see that they are essential. The mitigations will raise people out of really dire situations, but they are not going to be enough. That is from where my heavy heart comes.”
“Like the Committee Chairperson, however, I regret the fact that there could not have been a longer-term fix rather than another medium-term cliff edge. Although the mitigations are essential, they sadden me. Today was an opportunity to be a bit bolder and help lift people out of poverty by mitigating the worst of Tory austerity cuts and what could regrettably happen in the next couple of hours as a result of Labour cuts. <BR /> <BR />The independent advisory panel on welfare mitigations, led by Les Allamby, presented a comprehensive suite of recommendations aimed at mitigating and alleviating poverty for those most in need. One of the biggest injustices that could have been tackled is the two-child benefit limit. One in 10 children in Northern Ireland — more than 45,000 children — is affected by the policy.”
“I thank the Minister very much for coming to the House to introduce the regulations. I support the draft welfare supplementary payment regulations, and I acknowledge the vital role that those mitigations have played in alleviating financial stress for many families across Northern Ireland. Extending the measures for another three years provides an element of stability, as stated by the Chair, amid the particular ongoing economic challenges, which, we know, our community faces. I thank the Minister for that.”
“<BR /> <BR />Northern Ireland will be disproportionately impacted on by the cuts. Anything that comes about needs to have people at the centre of it. If we are looking at welfare reform as a way to save money, we are forgetting that the people at the heart of those benefits and support systems already face barriers in their everyday life. I urge every party in the House to back anything that we can do to put pressure on Westminster not to go through with some of the rumoured cuts that we are hearing about. In this House, we must do everything that we absolutely can within our power to show that we are a society that values people, regardless of their disability, who need dignity in their everyday life just to have a basic standard of living. I urge everybody to support that.”
“Northern Ireland has the highest rate of people claiming disability benefits and the highest prevalence of mental ill health in the UK. We have healthcare and support systems that are clearly overwhelmed and cannot support those people. Cutting support to those who are in need of money and resources to help them live a basic quality of life is, frankly, shameful. <BR /> <BR />We see the narrative that people who claim the personal independence payment (PIP) are wasters or dossers who need to get back to work. The reality is that PIP is a working benefit. People who claim PIP can also already be in work. I have constituents who use their PIP money to get taxis to work because they cannot walk or drive owing to their disabilities. To cut that would be to cut their lifeline.”
“I rise ahead of the statement that is to be made in Westminster this afternoon by the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions on disability welfare cuts. To be honest, I have had more contact over the last week about rumours and conjecture about what a Minister might or might not say than anything else that I have experienced before. Constituents were ringing my office on Monday morning, crying down the phone, not having slept all weekend because of the rumours that came out on Friday night. That was at a time when people who are on benefits could not ring for advice or get answers to their questions about what had been leaked and talked about on the news. As yet, we still wait for answers. <BR /> <BR />It is a false economy to cut benefits to those who are most vulnerable in our society without a security net below them.”